Newspaper Page Text
We hope they may never stand ia need
of our assistance ; but if they ever should
they shall find that the wh'gs have not
forgotten the proceedings of Friday
nig) it.”
Finn t! e Worcester Pa’ladium.
Wight mid Right, tVca th autl Poverty.
First Scene : The Western States of
the American Union are, at this moment,
literally one great granary of Agricultu
ral products, for which there is no outlet,
liecause there is no demand. The sur
plus produce is said to be enormous; pri
ces low ; money scarce ; and conse
quently trade and industry are greatly
uepressed in the midst of abundant plen
ty. The farmer’s purchases of such com
forts or necessaries of life as he does not
produce, must be in proportion to the
sales of his products ; and if there is no
demand for them, of course he can not
sell, and as a consequence he is preclu
ded from buying. That this state of
facts in the West, is beyond dispute.—
The Auditor of the State of Ohio, in a re
cent report, stated that less business had
been done upon the canals this year than
is usually done, because the home mar
ket is glutted with the products of agri
culture, which will not pay the expense
•of transporting them to other markets.—
It is thus apparent that there maybe, and
is, distress even in the midst of plenty ;
for where the crops are not saleable, the
community must suffer from the inabili
ty to realise the benefit of an exchange of
commodities. Is there no remedy for the
evil ?
Second Scene : The island of Great
Britain is one great pauper establishment.
It is replete with misery’, suffering, and
woe. Millions of Its overstocked popu
lation are clothed in rags and live upon
the scantiest and poorest fare, eating no
thing but potatoes and salt, with a few
•other cheap vegetables, and consequently
sunk in vice and degradation.
On the one hand is an abundance of
plenty; on the other starvation from the
absence of those necessaries that sustain
life. Must these things be so ? Is there
no way by which the hunger of the one
party can he fed from the plenty of the
other? Must the poor operative or la
borer in England starve for want of food,
while the farmer of Ohio, or of Michi
gan, has a granary filled with an enor
mous excess of produce, for which he
has no market ? Why can not the far
mer of America and the operatives of
England meet on common ground, and
promote each other’s happiness by a mu
tual exchange of commodities? The
reason is obvious. The power of might
comes in to supprass the operation of the
great law of right.
Thi it u Scene : Between the starving
community on the one side, and the over
flowing granaries on the other, two pow
erful classes intervene—identical in char
acter and in purpose—the advocates of
monopoly—the landed aristocracy of
England, and the party of monopolies
and privileges in America. The one in
sists that the might of law shall come in
to confine the Agricultural products of
America to a home market; and that
market cannot buy and consume all that
is produced. The other wields also the
might of law to restrain the starving
millions around them from buying or
eating any thing but what they produce;
and they cannot produce enough to sup
ply the demand.
Why should this be so ? Why should
Tight be crushed by might? Why
should wealth revel in the stinging pangs
of poverty? Why should government
lend its all powerful aid to the purposes
of oppression ? Why should it not let
industry alone to seek its reward where
host it can find it? It does not do so.—
But it comes in and says to one class
keep instore your surplus produce; to
the other—live contentedly upon your
pittance, nor ask for more. If govern
ments would let justice have its own op
eration, the producer and the consumer
would soon meet on common ground,
exchange their commodities, and supply
their respective wants. This they would
do, did not might triumph over right,
and wealth over poverty.
“ Better (said a bold writer) that God
in his province had covered England all
over with flag-stones, than that the corn
laws had ever been suffered to curse the
land!” British industry could then
have exchanged the products of its toil
for bread. But the monopolists of the
empire have the might in their hands,
and they compel a half starved popula
tion to buy their corn in limited supplies,
and of course at exorbitant profits to
themselves.
A similar class in America, but not
landholders, avail themselves of the pow
er of government to give them a monop
oly that cuts off the great agricultural
classes of the country from the ample
markets the world affords ; consequently
ample stores of corn lie piled up in the
granaries of the West, which cannot be
sold, because they who are in need of it
can not buy.
Such is the power of might over right
of wealth over poverty —of money
over men. The universal prevalence of
the democratic principle, which regards
silt men as equal in civil society, can
alone remove the mountain of abuses
that have grown up under the predomi
nance of opposing principles.
• NEW YORK, Fed. 2.
Defalcation of Ur, Ki*9am
This is a sad evidence of the exceeding
bitterness of an unfaithful course. Mr.
Kissam has been third Teller of the
Merchants’ Bank for thirteen years, re
ceiving tho payment ol notes and bills,
so that a vast amount of money was con
stantly passing thro'his hands. Ilis de
meanor was such as to make a very fav
orable impression in regard to his charac
ter. For some mouths past he has been
sinking in health, and has remained at
his post with an interesting appearance
of sadness, though evidently more titled
for the confinement of a sick chamber.
He at length became so ill as to bo quite
unable to go to the Bank, and for a few
days remained at borne. But on the
2lst January, he determined to make
the attempt, though his physician told
him he would not probable line to get
there. He however found himself too
feeble to proceed, and then disclosed to
the Doctor, and afterwards to the Cashier
of tlic Bank, the crime which had done
so much to break down bis health and
spirits. He has a family, consisting of a
wife and nine children. The money
abstracted seems to have been taken du
ring a series of years, to make up the ex
penses of his family. It was hidden
from the scrutiny of the superior officers
upon the balance sheet which was taken
every month, by omitting to enter for
the last day of the month, so much of the
rneney received as would balance the
defalcation, leaving over the entry until
the next day. For instance, if he receiv
ed payments on the last day of the mouth
to the amount of four hundred thousand
dollars, he only entered three hundred
and eighty thousand, so that his accounts
appeared right, and the items of the
twenty thousand were put upon the
books the next day. This painful opera
tion has been performed monthly for
years ; and such was his dread of detec
tion, that he made the desperate effort
which we have mentioned, to come to
the Bank on the last day of January.—
Ilow much better it would have been to
cat potatoes and salt all his days, and to
bring up his children on the same fare.
No external comfort can ever compensate
for the inward anguish of a guilty con
science.—Jour. Corn.
(>'e nrrn! Jackson.
We find the following painfully in
teresting letter from the Hermitage, in
the New York Plebeian of Saturday. It
shows that its venerable inhabitant is fast
declining, and gives reason to fear,
that he will soon live only in history,
and in the memory of his grateful coun
trymen :
Hermitage, Jan. II 1814,
To L. D. iSlamm, Editor of the Ple
beian !
Dear Sir: I regret extremely to find,
on my arrival at the Hermitage, the
health of the venerable ex-President, An
drew Jackson, in such a precarious state.
He is very feeble ; appetite poor ; cough
distressing; attended with severe parox
ysms, on account of the pain in his side.
At times, he suffers from a degree of
tightness about the chest, attended with
much difficulty of respiration ; at other
times, a more free expectoration greatly
relieves him. He thinks one of his
lungs is nearly gone ; his eye-sight has
has failed him very much ; can converse
hut a little at a time, even when the
most comfortable; has had several hae
morrhages of the lungs, and is frequently
oblgcd to resort to bleeding and cupping,
to prevent its return. He has been grad
ually failing for the last year, but more
rapidly for the last seven months. He is
able to exercise very little this Winter,
but has never failed attending Church,
when it was possible to be conveyed
with help
The Legislature of Tennessee, in ses
sion at Nashville, adjourned on the glo
rious eighth of January.—Many of the
members, the military, the citizens of
Nashville and the surrounding country
called upon the old soldier and patriot to
pay their respects. The house was open
during the day—the table bounteously
loaded—refreshments in abundance l»oth
to eat and drink. The doors of his room
were open during the day, and as the
people cam* in at one door and passed
out at the other, he shook hands and
spoke to every person. It was evident
he was fatigued and failing, and it was
thought prudent to close the door?; but
the General said “No; let the people
come in ; they are my friends; 1 may
not live to see another Bth of January.’,
He was evidently much excited at the
firingof the cannon and the appearance
of the military; hut after the day was
spent his strength failed ; nature gave
way and he sank down, and for several
days strong fears were entertained that
he would not survive;; but through kind
Providence he has for the last few days
been rather improving, converses but lit
tle ; his spirits far above his power to sup
port.
His communications are still very nu
merous. He will open a few letters, read
a short time and rest; lie cannot at pres
ent answer them. He thanked me in the
most affectionate manner for my visit to
the Hermitage at this inclement season of
the year; and said, “Sir, should you live
to return home—and 1 earnestly pray
God to preserve yon—l desire you to
communicate to my Democratic follow
citizens and friends of the great city and
State of New York, that I thank them
again for their very kind regard for me,
not only at this time, but for the kind
ness 1 have at all times received from
them—that tny lamp of life is nearly
out—it is burnt down into the socket
and nearly exausted—it will sometimes
flare up a little, and again fade away
still more faint; but the last glimmer
must soon come. I have endeavored
through life to do justice ; I have ever
trusted in God, and he has never for
saken me in any hour of danger and dis
tress ; and when it is his will to call for
me, I am willing to go ; and the hour
must soon come. Say, sir, to my kind
friends I would write them if 1 could,
but 1 cannot, and I must authorize you,
sir, in my name to express my feelings
fully to them. I should feel, if possible,
still more grateful to kind Providence if
I could be spared to see my country once
more settled down upon its tirm i)cmo
crdtic basis. That the rights of our la
boring classes should Lie respected and
protected ; they arc the most important
part of the people ; that fmvt which sup
ports the power and wealth of the nation
—and the part which will de end our
country when invaded.”
During all his sufferings, he has nev
er been heard to utter a express
a complaint—is calm and resigned to
the .will of the Redeemer. Such, Sir, is
the situation of the Soldier, the States
men, the Patriot and Shristian—Major
General Andrew Jackson, Ex-President
of the United States of America. The
General was aged seventy-six years the
fifteenth day of March last. lam not
capable, Sir, of expressing to you the
kindness I have received at this hospita
ble mansion, the Hermitage, during the
lew days I have remained, not only from
the Christian patriot himself, but from all
that truly amiable and pious family. I
was not received is a stranger or visitor,
but as a near friend and relation ; 1 Was
made to feel at home, free and happy,
without ceremony. With great respect,
I remain, dear Sir, your obedient servant,
W. T.
POUTSOAi.
t'rom the tier an nah Georpitm.
Mr. Editor— lt is important that the
great issues involved in the Presidential
election should be kept before the coun
try.
I cannot but think, if the great ques
tions which divide parties were placed
frequently and distinctly before the peo
ple, they would think Less of men, and
more of principles. Mr. Kennedy, re
cently nominated by the Whigs of Balti
more, with a candor not often found
among the members of his party, has
cleaily laid down these principles in his
address to the Whigs of Baltimore. Will
you please insert the following extract
from that address:
“ It is amongst the most notable things
of the present day, that the measures, ev
ery where understood to be indicated by
ihe Whig policy, are daily growing into
greater importance and significance in
the political contests of the country.—
Every one perceives that, in defiance of
all stratagem to resist it, political parties
•ire separating upon broad and obvious
distinclions, and the people are compell
ed to r;uige themselves on one side or the
other of the dividing line of principles.
The days of non-committalism are, for
the most part, gone by. We are no lon
ger likely to lie duped by that common
art of the demagogue which takes a mid
way position between measures of uncer
tain popularity, and advocates one one or
the other according to tho emergency of
varying public opinion.
The Whigs have arrayed themselves
on a series of measures, regarding which
there can be neither equivocation nor
misunderstanding.
Their adversaries are reluctantly driv
en into compact array against these mea
su res.
I will enumerate some of these:
We go, and rectly and plainly up to
the mark, for a Protective Tariff.
Our opponents, with more or less wa
vering and qualification, are obliged to
go, as a party, for Free Trade.
We go for useful internal improve
ments by the General Government, and
maintain, if the Government hud done
its duty in that matter , we should have
had none of this enormous State debt.
Our opponents profess to be strict Con
st mctionists r and many of them deny
that the General Government has any
constitutional power to make a road, ciear
the obstructions of a river, or subscribe
its money in aid of any public work;
that, consequently, it can have nothing
to do with internal Improvements.
We insist upon our right as one of the
States, to the distribution of the pro
ceeds of the Public Ponds, and claim
these proceeds as a relief to our people
against the excessive State Taxation un
der which we suffer.
Our opponents, on their side, deny our
right to the proceeds; affirm that the
General Government wants the revenue
more than we do, and have advocated
and still continue to advocute the policy
of giving away this immense domain to
the States in which it lies—giving it
Rwnv either by direct grants as General
Jackson proposed, or by graduation bills
intended ultimately to bring down the
price to a few cents per acre.
We go for the regulation of the Cur
rency through the agency and control of
a National Central Banking Power,
which we hold to be essential to the sale,
prompt and economical collection and
disbursement of the revenue, as necessa
ry to repress the tendency to excessive
banking in the several States, and to re
lieve the People, from the frequent evils
of too much paper mouoy.
Our opponents deny the constitutional
power to establish a Bank ; they go for
the Sub-Treasury ; have advocated and
issued an irredeemable Government pa
per in the shape of Treasury notes ; and
along with this, singularly enough, main
tain that hard money is the only curren
cy authorized by the Constitution.
These are some of the leading points
which distinguish the two parties at this
tune.
The Whigs invite the country to a
calm and intelligent review of these mea
sures and principles, and to pass their
judgment upon them. They invite those
who approve of the Whig views to coino
into the Whig ranks.”
In Baltimore we find the right spirit
at work; though we regret to team that
our candidate, Mr. Kennedy is too un
well to take the stump to which he was
invited by his gentlemanly opponent,
Mr. Grand. He has, however, issued
an able address to the voters, which he
has requested his opponent to cause to be
read at the meeting called by him; and
this he has promised to do. The conclu
ding paragraphs of the letter of Mr. K.,
stating his inability to attend this meet
ing, are so much to the point, and have
such general application, that we copy
them.
“ You will find me (says Mr. K.)
avowing my opinions very clearly and
explicitly on the following poults* JJJ
1. In favor of a decided Protective
Tariff ; advocating Protection—when
necessary to any interest of home, here
in the United States-— for (he sake of
Protection-, and, as an illustration of
this, that I am altogether friendly to the
Tariff of 1842, which l would, by uo
iti’ .in-, vote to repeal. '
2. in favor of the Distribirifoh of the
proceeds of the Public Lands, both on
the scfKf of Policy and of Right.
3. In flavor of a well constructed Na
tional Bank,—believing it possible—as I
do believe —to construct one capable of
rendering great good to the country, nnd,
at the s*arne time but little liable to abuse.
4. Opposed to the Independent Treas
ury, as altogether insufficient for the
wants oftlie nation.
These I conceive to be the chief ques
tions in the present canvass. lam aware
that, on all these points, you occupy a
positron directly opposite to mine. lain
content to submit the issue to the judg
ment of the voters of Baltimore, on the
arguments I have heretofore published,
and on those which you may offer on the
other side.”
This is straight ahead, and we trust
his opponent will meet these proposi
tions squarely and plainly—indulging
in no claptrap declamation or delusive
abstrusities to blind and mislead the vo
ters. If he can controvert those positions
of Mr. K. by fair argument—if any per
son can do so—we should like to see it
done. If not, then let those principles
prevail; not in Baltimore or Maryland
alone, but throughout all the twenty-six
members of the confederacy—for those
principles would come, with healing oil
their wings, to every interest of the peo
ple.—Aug Chron. jj* Sentinel.
F'orn the N Y. Evenin'* P st.
The People who live liy the Custom Mouse.
When we speak of “ tho people who
live by the custom house,” we do not
menu the clerks, inspectors, guagers,
weighers, and other officers who merely
take the appointed wages of their services,
j If they live by the custom house, it is in
a lower and humbler phrase.
They who live by the custom house, in
the higher significati >n, are men who
get custom house regulations passed to
make them rich—meu who instruct the
w isdom of Congress what duties are pro
per to be iaid on imported goods, and
derive, from the judicious laying of these
duties, magnificent fortunes, a luxurious
and splendid living, in which the salaries
of clerk and inspector are absolute po
verty.
Nor is it merely the manufacturer who
lives by the custom house. Merchants
who have a stock of goods to sell, are
sometimes ardently patriotic and benevo
lently officious, whenever there is an op
portunity to amend the tariff. There
are cases in which persops of this class,
by showing a timely zeal for the interests
of domestic industry, or for the public
revenue, have made a very pretty sav
ing.
For example, we snppose it is well
known to most people that pimento or
allspice, which is altogether the most
common kind of spice nsed in this coun
try, pays a heavy duty under the new'
tariff. Under the old tariff it was admit
ted free of duty. The house-holder,
therefore, who buys, at an advanced
price, a supply of pimento to flavor pud
dings nnd mineepies, supposes that lie
contributes something to the public trea
sury. He is mistaken ; he is only pay
ing his money to one of tho gentlemen
who get their living bythe custom bouse
YVewill explain bow* this has happened.
We will suppose that while pimento
was free of duty, a persou in this city of
large means, well known in Wall street,
and accustomed to extensive commercial
speculations, made large purchases of
pimento, and filled a warehouse with it
We will suppose that, in consequence o.
a decline in the juice, at a time when
the prices of all commodities in this
country coffered a decline, ‘his eminent
commercial speculator discovered that he
couluonly sell at a loss. When the new
tariff was under discussion, it w*as na
tural for him, therefore, to feel a lively
interest in the protection of domestic in
dustry. Although pimento is only pro
duced in the Island of Jamaica, it was
natural that he should desire to see a
heavy duty laid upon it, in order to pro
tect the industry w*hich had accumulated
so large a quantity in one warehouse.—
In this he was quite as reasonable as the
owner of any furnace or cotton mill.
Congress listened to his wishes and
put a duty of five cents a jxmnd ujion
pimento, w hich, w*e are told, is about two
hundred per cent upon the article—
Since that time this eminent speculator
has been selling out his great stock of
pimento without loss. The duty was
not laid for revenue, but for protection ;
and, as is usual in such cases, the person
for whose protection it was laid, takes
the benefit of it, and nothing goes into
the treasury.
A similar experiment was tried with
{x-pfier, nnd with equal success. Under
our former tariffs jiejrper, which is a pro- j
duction of torrid climates, and cannot be j
produced in our country, Was admitted j
free. It hajipencd, how ever, that a mer
chant in South street had a large cargo
of the commodity, w'hich he desired to
sell at a high price, and did not exactly
perceive how it was to be done, unless
some law was passed for the jirotectiou
of domestic industry. .
Accordingly, Congress was persuaded
in its wisdom to lay an enormous duty
of five cents a pound upon black and
white jwpper. The merchant’s cargo
was protected by this lieneficeutlaw, and
every man who shakes the jtfcpper box
over a plate of meat or oysters, has the
satisfaction of knowing that he is jmying
his share of the tax to the jiatriotic mer
chant in South street, who gets hisliving
out of the custom house.
tiYikCiiiCi JNJS jiiaSaijKf ifftra £\?P
WW>NE>i)AY-, trkaUUA.LU.II nua
*> ->*•—■■■— -U. ■.. -
Our city and suburLuid subscri
bers who send regularly to the Post-of
fice, will confer a favor ou us by letting
us know if it suits their convenience to
have their pajsers left at that place.
Suicnle,
An inquest was held this morning up
on the body of an Irishman, named
Charles Devine. Cause of death sup
posed to be intemjieranee and drinking
Laudanum.
The Calhoun Banner.
The reader will perceive, the space
formerly allotted at the licad of our col
umns to that noble ensign, is now blank.
We leave it as Alexander did sttcces
sorship to his kingdom, to be filled with
the name of f The most worthy'
But the dye is cast; it is now apparent
that in these days cunning and in
trigue, are an overmatch for wisdom, jus
tice, high-minded integrity and devoted
patriotism. The shadow's of coming
events are clear, well defined, thrown
forward in bold relief, he that runs might
•rend them, still the devoted South, folds
her arms, shuts her eyes and slumbers on
—treason lurks within her borders, or
stalks abroad scowling defiance or grin
ning contempt at her imbecility and w*il
ful infatuation. In every free nation
that has yet existed, this state of apathy,
of moral and political stupor, lias been
the prelude to destruction. But as that
evil genius of what was once the hoarj
Jesuit of Richmond used to say, ‘noqs
verrous’ yes w*e shall see.
Tho glorious gifts of genius, of great
intellectual superiority*, (conferred on in
dividuals, by the Supreme, for the wisest
and most beneficent purposes) w*e cannot
withhold our admiration : but if these
qualities be unaccompanied by prudence
and controlled by high moral principle,
they should be a passport, neither to pri
vate esteem or to public trust —such
men have in all ages and nntionsgenerally*
their destroyers. Athens line) a multi
tude of such and but one Aristides, Rome
in her decline many Cesars, and but
one Cato, the United States*—but w*e for
bear, apd will not now, continue the par
allel, merely remarking, that recent
events show that in this laud of the ‘ free
and the brave’ and among a jreople of
unequalled ‘Virtue nnd intelligence,’ a
man may be to, honest to be popular,
and may be ostracised here as Aristi
des was, on that account, in the
heart of-ancient Greece.
T® the Democracy, or Constitutional
Itrpublic ms of Hint) con My.
Fellow-Citizens —No one who under
stands and appreciates justly the inesti
i amble blessings of free institution*, can
look around without surprise and appre
hension on the apathy and lethargy that
! prevails respecting their preservation and
the security of those rights and interests
peculiar to the South, now more than r.t
any previous period, formidably mena
ced. Every one that reflects at all, feels
; there is danger approaching and yet they
| fold their arms, close their eyes and re
; fuse to see it—their minds,like the eye ga
zing listlessly into vacancy perceive noth
ingcistiuctly and they slumber on—they
j might hear the clank of the chains their
| enemies are forging for them, whetting
of the shears witli which their strength
lock is to be shorn from, but they will
not listen. Does such a state of unmanly
supineness become the Democrats of
Bibb, of Georgia—of the South, while
the shouts of the spoil hunters and the
emissaries and stipendiaries of the fac
tories and abolitionists, are ringing in
our ears ?
Democrats of Bibb, every republican
who lias soul enough rise from the deg
radation of the hood winked purtiznn.tothe
moral grandeur of a Patriot—to all such
we say —awake, he men, be what you
once were, rouse your manhood to the
bent of the crisis—the hour of salvation
lias not yet expired, though rapidly pass
ing away—forward then and save the
Union—save the Constitution, the insti
utious of your country —they were be
queathed to you as a sacred trust to be
transmitted unimpaired to your posterity
—if the constitution perish or be mutila
ted through your neglect, the pen of his
tory will blazon the infamy and the ana
thema of mankind rest on the Libertiei
des,who permitted, without a death strug
gle, the ruin to fall upon their country.
One mode is yet left to secure Liberty,
the Constitution and the Union—and
but one—the formation of Democratic or
Constitutional Republican Associations
in every county in the State, in g oot j
faith and deep sincerity*, the detmltf of
such associations can easily be adjusted
Not a moment should be lost in accom
plishing this great purpose. Forward
then, eyery true' American heart to tfi e
rescue. You are invoked by every w _
cred motive to convene at the Court-house
in this city ou Thursday w*eek, 22d inst
the anniversary of the birth dnvof Wash
ington the father and deliverer of his]
country—of Washington ,the, gpjatest
and the best. Let them come, With the
Whiggery of Washington, Jefferson aad
Mpdispn and of |Ue revolutionary fatlyer*,
warm in their bosom and show the world
how different it is to the wlriggery of
Clay, Webster, the greedy Tariff men I
and their partisans and emissaries.
Things that lead to bewilder, and dazzle to
blind.
Many of the errors and not a low of
the discomforts and disasters and calami
ties which afflict nations, communities
families and individuals, may fairly be
trreed to ihe habit indulged, probably, by
a vast majority of mankind, of adopting
and allow ing them the authority of ruld
of lffe, and decisions of judgment, opinl
ions and conclusions, without carefully
examining whether they be founded on
fact or reasoning, or what be the effects
of their practical application.
The disasters brought upon our race,
bythe hasty unreasoning adoption of no
tions and prejudices, or the impulses of
excited crowds and individuals is incal
culable. The infatuation of the Jews
previous to the destruction of their city
nnd nation hv the Romans—the tremen
dous tragedy of the French Revolution,
for the progress of which, hell seeinsio
have furnished a succession of incarnate
demons as the pefformei-S—the convul
sive, struggle of Clay Federalism, the
money power, to wrest the government
from the people and exercise it solely
for tlreir own aggrandizement and the
reaction oLthe to,insignificance,
vassalage and beggary as exemplified in
the Harrison canvass of Forty, and the
succeeding called congress, may be cited
as appalling*but indubitable instances.
Mil elf m the rnfechfef arising from the
iuadvertencies, the, aversion to thought
and reasoning above specified, proceeds
from the homage and influence concedixl
to the possessor (real or reputed) of geiii-j
us, talents of a high orde*, especially]
those of the orator, or public speakers
regardless 6f the purposes for which
these noble endowments may 1# exerci]
sed, or the ovils that may ensue fronj
their misapplication.
the serious attention of our
readers to, Mr., Kennedy’s address to tho
wings of Baltimore. It is in the genuinq
1 Clay style, a tissue of imposing asser
tions, distorted follaeious indne
j tions—we however ad tip re the boldness
| of the man. who could utter sncli an ad
dress to a Southern audience. The doc-
I ument is fully ,endorsed bv the Augusta
Chronicle & tho' confidential
j organ, as we are informed, of his Excel
lency. the present Executive of Gn.
Ti\e cloyyii foot is at length protruded,
the banner of the Olay whtgs un
furled—its blazon a U. States bank—-un
limited pi otect ion to manufactures—dis
tribution of the land revenue among the
| States—assumption of two hundred mil
lion of State debts by the general govern
ment and Internal Improvement ad libi
| turn by Congress—the fold.bearingdcatli
to the veto, is concealed. The wing edi
tors and leaders are called upon by tlw
people of Georgia, to. spy \yhether they
endorse the drafts drawn upon them by
Messrs. Kennedy & Jones and if not
how many items'they honor; how ma
ny repudiate. Let them show theii
hands.
ITSishinston Irvins.
Every reperusal of that gentleman!
lighter writings, the Sketch book, Tales
of a Traveller. Bracehridge Hall, &c.& c
new attractions and afford;
fresh pleasure, as if ‘appetite grew will
what it fed upon.’
To the graces of Addison they unit*
the touching pathos, the flowing hilarity'
and frequently the sly, racy humour ol
Sterne. In truth Washington Irvingi
viewed both as a man, and an author pre
sents a dilemma to those favored with hu
acquaintance—it is difficult to deterring
whether he should be most admired for
his genius, or loved for the virtues and
qualities of his heart.
No unvitiated mind can rise from tb‘
perusal of Irving’s writings without 100
ing the worthier impulses of man’s na
ture renovated.
Small Fox, Communicated by
Notes. —Mr. Duble, Teller of the Clin
ton Bank, Columbus, Ohio, recenflydi' 1
of small pox : the infection having beej 1
communicated by the Bank Notes wh R 1
lie was compelled to handle in hisoffio 1 "-
capacity. So says an exchange paper.