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AMBIPAI DIHOOIIf, lhe most perfect Gove. nine t would be that which, enrinatng directly from the People Governs le st —osts least—Di p uses Juslic* to all and confers Privileges on Norc. —BENTHAM. VOL. U DR. WM. GREEN—EDI OR. iti.iiii;v.\ l)e«oo ax ty PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES* BOOKSTORE. COTTON AVENUE, MACON, GA. at TWO DOLLAR 5 PCS ANNUM. E3- IN ADV ANCE. -GH Hales of Advertising, Ac. one square, of 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cents for the first insertion, and 50 cents for each subsequent inser tiOB. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and less than 5)0 words, will be ebarged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction will be made. jx3- N B Sales of I.ANI), by Administrators. Executors. Guardian*, are required, by law, to be held ou the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 tn the fore-, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Conn i„ which the property is eltuarad. Notice of these must be given in a public Gazelle, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the Jay of sale. . Saiesof PERSONAE PROPERTY, must be advertised in the same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale- Notice to Debtors and Creditors of ail Estate, must be pub lished PORTY Days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of OrcU ,,‘v for leave to sell LAND, must he published FOUR months. Saiesof NF.GROES, must be made at public auction, on lhe first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of sale at the place «f public sales in lhe county, where the let ter, testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall l,avc been grafted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously nven in one of the public gaaeues of this State, and at the door the Court-House, where such sales are to be held. Notice lor leave to self NEGROES, must be published for four MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by die Court. All business or Ibis nature, will receive prompt attention, at the Odlce of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT REMITTANCES 11Y MAIL.-“.A Postmaster may en close money in a letter to the publisher of a new-,taper, to pay the subscription of a third person, and frank the letter, il written by himself.*’ - Anp* Kendall, P. MG. COMMUNICATIONS addressed to Rie Editor Post Fa,D MISC EL AN’EQUSr- Austerlitz at Midnight. We passed the night oil the field of but'le—a night dark and starless; the heavens were, indeed) clothed with black, and a heavy atmosphere, lowering and -rtoonii’j spread like a pall over the dead and the dying 1 Not a breath ol an mo ved ; and’the groans of the wounded, si'diitie- thrpngh the stillness, with a mel ancholy cadence no words can convey . E,r away in the distance, the moving lights marked where fatigue-parties went nTsearch of their comrades, ihe .Em peror himself did not leave the s:i< -be till nigh morning ; he went, followed by m, ambulance, hither and thither over the plain, recalling the names ol the sev eral remittent*! enumerating their deeds of prowess, and even asking lor many ui the soldiers by name, llapidyred large fires io be lighted throughout the he.il, mid where medical assistance could not be procured, the officii* of the staff mi dd he seen covering she wound‘d With great-coats and cloaks, and rend--ring them such aid as lay in their power.- Dreadful as the picture was—Je;qjull re verse to the gorgeous splendor ot the vast army the morning sun had shone upon, in all the pride arid strength ol spirit—yet even here was there, much to make one feel that war is not hereit ol ns humanizing influences. How many a soldier did L see Uuit uiglit* l»Lu Korn * with powder—his clothes torn up tag ged with shot, sitting beside a wounded comrade, now welting his bps with ;* cool draught— now cheering In- Lai with words of comfort. Muiy, 'm selves wounded, were tending oin- i less able to assist themselves. Acts o. kindness and self-devotion not less in number than those ot heroism and cour age were met with at every step . w •- ’ among the sufferers, thered lived a punt of enthusiasm that seemed to lighten t< **. worst pangs of their agony. * :i:i > would cry out as 1 passed to know the fate of the day, and what became of tin* regiment, or of that battalion. Others could but articulate a faint “ I ive( Lm pereur, which, in the intervals of pan), they kept repeatlHg, as though it were <i charm against suffering; while one question met me every instant; says La petit Corporal—& he cuiitent with us?” , , . None were insensible to tue glorious issue of that day; nor, amid .all this ag ony of death, dealt out in every shape o horror and misery, did 1 lu'ar one won of anger of rebuke to him, for whose am bition they had shed their hearts blood. •—Tom Burke of Ours, Persecutions of the Jew* i» ZuRiItJHG ON Tin NIFMEN, ( Dect mb r 12. ) The Imperial ukase, according to which all Jews living within 50 wersts from the western Russian ironti r, ate to transmigrate.to tlie interior <>i Uus 1^ beginning now to be executed. In . towns and boroughs of tip* western fron tier of Lithuania, orders were received tiwards the end of last n o ith, by tin Jews, from Government, that tlie heads of all Jewish households should declare’, before the authorities ol their abode, to which place they intended to einigrati with their famines, as Gove: nine it wants to retain a control over the iniuieroii emig ants. Thi places to which emi gration is permitted have,also been stricj ly prescribed by the higher authorities.— They are the seven govtyr igients (conn ties) of West Ru^ia—WiUpii, Grpdqo Witepsk. Mohilew. Mmsk, -Yolbypiq,, DEMCCriATICBiUKER FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES NO DEBT; SEPARATION ZT-3M BANKS; EOONOM7; RETRENCHMENT j ' AKi) A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.—J’ C. CA..HOU.\ . and Rodoliri, Where already the Jewrsit over-population is so great that only a dreary future is waiting these new emi grants. The governments of St. Peters burg, Finland, EsthUuid, Lievlund, Cour land, Moscow, Smolensk, Pleskow, Twer, Novogorod, Olonez, Archangel, Wologda, Jaroslaw, Kostroma, Wladi mir, Sislmei-.Noyogorod, Tamhow, Ka san, Tula, Kaluga, Orel, Kursk, \Voro nesch, Kimv, Tschernigow, Pultawa, and the Ukraine of Slobod, are particu larly cited as being excluded, and the Jews are also reminded that according to the general taws they are not allowed to emigrate to foreign countries. The 33 communities, the smallest of which counts nearly 500 souls, and the largest 6000 souls, have been plunged into such nameless desolation that the language of th% tenderest compassion can find no words for it. , .; . i " u •' Tlie oldest tree in the world. On successive days I visited all the re markable objects of Cairo, and those sev eral places which are memorable through their cpniiectipn with the sacred records. The next morning I mounted an ass, and rode agaiu with a guide to Old Cai ro. In a ('optic Christian church, I saw under ground, in a rocky cave, the place, where Alary and Joseph, when they were persecuted by Herod, are said to have l ived with the child. A cradle hewn in the stone, marks the spot where the' young child Jesus slept. They show also tlie sleeping-place of Mary, and the well from which site drew her water, as well as a little bath. I then visited the Christian burial-place in O’d Cairo, arid returned. The next day I rode with a guide, nine miles to the north of Cairo, to the tree where lhe parents of Jesus, with their child, passed the night, as they fled into Egypt. This tree stands not far from a village, in a citron thick et, and in a garden full of balsam*, and where many other precious plants grow. Tliis, called the Tree rif the Mother of God, is an old fig-tree, which has divi ded in the middle, and lias thus two stems. Its houghs still, put forth green leaves, and Mill bears fruit. After 1 bad cut my name arid place of birth in thF oldest tree in the world, I returned through a beautiful and romantic coun try, arid th ough two villages, surround ed by palm trees and orchards, to Cairo. A Turk in t Paris.— A great slir has recently taken place in Pari* on a< count of the Turkish Ambassador Wanting to set tip a harem ! The grave heads of the Minister des Affaires Btrangerds were thrown into great hilarity hy an applica tion frofii tluYenortuous Turk for privi lege not to lie disturbed hy the po'ice, when establishing in his palais, on the Pliice do la Concorde, a domestic cmn ■uuuitv of interesting young ladies. In lack of a Circassian slave market, the Ambassador proposed to furnish his apartments with pretty grisettes and vol ant try French Odalisks. This mo. t ex traordinary and strange demand has re ceived a negative from M. Guizot, and the answer is said to be a masterpiece rif French politeness and profound reason mg but Ins Turkish excellency is much and at tlie fastidiousness of Parisian •‘-’T; -• •• Itccire** Fan Buhns.^Burns or scalds may be reiimed, and speedily cured, by an application of ink and raw cottony to lake out the tire, ami a save of lard and Jamestown weeds, to lioul the-wound.- The salve is made hy slowing the leaves or seeds of the weed in laid, and .strain ing through anv thin cloth. 'Phis is an excellent rii tide for sores ot any kind.— Fresh cuts me soon healed by its use; and if yon have a horse with galled or sore back, this is a superior remedy.— E*lvery family would act wisely to al ways have the salves in readiness. Another.—Anothof gov't remedy for burns is a preparation, one part of lard, one part of rosin and a half pint of tur pentine, simmered together till all are completely melted. The burn, with an application, should he washed daily ;tnd dressed with fresh ointment. For chaffed hands and limbs.-- Wash two or three times a day with tinc ture of lobelia, or No. 6. Honey mixed with water is said to be good. For Croup.— Roast an onion, slice it, and press out the juice; mix this with honey or brown sugar, forming a syrup, and a tea spoonfu. every fifteen rainutes till yopr child is relieved. This is con venient and a good remedy. InURJLIBI E INK Flti’M THE SUMACH. —The milk which eludes from a branch of sumach, is tlie best indelible ink which can he used. Break off one ot the stems that support the leaves, and write \vhat may he w.aqtcd with IL 111 a short time it uecomes a heauiifii ( jet block, arid can iovyr be washed out. A gentleman once said Ire w ould liki U> see .i boai tu lof ladip* adult on i e ocean to see what course they would aleei'. A lady in the rooui repoed that’s asy loul wrqTU suVi to trie Isle 'oj Man to t# surri. ' MACON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 6, 1844. AN ADDRESS. Directed to be published by a meeting of the Friends of JOHN C. CAL HOUN, Delegates to the /State Democratic Convention , with the signatures of the Committee who pre pared it, and such of the mem- j bers us after its final preparation could be seen. TO THE DEMOCRATIC REPUB LICAN PARTY OF VIRGINIA. Continued from fast wce/c. The true grounds of compromise are here so accurately stated and their justice is so manifest, that we scarcely need en force them. Unless then, the large State* agree to “ break up their consoli dated strength by adopting the District systtrif in the Convention, how can they expect the Southern and the smarter States (for in this respect their interests are identical) to yield a power so impor tant as that of an equal voice in the Pres idential election? It is vain to say that such an equality ought never to have been admitted, in the Constitution. It is one of its compromies—one of the condi tions ofthe accession ofthe smaller States to the confederacy—it is amongst the most important of their chartered and conventional rights. They have a right , to expect an equivalent when they yield spell a power, rind they offer liberal terms to the larger States when they agree to yield it upon tlie Democratic principle, of a nomination by the people. W ith nut a representation by Districts in that Convention, there can be no noibinatiou by the people, and whilst nothing can lie’ achieved for the progress of the popu lar principle, we are substituting anew, arid unequal Federative association. But it may be asked why should the smaller States be the especial advocates of the nomination of a President through representatives elected by the people, mid of the vote fry single disiriots, which i* to give the Control of the < Vn-ivention to a majority of the American people, taken as a whole: It might be a sufficient an swer to ask wily 1 the larger States -should object to such a compromise, if the small er propose it ; hut the question deserves a rnore direct reply. Tlie desire to elect the Re preset Writ ives bv the People ought to be the same, whether we consider the United States as one people, or as several communities, and it ought to he as strong in the lrirge ris in the small States. For otherwise, wc repose this immense trust in the hands of an irresponsible oligar chy; and destroy one of the most impor tant of the democratic elements of our Constitution. But why shoo'd the smaller States de sire the sense of the American people to betaken as .a whole,, and not by its dis tinct communities, cnnsiirimng the differ ent States, and if so, why do they not of fer to resign the two votes given to each State in addition to, i»s proportion accor ding to Federal numbers. If there be any reason to desire the people to vote upon this sucject as one people, the same •reason would also induce the wish that no other than general or national con siderations should govern that vote. As State organizations, and the necessary division of our people into communities for other object* would always afford a strong ternptatiuii to sectional rather than national considerations, the additional two votes may lie justly cou-idered, ns no more that! a fair compensation and necessary safe-guard to the smaller States and weaker section, against the dangers of improper combinations, to wliicli they nre'peculiariy exposed. • The preference of the smaller States for an Executive representing the American people as a whole, over the present mode, IS easily explained. They only ask that whatever principle be adopted in the Presidential election; shall lie consistent ly followed. Tlivy are willing to an election upon the federative principle, a* and fined in the Uonstitution, if that he the preferred mode. If the sense of the peo ple upon this subject is to lie taken hy communities, the < 'oustitiitiou Iris estab 'Hiedthat th a strength ol these communi ties shall I** equal, if however, tins mode be objected to, as not sufficiently Democratic, they are willing to the change, if that principle lie raaily and consistently adopted. They only ask then lhat in conformity with it, the nomi nation shall he made by n majority of the whole people, and not by separate com munities, voting in States, and with un equal powers. If the object really I e, to infuse a lar ger portion ol the Democmlic principle into the Executive feature of our Consti tution, is not that e.nJtob ■ attained more readily l<v their proposition, than by the scheme now favored in the larger States. To deve ope the causes, which reiidei the executive influence the best calyula ted of all in onr form of Federal Govern ment to induce a common spirit and ut fectiou in our people, or to show lure this influence becomes more efficie .t to this end, in proportion as it emanates more truly and directly from tlie writ o. the American people takfeii as a whole, would carry ns far beyond the proper iniits of this address. If such were the ’ sou rce of the power of tlie President in order to secure and enlarge its basis, he would find it uecessary to* cultivate a common spirit and harmonious feeling in at least, all the party to which ee belon -' 1 Amid the conflicting interests and in tentions Ol so many, the rule df justiro would probably be his guide, as it would afford the only safe and sure means of re conciling differences and allaying heats. In so great a power directed 1 v such dis positions, the'smallest States and weakest sections would find a valuable defence, and life necessity for daily compromise, would beget a feeling which would pre serve the harmony of the party and the country, by administering equity in cases of differences, springing neither from sentiment or interest, tor which the fun damental law cannot adequately provide, and which must be adjusted as they arise. Whitt inducements are offered to the ; Southern and what to the smaller states, to accede to the proposed organization of this Convention f The South see in it, the perpetual exclusion of its favorites from the Presidency, lor although every non-slaveholdingstate should he Federal stilt would those slat s control the nomi nation of a Republican Convention.— The smaller Slates see themselves strip ! ped not only of their chartered rights, but even ol the natural advantages, arising i from their better chances of union, by the scheme of consolidating the vote of the larger Slates. And the people see the right of popular representation denied, and the system of convention represent ing convention so often repeated, that at last no constituent knows Iris representa tive, and no representative can designate his constituents. What possible ground of preference, can the smaller states have for this mode of election, over that by the House of Representatives ? Does it securegreater purity, or diminish the chances for in- I trigue in the Presidential L ection ? Far from it. Objectionable as the House of Representatives may boa* au Electoral body, it can be no worse than aConv n tion clothed with the immense power of selecting-the candidate for the parly, and neither,elected by tlie people, nor respon sible to them. A, member, of •Congress, is at least recommended by the constitu ents who elect. him. He has character to lose, mid almost always entertains hopes and aspirations, whichareso many hostages for his fidelity to the people, who choose him, and to whom he is re sponsible. But what evidence has any delegate to a National Convention to prove,- that he was selected by a majority ofthe Republican votes of a ingle dis trict, or county, or even township, in the State which lie represents. By whom are l)is credentials attested l by what for malities are the public secured against fraud and imposture? -to whom is he re sponsible? What dangerous facilities and temptations must be afforded to ven ality, bribery and corruption in its most odious, liecatise most insidious form in these assemblages of irresponsible dele gates, not of popular selection but of cau cus nomination, yesed with the full prac tical power of making, so far as tlie parly can make, the Chief \1 agist rate, and or ganized on principles such as have lieeu portrayed. Assuming the plan of the Virginia Convention, of 1813 to excel, by which delegates are to he sent from districts, to castj by a majority, the whole Electoral vote of the State ; it might not unfrequently happen that tlie representa tion of one of the larger States wotiid lie so nearly divided that the vot sos one or two of it-, delegates, if won, would cast its entire. Electoral vote, absolutely con trolling the result in favor of one or other candidate. While Inst of power remains one of the most potent and corrupting passions of tlie human heart, can il lie doubted that before the eyes of irrespon sible, offen-times self-elected delegates, when so situated rind stripped of every official check, she glittering honors and emoluments within the gift of Executive patronage wt'd be paraded in dazzlidg array. Until not to the most worthy, hilt to bun whose brilie is largest, or promises most lavish, will be tendered the ali-im portant suffrage ? If to tlie o ! d system ol Congressional caucuses, the influences of Ex c itiye patronage, and tli dangers of corruptiqu were deemed so potent as to have caused, their total disuse, when in siicli, the vote of each member, though even casting the vote of tlie delegation, coil'd never count more than one, and must be given under all the checks of representative responsibility, how in. fiuitejy more hazardous and liable to greater abuse n convention of irresponsi ble delegates, in whichthe voloot a ingle delegate, won or bribed, may determine the whole Electoral vole of hi* State, perhaps thirty-six in number for his un principled Tempter ? Are not a thousand temptations thus offered to fraud and cupidity by tries* Conventions representing \ otiveniiqi' , which, half constituent and hull repre sentative, seem to have been tii tUuUd for the very purpose of confounding the popular voice,and destroying all respon sibility to the [eople / Every facility t thus given to those, who seek to makt public opinion, instead of representing it. .Skill in political combinations, be comes a rnore effectual instrument it electing a President, than his own merits and principles, and the selection of a candidate is thus filched from the mass, by those who either seek or hold office, under the auspices of the party. Organ ized in the long pursuit of office, and skilled in rill tlie means, of magnifying every demonstration of public favor, they have a thousand chances to deceive the people of the party, when no accurate mode of taking their sense is provided, and generally end in making that enndi date uiost available, whom it suits their personal views to represent as bung so. How long can any system of popular government survive under such a mode of selecting the great source of its patron age and honors, and what must be the eff etupon the public servantsthemselves when they see intrigue and management affording apparently a more successful passport to the highest offices, than either sound principles, or faithful services? The ('onstitution ofthe United State* afford many and striking evidences, of the anxious solicitude, with which its framers sought to guard the people a gainst fraud and imposture in the Presi dential election. It requires here all the forms and evidences, by which the most solemn actsofa people are usually attest ed. The Colleges are guarded with the most scrupulous care, and the most exact precision is required in relation to their nets. The Senate, which by no possi bility can elect, holds the evidences of the vote of the electoral colleges, and the House of Representatives, a more interes ted body, is called on to witness the ex amination of those documents, and to satisfy themselves by personal inspection, that the requisitions of I nw and lhe < on stitutinu have been complied with. The importance of the subject, justified the care and so icitude, which jliey manifes- ■ ted in regard to it. And vet it is now i | proposed to give the power of nominating the President, which so far as the party is concerned, is equivalent to his election to a body neither elected by tlie people, nor responsible to them. Neither for malities, nor evidence; attest the represen tative character of the delegate, and it depends upon the good will and pleasure i of the Convention, whether a journal ever records their proceedings. The ■ people,in short, are expected to resign the important power of nominating the Pres ident, to n body; which for might they know, may be self constituted. Is this Democratic, *is it wise, will the people themselves long submit to it ? They have been toid, it is true, that this con trivance is essential to secure union and harmony, in the party, that there is no time to regu ate this Convention, sons to give the people more control over it, and all those who seek to introduce the prin ciple of popular representation into this i assembly, are schismatics, who design to betray the party, hv dividing it. It has been said, that no man desires the union ol the party, who does not ad mit the infallibility ol the Convention, no matter what is organization may he ; and if he will not sacrifice to this desire of union, even principles the most sa cred, even that ot popular supremacy it self, he is no Democrat! Has il come to this, that there can be no election by the people, unless they submit to support the nomination of a body, neither elected by, nor responsible to them 1 Is it establish ed. that any attempt to organize this body prod ait m and to be indispensable, upon the principle of popular representation, must he fatal to its efficiency, and render worthless its existence? If so, the ex |ieriinent of popular government has failed, and it is settled, that the choice of a President hy the people und'. r our sys tem, is impossible. For j| the body which chooses he ii responsible to them, and not elected by them, its voice is not their voice, its power is independent and higher than that of tlie people. Will they not say, il satisfied of the truth of this conclusion, “give us then a President chosen hy the neighing of a horse, or a cast of the dice”—chance may be blind, but it cannot be corrupt. If,on the other hand, it be not impossible to infuse the popular principle in this Convention, why has no .attempt been made to intro duce it l Why these frowns upon all who have insisted upon its necessity?— \\ hy ni t e.ect delegates to tins Conven tion by the people and from different dis tricts? Why not distribute its powers amongst the States, according to the rules ot justice, mid the analogy of the » oii*lituiioi) ? why hot secure the rights ot the people toconuo. and govern this Couventtou, hy some of those formalities as to ihe evidence of iheir actions and wishes, which are indispensable safe guards against fraud l Is it because the e..d is not w orth the trouble ofthe effort? ot worth the trouble, w hen that end is nothing less than to secure to the people, the whole power of nominating and elec ting the President I! ! We, at least, thought the end worth all the trouble of the eff ui, but the mere expression ot this wish, brought upon us suspicion and re proach. We are aware that those imputations have not proceeded entire, y from intol* r auce ol -pirit, we know that u vain desire ha been excited to coerce a union o. sentiments in the party,as if such a thing were possible. Such attempts have often ueen made in human associations, and wbeUie; for rt'!ig:?g. dr political effect. \ m 42. they have always failed. To change a sentiment you must convince the reason, or at least persuade the will; no despot ism has yet devised any other moils for controlling human conviction. Force may suppress the expression of a feeling or opinion, hut it exists tlie more intense ly from a sense of oppression, and ill stopping the vent of its humors, you but hasten the explosion. We are also a ware that a much higher motive has in fluenced these imputations, which other wise would be so intolerably unjust, as to demand a more active resistance. It is believed hy many, that union is in dispensable to success, and that a Nation al Convention of some sort, is indispen sable to union. Fears, that any attempt to organize it in every respect upon just and acceptable principle, would end in defeating it altogther,have induced a de sire to acquiesce in any Convention, and avoid all questions as to its organization. Doubtless too, they have felt justified in this determination by the belief, that the mischiefs of voluntary association cau never he lasting or dangerous, as the separation of one link in ihe chain, cau at anv time sever the common bond, upon which their existence depends. Such motives may excuse, but such reasoning cannot justify a neglect to secure the rights of the people. The union which gives strength, is a union of setitimfent and feeling, a common spirit of affection and brotherhood, and such a union and spirit, may bt* weakened, but cannot be strengthened hy a,Convention, which violates the principles of justice and pop ular representation. Still more fatnl is the delusive belief, that the evils of these bodies can neither be dangerous nor last ing. The indirect contrivances of pow er, when sanctioned by long prescription, are precisely those which it is most diffi cult to resist. The longer the period of voluntary submission to an assumption of power, the higher its title, and the more firmly is it established by the con sent ofthe govirnod. If a resistance to an unjust organization ol this Convention he difficult now, will it not fie impossible when along prescription shall have sanc tioned it ? Will the desire of the party for union and victory ever be less, or will the claims ofthe smaller States and the peoj'le, become demonstrably just, or easier of execution ? j The mischiefs of tlie contemplated ] organization threaten our politicalsystem i too seriously, to ho silently acquiesced in, by those who view them os we do.— They will lead to nothing less, than to the destruction of tho influence of the Southern and smaller States in the Union, and the investiture of the power of nomi nating the President, in an irresponsible oligarchy of political managers. These attempts to consolidate the power ot the ! people by indirect means, or indeed by aDy means, other than election of repre sentatives, always end in transferring that power to a few hands. Leaders; managers, and very dear lovers of the people, are always ready to persuade ; them, that there will be dissensions if they attempt to act for then selves and that a necessity exists linr a strong party Executive to coerce union, and enforce obedience upon its members. It is this self constituted executive council, which is to think for the party, and they are to fulminate the thunders of the church; should any member presume to exercise the right of private judgment against its decrees. Especially, would such a body pronounce it to be impossible for the peo ple to elect representatives other than themselves, without losing their energy as a party ; shouting for union, they would drown-every appeal either to jus tice or principle, w Inch was dtsigned to 'diminish their own authority. Is this an exaggerated picture of such un irre ; sponsible caucus, if you endow it with . the privilege of nominating the I resident j and arm it with pow er to enforce obedi ence to its decrees ? How few will be the stages in the progress of the National j Convention, to such a result, if the States# and the people thus permit an irrespon sible assemblage to assume their rights ? If the proposed organization of the Na tional Convention be established by pre scription, a practical revolution is accom plished in the branch of our Government, upon which our people have been most sensitive. The Supreme Executor of this country will look to other sources than the States or the people for his of fice, and those who n.anage them will manage him. Will the people endure this state of things, and is there no possi ble mode of avoiding it? The constitu tion has appointed menus, hy which the people elect those who make the Presi dent, cannot the party devise ways, by which the people who are its members* shall elect the representatives, who nom inate him ? The States, under circum stances of great difficulty, agreed upon u mode of distributing power amongst themselves, m the government; cannot portions of the same party in the differ ent States, adopt some similar, or at least some just mode of efleefing that objeC ii the nominating Convention ? If the disposition existed, no one can doubt the easy accomplishment of hoth these ends. Is it possible, that any bdferc the etui unworthy of the effort? M ill the pec ole voluntarily place therr selves in apre : ciicstacnt, in which they can e’ect tin