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jyMMixoiyir democrat 'ilie most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least —Costs least —Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None. —BE NT IIA 51. VOL. I.i DR. WM. GREEN—EDITOR. in . ui;?im;iMT, PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES’ BOOKSTORE. COTTON AVENUK, MACON, GA. AT W o DOZ.Z.AR3 PER ANNUM, £l3“ IN ADVANCE. -CU Rates of Advertising, <&c. One square, of 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cent* r the first insertion, and 50 cents for each subsequent inscr' jon. All Advertisements containing more than 100 and lees than 2*) words, will be charged as two squares. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction wtll be made, jjj- N. B. Sales of LAND, by Administrators, Executors- Guardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of 10 m the fore' r «n, And 3in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Couu ,Ul which the property is situated. Notice ol these mus* , .iven in a paWic Gaxette, SIXTY DAYS, pr evious to the of Sjlcsof PERSON AL PIIOPEUTY, must he advertised in ,he same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale- Votice to Debtors aud Creditors of an Estate, must he pub ,,hcd FORTY Days. Notice that application will he made to the Court of Ordi rv for leave to sell LAND, must he published I-'OCR MONTHS. Sales »f NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on h . first Tuesday of the lusnlh, between the legal hours of \lf. t i, e place of public sales i* the county where the kt ',r, terUi«e»tarjS of Administrattou or «uwUaasUft shall .„ e bcen j.ranted, SIXTY DAYS notice being prevrously vea in one of the public gaieties of this State, aud at the door l (he Cemrt-llousc, where such sales are to -be held. Notice lor leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for fOUR MONTHS, before any erJer absolute slrall he made (hereon by the Court. All business of this nature, will receive prompt atleulioa, at .he Office of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT. REMITTANCES UY MAIL.—“A Postmaster may en !ese money i« a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to eavthc subscription of a third person, aud frank the letter, if written by himself.” —■ Jlmos gtttdaU, P.. M G. COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the Editor— Post Ptt». MISCELLANY. A True SWty. FROM MRS. CHILD’S LETTERS IS THE BOSTON COURIER. I will tell a trufl story, not without sig nificance at this season of Valentines. In a city, which shall be. nameless, tliere lived,' long ago, a young girl, the niilf daughter of a widow. She came ffom the. country, and was as ignorant of the dangers of a city, as the squirrels of her native fields. She had glossy black hair, o-entle beaming eyes, and, “ lips like wet coral.” Os course, she knew that she was beautiful; for when she was a child, strangers often Mopped as she pass ed. and exclaimed, “ llow handsome she is!” And as she grew older, the young men gaxed on her with admiration. She was poor, and removed to the city to earn her living by covering umbrellas. iSlie was just at that susceptible age when youth is passing into womanhood; when the soul begins to be pervaded by “ that restless principle, which impels poor hu mans to seek perfection in union.” At the hotel opposite, Lord Henry Stuart, an English nobleman, had at that time taken lodgings, llis visit to tins country is doubtless well remembered by many, for it made a great sensation P.t the time. He was a peer of the realm, de scended from the royal line, and was, moreover, a strikingly handsome man, ot right princely carriage. He was subse quently a member ot die British Parlia ment, and is now dead. As this distinguished stranger passed to and from his hotel, he encountered the umbrella-girl, and was impressed by her uncommon beauty, lie easily traced her to the opposite store, where he soon after went to purchase an umbrella. 1 his was followed up by presents of flowers, chats by the way-side, and invitations to walk or ride; all of which were grateful ly accepted by the unsuspecting rustic. He was playing a game, for temporary excitement; she, with a head full ot ro mance, and a heart melting under the in tluence of love, was unconsciously en danger i ire the happiness of her whole life.* 3 Lord Henry invited her to visit the pub lic gardens, on the fourth ot July. In the simplicity ot her heart, she believed all his flattering professions, and consid ered herself his bride elect; she therefore accepted the invitation with innocent frankness. But she had no dress lit to appear on such a public occasion, with a gentleman of high rank, whom she veri ly supposed to be her destined husband. While these thoughts revolved in her mind, her eye was unfortunately attract ed by a beautiful piece of silk, belonging to her employer. Ah, could she not take it, without being seen, and pay it secret ly, when she had earned money enough * 1h i temptation conquered her in a mo ment of weakness. She concealed the silk, and conveyed it to her lodgings. It was the first thing that she had ever sto len, and her remorse was painful. She would have carried it back, but she drea ded discovery. She was not sure that her repentance would be met in a spirit of forgiveness. On the eventful Fourth ot July, she came out in her new dress. I .ord Henry complimented her upon her elegant ap pearance ; but she was not happy. On their way to the garden he talked to her in a maimer which she did not compre hend. Perceiving this, he spoke more explicitly. Theguilcless young creature topped, looked in his face with mourn ful reproach, and burst into tears. The DEMORATIC BAITNCER FREE TRADE; LOW DUTIES; WO DEBT; SEPARATION 7ROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT; AND A STRECT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.--./. C. C.II.HOV.Y. * , .. nobleman took her hand kindly c -d said, “ My dear, are you an innocent girl ?” “ 1 am, I am,” replied she, with convul sive sobs. “Oh, what I ever done, or said, that you should ask me that T Her words stirred the deep fountains ot his better nature. 44 If you are innocent,” said he, “ God forbid that I should make you otherwise. But you accepted my invitations and presents so rapidly, that I supposed you understood me.” “What could I understand,” said she, “except that yon intended to make me your wife?” Though reared amid the proud est distinctions of rank, he felt no inclina tion to smile. He blushed and was si lent. The heartless conventionalities of life stood rebuked in the presence of af fectionate simplicity. He conveyed her to her humble home, and bade her fare well, with a thankful consciousness that he had done no irretrievable injury to her future prospects. The remembrance of her would soon be to him as the recol lection of last year’s butterflies. With her, the wound was deeper. In her sol itary chamber she wept, in bitterness of heart, over her ruined air-castles. And that dress, which she had stolen to make an appearance befitting his bride ! Oh, what if she should be discovered ? And would not the heart of her poor widowed mother break, if she should ever know that her child was a thief? Alas, her wrenched forebodings were too true.— The silk was traced to her; she was ar rested, on her way to the store, and drag ged to prison. There she refused all nourish men t, and wept incessantly. On the fourth day, the keeper called upon Isaac 'l'. Hopper, and informad him that there was a young girl in prison, who appeared to be utterly friendless, and determined to die by starvation. The kind-hea/ted old gentleman immediately went to her assistance. He found her ly ing on the floor of the cell, with her face buried in her hands, sobbing as if her heart would break. He tried to comfort her, but could obtain no answer. “ Leave us alone,” said he to the keep er. “ Perhaps she will speak to me, if there is none to hear.” When they were alone together, lie put back the hair from her temples, laid his hand kindly on her beautiful head, and said in soothing terms, “ My child, consider me as thy fa ther. Tell me all thou hast done. If thou hast taken this silk, let me know all about it. 1 will do for thee as I would for a daughter, and I doubt not that I can help thee out of this difficulty.” After a long time spent in affectionate entreaty, she leaned her young head on his friendly shoulder, and sobbed out, “ Oh, I wish I was dead. What will my poor mother say, when she knows of my disgrace.” “ Perhaps we can manage that she nev er shall know it,” replied me ; and allu ring her by this hope, he gradually ob tained from her the whole story of her acquaintance with the nobleman. He bade her be comforted, and take nourish ment ; for he would see that the silk was paid for, and the prosecution withdrawn. He went immediately to her employer and told him the story. “This is her first offence,” said he; “ the girl is young, and the only child of a poor widow.— Give her a chance to retrieve this one false step, and she may be restored to so ciety, a useu! and honored woman. I will see that thou art paid for the silk.— The man readily agreed to w ithdraw the prosecution, and said he would have dealt otherwise with the girl, had he known all the circumstances. “Thou shouldst have inquired into the merits of the case my friend,” replied Isaac. By this kind of thoughtlessness, many a young creature is driven into the down ward path, who might easily have been saved.” The wood old man then went to the hotel and inquired for Ilcnrv Stuart.— The servant said his lordship had not yet risen. Tell him my business is of im portance,” said friend Hopper. The ser vant soon returned and ronducted him to the chamber. The nobleman appear ed surprised that a plain old Quaker should thus intrude upon his luxurious privacy ; but when he heard his errand, he blushed deeply', and frankly admitted the truth of the girl’s statement. His be nevolent visiter took the opportunity to “ bear a testimony,” as the Friends say, against the siirand selfishness of profli gacy. He did it in such a kind and fa therly manner, that the young man’s heart was touched. ITe excused himself by saying that he would not have tam pered with the girl, if he had known her to be virtuous. “ I have done many wrong things,” said he, “but thank God, no betrayal of confiding innocence rests on my conscience. 1 have always es teemed it the basest act of which man is capable.” The imprisonment of the poor girl, and the forlorn situation in’which she had been found, distressed him great ly. And when Isaac represented that the silk had been stolen for his sake, that the girl had thereby lost profitable employ ment, and was obliged to turn to her dis tant home, to avoid the danger of expo sure, he took out a fifty dollar note, and offered it to pay her expenses. “Nay,” said Isaac, “thou art a very rich man ; I sec in thy hand a large roll of such notes. .■She is the daughter of a poor widow, and MACON, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13, 1844. thou hast been the means of doing her great injury. Give me another.” loord Henry handed him another fifty dollar note, and smiled as he said, “You understand your business well. But yon have acted nobly, and I reverence you for it. If you ever visit England, come to see me. I will give you a cordial welcome, and treat you like a nobleman.” “ Farewell, friend,” replied Isaac : “ Though much to blame in this affair, thou too hast behaved nobly. Mayst thou he blessed in domestic life, and trifle no more with the feelings of poor girls; not even with those whom others have betrayed and deserted.” Luckily, the girl had sufficient pres ence of mind to assume a false name, when arrested ; by which means her true name was kept out of the newspa pers. “I did this,” said she, “for my mother’s sake.” With the money given by Lord Henry, the silk was paid for, and she was sent home to her mother well provided with clothing. Her name and place of residence remain to this day a secret in the breast of her benefacior. Several years after the incidents I have related, a Indy called at Friend Hopper’s bouse and asked to see him. When he entered the room, he found a handsomely dressed young matron, with a blooming boy of five or six years old. She rose to meet him, and her voice choked, as she said, 44 Friend Hopper, do you know me?” He replied tliat he did not. She fixed her tearful eyes earnestly upon him, and said, “You once helped me, when in great distress.” But the good missionary of humanity had helped too many in dis tress, to be able to recollect her, without more precise information. With a trem ulous voice she bade her son to go into the next room, for a few minutes; then dropping on her knees, she hid her face in his lap, and sobbed out, “ I am the girl that stole the silk. Oh, where should I now be, if it had not been for you !” When her emotion had somewhat calmed, she told him that she had married a highly respectable man, a Senator of his native State. Having a call to visit the city, she had again and again passed Friend Hopper’s house, looking wistfully at the windows to catch a sight of him; but when she attempted to enter, her courage failed. “ But I go away to-morrow,” said she, “ and I could not leave the city without once more seeing and thanking him who saved me from ruin.” She recalled her little boy, and said to him, “Look at that old gentleman, and remember him well ; for he was the best frie.;d your mother ever had.” With an earnest invitation that he would visit her happy home, and a fervent “ God bless you,” she bade her benefactor farewell. My venerable friend is not aware that I] have written this story. I have not published it from any wish to glorify him, but to exert a genial influence on the hearts of others ; to do my mite to ward teaching society how to cast the Demon Penalty, by the voice of the An gel Love. L. M. C. Judge Gaston’s last Words. The Clarion thus beautifully and im pressively sketches tlie death-bed scene of this excellent man : 1 lis last words were irt admirable keep ing with the purity and piety of his long life. Surrounded by a few of his chosen friends, who were at his bedside on the first intimation of a danger to which he was insensible, he was relating with great playfulness, the particulars ofa convivial party at Washington -City, many years ago, and spoke of one who on that occa sion avowed himself a “ Free Thinker” in religion. “ From that day,” said Judge Gaston. 44 1 always looked on that man wit! ; ust. Ido not say that a Free Thinker may not be an honorable man ; that he may not from high motives scorn to do a mean act; but I dare not trust him. A belief in an overruling Divinity, who shapes our ends, whose eye is ujion us, and who will reward us according to our deeds, is necessary.—- We must believe and feel that tliere is a God Allwise —and raising himself and seeming to swell with the thought—'“Al mighty !” There was a sudden rush of blood to the brain. He sank in the arms of his friends and in five minutes his spirit was gone ! Not a struggle beto kened its flight. Not a groan jiained the ear of his agonized friends. His body lias gone to the dust; his spirit, we can not doubt, now rests in the bosom of that God Almighty whose name was last on his lips, and to whom lie had long given the homage ofa pure and devoted heart. Not Had. Elder Swan, while laboring for the souls of the Bunker-hi Hers, at tunes is quite happy in his local allusions. Said lie—‘The people have worked very hard, and spent a vast sum of money, to build yonder monument in honor of the dead ; now, if they would work as hard and spend ns much money, to build a monu ment of souls in honor of Jesus Chrst, they would make the devil hotel so that you could hear him all over the Lnited States' Even the anxious minded of the elder’s hearers could not helf smiling at the idea of such a howl from his Sa tanic majesty.-— Dost on Post. AX ADDRESS. Diverted to be published by a meeting of the Friends of JOHN C. CAL HOUN, Delegates to the Slate Democratic Convention, with the signatures of the Committee who pre pared it , and such of the mem bers as after its final preparation could be seen. TO THE DEMOCRATIC REPUB LICAN PARTY OF VIRGINIA. Continuedfrom last week. But it will be said, that our arguments are directed against ail National Conven tions. We deny that they are thus to be applied. They are directed against the grant of such immense powers to a body, neither elected by, nor responsible to the people; against a distribution of power, amongst the States, which is contrary to the rules of justice, and the compromises of the Constitution, and which must for ever disfranchise the South, so far as the Presidency is concerned, and they are especially directed against a system, which is to vest powers rightfully be longing to the mass in the hands of the managers, she office holders, and those who claim to be the leaders of the party, to be by them administered for private more than public purposes. A Conven tion representing the people of the party, and justly distributing- it3 powers amongst the States, we would most cordially sus tain. And if none such can be organized then there is, or ought to be an end to all Conventions. Give us rather a domina tion by the House of Representatives, its members are at least responsible to the people who elect them. If a choice of the Executive by the people be impos sible, give us an aristocracy of the small er States, in preference to an oligarchy of office holders. But whence this dread of the power of the smaller States, at this day, and in Virginia ? In what category are the Southern States to lie placed, and in what relation does Virginia stand to wards the smaller States ? From the partial representation of the population of the Southern States, each succeeding census sinks them lower in the scale of relative powers. Those grants in the Constitution, which increase the relative weight of the smaller States, and those limitations designed for the protection of their State sovereignty, arc the very ram parts and bulwarks of Southern safety. It is therefore of especial importance to the South, to arm those chiefly interested in their’defence, with power enough to preserve them, and none of the means of doing so can be safely neglected by her, in the present threatening aspect of polit- j ical affairs. It is with these States, that \ Virginia must make a common destiny, J or else lose her importance, and expose I her best interests to destruction. She has more than the average of State pow er it is true, and in that respect may be classed among the larger,but her interests are more iden’ified with the Southern and smaller States. The oldest and lar gest of the slaveholding States, she must occupy a powerful and leading position so long as she remaius true to her own principles and the common interests of the section to which she belongs. It is not more for her glory, than for her in terest, that she should stand forth, the champion of equality in the action of the General Government, and the great con servator of the rights of the States, the limitations in the Constitution, and the Union itself. As the attache and hum ble dependent of the larger free States, whose policy and interests in many re spects must differ from hers, she can scarcely hope to play even a respectable part, lint like her own Washington, she may ever be found not only great, but invincible in urging defensive war for the protection of American liberty.— We confess, therefore, that we have not viewed with indifference the attempt to sacrifice the rights of the smaller States, and thus break down the conservative strength of the Union. Estimating as we do the power and importance of the Executive office, we feel anxious to ob tain some counterpoise for the South in that quarter against the overwhelming strength of the non slaveholding States in the other departments of the Govern ment, in this the hour of her weakness and danger. For purposes of offensive and plundering legislation, the South can never lie strong ; there is nothing in the grants of the Constitution, or in her moral and physical condition to make her so. But for defensive purpose iu Federal legislation, she may derive much strength from tlie compromises of the Constitution and her social organization. Exposed to peculiar dangers from the en croachments and overaction ot the Gene ral Government, on account of a great, generally pervading, and sensitive in terest, she must ever be the watbhful de fender of the limitations of the Constitu tion and the rights of the States, The triumphs of Federalism in this section must be accidental ; they can never be frequent or lasting. Upon these ques tions, more union is naturally to be ex pected in the Southern than in the Free States. Those who wield power never scrutinize its abuses so anxiously or so closely as those who are to lie the chief sufferers under its improper exactions. Limitations upon power are for the pro tection of the weak ; the strong are al ways impatient under such restraints.— Those who have the power and the temp- I tation to plunder, will naturally divide more amongst themselves than those who have but one interest, hut one hope, and are content if they can defend theijisel ves against aggression Especially will the Democratic portion of the large States be disposed to unite with those who rc | sist the overaction of the Federal Govern ment, as an undue accumulation of pow | er in that quarter is as hostile to popular ! supremacy as to the rights of the States. In this union between (he South and the Democracy of the non slaveholding States, the South has generally constitut ed the majority, and unless her voico be siifled by arbitrary party organization, she may always have influence enough in the movements of the party to find the ! means of self defence against the aggres sions of the Federal Government. Give ; her the same influence in the nomination of a Republican President,that she wields in his election, and she will find a source ; of strengthwhich will enforce more re spect for her lights and her feelings.— In this point of view it is all important j to the South to give the National Con | vention a juster and more democratic organization than that which is How proposed. In proportion as that Conven tion is more democratic in its representa tion, will the South find more friends and allies irtiho free Break down, as Mr. Van Buren onco proposed, the con solidated strength of the large States, and you take the control of the party from the leaders and managers, whose interest is rather selfish than public, and you re | store it to the masses whose impulses arc just, and whose hearts are honest. The people of the Democratic party in all the States, wc arc willing to trust, and will cheerfully make a common destiny with them. But when oligarchies claim the control of a party under the specious pretext of consolidating its strength, we neither sin against Democracy nor the American Constitution, in resisting their pretentions. In this resistance, we sure ly commit no offence against you, the Democratic Republican party of Virginia. No people be justified in volun tarily parting gwith any portion of the power to which it is entitled. Assuredly this is not the time for the South to aban don any of its means of self-defence.— Neber were the combinationsagainst pur political’and private rights so (longerons in iheir’cxtenf, itnd so hostile in their purposes ns at present. Never was there a time when the South had so little to expect from the just feeling of the world, or the kindly ties of a common race, or even of human "sympathy. To her own energies aud wisdom, and to the ram parts of the Constitution, must she look for defence, until the storm of fanaticism has spent its fury, and the impossible de mandsof a false or mistaken philanthropy shall stand self-convicted in their own absurdity. On the one side, arc the Whigs madly bent upon destroying ev ery limitation of the Constitution, and visiting us with all the ills of a United States Bank, a distribution of the Public Lands, and a Protective Tariff; while, hard-by, come the Abolitionists, with de sire more deadly still, to unite nil Chris tendom in a crusade against us, and if need be, to point the assassin’s knife to our hearts. 44 World’s Conventions” as semble for the purpose of directing opin ion, and perhapssomething worse against us ; the Church, the Press, the Slate, .are all invoked for the means of disturbing our peace and degrading our character as a people. Nor is the wily spirit of English diplomacy asleep, while the plot of destruction to the American Union is afoot. It has not disdained to borrow the madman’s garb for the occasion, and under the disguise of an anti-slavery fanaticism, it insinutes itself into every court, interpolating new provisions into the law of nations, under which it may strike us more securely, and concentrat ing all the means of moral and political agitation, which mayby possibility shake this confederacy asunder. In the face of this gathering storm, our friends in the free States seem to be los ing their zeal in our defence, or else di minishing in numbers, if we are to judge from the recent proceedings in Congress and the South is to be left to defend her self when its fury shall burst upon lier. Is it because we lose their respect as we grow weaker or is it that the current of public opinion sets too strongly against us to lie resisted. Either supposition ad monishes us the more strongly of the im portanco of husbanding our resources and preserving our power. Yield we cannot. Defend ourselves we both can and wilt if we make a wise use of the means which God and the American Constitution have given us. But to do this it is necessary that the South should move with the energies of a determined and united people. Tlie first step to wards this great end is to break down these unjust organizations by which the South is deprived of her due weight in the union aud to scatter to the winds all of these devices by which petty oligar chies of political managers have sought to stifle the voice of the people. Do this, and common principles, intc.ests and \ NO. 43. safety will unite us, and the popular voice of the South; when heard in its “ latest, loudest, and fullest volume,” will command a respect, which cliques of timid, self-seeking managers can never enforce for her. even if they were so dis posed. Give us a nominating Conven tion in which the Southern and smaller States shall have their due proportion of power. Give ns too a Convention, in which the people and the parly shall be really represented, and we will trust to. time and the American people to achieve for us a destiny in which all may alike rejoice. ,t . , •' But important as we deem these con siderations in relation to the proper mode ot selecting a candidate for the Democra tic Republican party, we should not feel justified if we were now to destroy the chance of electing a Republican Presi-. dent, upon a question as to the manner of nominating him. We most earnestly desire to establish some mode of nominat ing the Republican candidates of the Presidency, which shall fairly, express the sense o f that party, so as to ensure a man whom they prefer, not only to any. member of the opposite party, but nlso to any member of their own. But we can-, not consent to sacrifice the party itself to attain a mode of organization which would be useless, if they should lose the power of electing a President; as all our contest is as to thy true mode of nomina ting a Democratic Republican President, we can have but little interest in the mode in which he was nominated, if that President elected is to be a Whig. It is against such measures as his principles could induce him to propose, that we, would defend tlie Government and the people ; and there is no longer a hope of the preservation of the rights of the South,* the States, or the People, if the Govern ment is to be administered upon princi-. pies, which, ns wc think, are destructive to the just rights of them all. If the Whigs should obtain jxnver, they be bound by their principles to establish a National Bank, a Protective Tariff, and l a Distribution of the Public Lands. When they have thus destroyed the limi tations in the Constitution, and associated powerful special interests which subsist on tlie Government, under the influence of their measures, what hepe will remnjii. for the South, the States, the People,?W anyq indeed 4 who are interested, in equal izing the benefits and burthens of the General Government ? And will not our case be still more hopeless, shoukf they succeed in stripping the Executive of the Veto, and thus practically submit the action of the Government to hare majorities in Congress ? It, would bo alike mad and inconsistent in us to aid them. In a contest between them and the Democratic Republican party, out post is with the latter, and we shall sup port their candidate, if we have good tea son to believe that we shall advance the principles of the party as expounded by the resolutions of the Virginia State Con vention of 1844, by electing him in pre ference to the Whig candidate. In making an issue upon a question of organization in the party with which we act, we make no truce with the common enemy, nor shall we meet them with di vided forces, unless there should be evi dence that the leader selected by our friends designs to betray us all to the foe.' But whilst we entertain these sentiments towards our political friends and enemies’ we have still felt bound to make the' issue which we have here tendered, and are willing to waive until it can lie trieef by the Democratic Republican party’ without leading to theelectionof a Whin- President. It was due to our own self respect to assign the reasons forthe course which we had pursued, and we thought it fair to give notice of our intention* to call up this question as soon as the next Presidential election is over, and to keep* it before the public eye. We now enter our protest against the probable organiza tion of the next Baltimore Convention, that it may not lie quoted against us as a precedent hereafter. And upon the principles above expecting ti supjiort its nominee, we shall do so not because he is such nominee, nor because we recognize in that Convention a fair representation' of the people of the party,' but despite of such nomination, because, in fact, hd may be their preferred candidate, and/ under tlie circumstances, may seem most likely to concentrate their strength, and because we may bd satisfied by himself, or by the action of tfiose who nominate and sup|)ort him. that we shall promote onr principles by electing him over his Whig competitor/ From the gratifying manifestation!; afforded .through the deliberations and proceedings of the late Virginia Conven tion, of the complete accord and concur rence of the whole Republican party of this State upon those topics deemed by us peculiarly vital to the South—the Tariff and Abolition questions —we have the strongest assurances of enjoying the united and concentrated poweis of the whole party here in the dissemination and establishment of the fundamental principles of Free Trade and Southern Rights. And from such happy concord in at State so justly entitled to respect and weight, and the 'corresponding influence