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TEXAS! TEXAS!!
Corrcepomlcnop of the Mercury.
WASHINGTON, March 20, 1844.
THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.
I mentioned in my last that the Resolu
tions of the Legislature of Mississippi had
been presented in the House, and referred
to the Committee on Federal Relations.
This morning Mr. Walker presented the
same Resolutions in the Senate, which
had passed one branch of the Legislature
of Mississippi unanimously, and the oth
er with a very few dissentient voices, and
those more about the form than substance.
Mr. W. said he should forbear to say any
thing at this juncture about the impor
tant question, but would simply content
himself by moving that they lie printed
and referred to the Committee on Feder
al Relation, which motion prevailed.
The sound thinking part of the com
nninity in the North will advocate this
measure, and it remains to be seen wheth
er n few fanatical malcontents are able
to fright them from thei r propriety. 1 set
apart all other considerations, stich as
those of interest, extension of empire,
&.c., and rest the necessity of this junc
tion ti prevent England from obtaining
possession, or exercising a blighting in
fluence Over the peculiar institutions of
the South. It would be equally as in
jurious to the North, because her articles
of manufacture would in thatcase, be ex
cluded from the Texan market. We
must expect a great deal of noise in the
first instance, from the Abolitionists and
the ignorant and fanatical; but “in the
long run,” 1 have no serious fear for the
issue.
A memorial was presented from the
New York and Maryland Mining Com
panies, praying that the duty on R. R.
iron may not he repealed, nor indeed the
duty on iron generally; and they give ns
a verv cogent reason why it should not
be done, that they have placed some
$1500,000 in the business, ergo that the
whole community must be taxed at an
enormous rate in order that these weal
thy incorporated companies may make a
goid thing of their investment.
Mr. Woodbury adverted to the fact
that while the Bill in the other House
reduced the duty, a bill had been repor
ted in the Senate to remove the duty en
tirely, lie said also, that the improve
ment that had lieen made had greatly re
duced the price of iron. By the last
prices current he had seen, in England
the price was reduced full two-thirds
from what it formerly was.
This memorial was ordered to be prin
ted and referred to the same Committee
that otiTy a few weeks before had report
ed a Bill to repeal the duty on Rail Road
iron. It now remains to be seen what
will he done with this memorial by that
Committee.
The citizens of Vicksburg, Mississippi,
a-e anxious to have the National Armory
and Naval Depot at that place, and ask
a survey and report before Memphis is
fixed on for the site.
The only Bill of a public nature re
ported, is one from the Committee on
Post offices and Pos> Roads, concerning
the appointment of Assistant Post Master
General, with an amendment. By some
strange omission, these important officers
are not subject to the ordeal of the Senate
for confirmation. A Bill was introduced
making alt peisons appointed to these
stations subject to confirmation, and was
referred to the Committee on Post Offi
ces and Post Roads, and the amendment
«f that Committee is, that no Assistant
DEMOCRATIC BANNER FREE TRAPS; LOW POTTIES; NO PEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT;
AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE CONSTITUTION.— J. C C.I^HOV.Y.
Post Master General shall be recognized
from end after the Ist day of June next,
unless appointed by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate. It admits,
however, vacancies to be filled in the re
cess of the Senate.
The Bill to incorporate our District
Banks was made the special order for
Wednesday next. I learn,however, that
the dominant party of the House have
determined that they shall not be re
chartered. If this be so, it will be an
act of flagrant injustice to out people.—
They are willing to have all wholesome
guards and restraints put upon their mon
i( and institutions, and that it is full as
much as ought to be asked The Fox
and Wisconsin Bill was again discussed,
but met with its usual fate, postponed
until to-morrow! Mr. Talmadge de
fended the Bill from the imputations of
Mr. Allen, that it had been the work of
speculators in land.
THE OREGON QUESTION.
This subject was again on the tapis
from 2 until 4, P. M. Mr. Buchanan
spoke for an hour in relation to the want
of moral honesty on the part of the Brit
ish Government,that should make a trea
ty with a full knowledge that they were
in the wrong, and had the evidence of
the injustice of their title and the cor
rectness of ours in their pocket. It ap
pears he was mistaken in charging upon
Lord Ashburton that he had said “he had
the true mfl//’-thatobservation was made
by Lord Palmerston, but Mr. B. thought
it could be scarcely possible that a min
ister could be sent over ignorant of the
fact.
Mr, Rives replied, eulogizing and de
fending Lord Ashburton with as much
zeal from all such allegations and infer
ences as though my Lord A. had been
his client.
In the House, the Fortification Bill
was taken tip and discussed at some
length, after which it was passed. Thus
you see that the Chairman of the Com
mittee of Ways and Means has had little
trouble so far with a portion of Ins Bills.
I must not omit to mention that an a
mendment was offered by Mr. Harralson,
to provide for fortifying the dry Tortu
gas, which was earnestly advocated by
Mr. Holmes as well as Mr. Harralson,
but it was ruled out of order, as being a
new measure and not in the estimates.—
I informed you yesterday of the report of
Col. Worth, and those defences for that
important region may yet come up in
atlother shape.
The bill from the Senate was taken
up to restore the Rifle Regiment (2d
Dragoons) to a Mounted Regimement —
Mr. Adams moving to disband the Regi
ment entirely.
I must not omit to mention that a Re
solution was offered in the Senate by fhfc
Chairman of the Committee on Finance
to adjourn the two Houses of Congress
sine die on Mondy, the 20th May next,
at 12 o’clock noon. I have no earthly
doubt but this is done with a view to
“shirk ” the tariff question.
Front Washinston—Authentic Inform '.tion
on the Texas and Oregon Question*, Ac.
We are informed on the very best au
thority at Washington, received private
ly Wednesday, that thi rc is no doubt of
the pendency of a negociation between
the United States Executive govern
ment and that of Texas , for the annex
ation of the latter to the former country.
The negociation was begun by the late
Mr. Upshur, and is only suspended, for
the present, till the arrival of Mr. Cal
houn, who has accepted the office of Sec
retary of State, without any conditions.
Mr. Calhdtin is expected to a few days
at Washington, and will immediately
proceed to negociate with the Texas
minister for the annexation, and with Mr.
Pakenharn for Oregon. Mr. Calhoun is
decidedly in favor of the nnexatwn —
and it is believed he will not give up an
inch of our clai rs in Oregon. Mr.
Henderson is expect'd from Texas daily,
with full powers to join the resideut
charge , and to negociate on the annexa
tion. As soon as this treaty shall have
been finished, it will be sent to the Sen
ate, and the whigs will be compelled to
show their hands—but, of course, the de
bate will be secret. In the mean time,
we learn that Mr. Walker, or some other
Senator, will introduce the question of
annexation indirectly by resolution in
the Senate—and Mr. Holmes, cf S. C.,
or some other member, into the House,
so that both the two parties—whigs and
loco focos—will be brought up to the
mark and compelled to take sides one
way or the other. 1
It is not Ijelieved that the treaty can
pass the S nate by two-thirds, unless a
prodigious excitement in the south, west,
ami middle Stales should drive the Sen
ators up to the mark, Mr. Webster and
New England will oppose it. It is ex
pected, therefore, that when Mr. Calhoun
comes to Washington, lie will intuse a
vigor and energy into the Government
on these questions, tliat will astonish
and parsalyze both parties—break them
up like pipe stems—and drive both Clay
and Van Buren like chaff before the
wind. He will be the master spirit of
the administration, and will make all
others appear like small men before his
gigantic proportions. We may expect
extraordinary doings soon-
MACON, WEDNESDAY, APR'L 3, 1844.
Mr. John Y. Mason, the new Secreta
ry of the Navy, will be in Washington
on Monday next. John C. Spetifcer is
quiet, and cowers before the approaching
advent of Calhoun. Mr Wickliffe Is as
obstinate as ever against Post office re
form. The President looks forward with
great hopes to his M 27th-of-Mav ('onven
tion,” which John Jones is busy setting
on its legs. There will be terrible scenes
in Congress before the session closes.—
Weekly Herald.
From the Madisonian, March 21.
General J ackson's Letter— ** Annex Ation of
Texas.'-’
Last year we prepared a series of es
says designed to show the necessity of
annexing the territory of Texas to the
United States. Among the reasons which
induced ns to devote so much attention
to the subject, the revelations in the Brit
ish Parliament, made by the Earl of Ab
erdeen (the Mitiister of Foreign Rela
tions) and Lord Brougham, as to the de
signs of the British Government, seemed
to be the most urgent. It was proclaim
ed that by the interposition of the British
Envoy, acting under the instructions of
the British government, an armstice had
been effected between Mexico and Texas,
(the former being indebted to England
some $40,000,00(5) and that a treaty be
tween Great Britain and Texas was
about being consummated, the leading
design of which was to secure the aboli
tion of slavery in Texas, and to exert a
powerful influence, through Texas, and
by means of the treaty, on the Southern |
States of our Union, which it was pre
dicted, would directly cause the abolition
of slavery in the United States. Such
were the declarations in the British Par
liament, and from the lips of a British
Cabinet Minister!
Under these circumstances, nothing
was farther from our mind than the al
leged design to make the subject a “par
ty question." We advocated the annex
ation of Texas as a great national sub
ject, a subject important to all parties, and
to all sections of the Union. And hence
if it is to be made a “ party question,” it
will be done by others, and not by the
President. The President, however,
will never shrink from the responsibility
of any measure which he may deem it
his duty to advocate, even if his enemies
shall seek to deter hint by raising the cry
of “ party question !” Whatever may be
his views on this or nrty oilier subject, he
will stand by them, even if others shall
determine to make it a “ party question.”
But there are other and weighty rea
sons for immediate annexation, which
will lie found in the following letter from
Gen. Jackson, which was published in
yesterday’s Globe:
Hermitage, Feb. 12, 1843.
My Deni Sir —Youts of the 23d tilt,
has been received, and with it the Madi
sonian, containing Gov. Gilmer’s letter
bn the subject of the annexation of Tex
as to the United States.
You are not mistaken in supposing
that 1 have formed an opinion on this in
teresting subject. It occupied much of
my attention during my Presidency, and
I am sure has lost none of its importance
by what has since transpired.
Soon after my election in 1829, it was
made known to me by Mr. Irwin, for
merly our Minister at the court of Ma
drid, that whilst at that court he had laid
the foundation of a treaty with Spain for
the cession of the Floridas, and the settle
ment of the boundary of Louisiana, fix
ing the western limit of the latter at the
Rio Grande* agreeably Id she understan
ding of France —that he had written
home to our Government for powers to
complete and sign this negotiation; but j
that, instead of receiving such authority,
the negotiation was taken out of his
hands and transferred to Washington,
an'l anew treaty was there concluded,
by which the Sabine, and not the Rio
uranJe, was recognized and established
as the boundary of Louisiana.
Finding that these statements were
true, and that our Government did really
give up that important territory, when it
was at its option to retain it, I was filled
with astonishment. The right to the
territory was obtained from France ;
Spain siood ready to acknowledge it to
the Rio Grande: and yet the authority
asked by our minister to insert the true
boundary was not on I y withheld, but in
lieu of itj a limit was adopted which strip
ped us of the whole of the vast country
lying between the two rivers.
' On such a subject, 1 thought with the
ancient Romans, that it was right never
to cede any land or boundary of the re
public, but always to add to it by honor
ably treaty, thus extending the area of
freedom; and it was in accordance with
this feeling that 1 gave our Minister to
Mexico instruction to enter upon a nego
tiation fnr the retrocession of '1 exas to
the United States.
The negotiation failed, and I shall ev
er regret it as a misfortune to both Mexi
ico and the United States. Mr. Gilmer’s
letter presents many of the considerations
‘That this boundary could have boon obtained,
was doubtless the belief of our Minister in Spain ;
but the offer of the Spanish Government was proba
nly the Colorado-certainly a liue far west of the
Sabin#.
which, in my judgment, rendered the
step necessary to the peace and harmony
of the two countriesbut the point in it
at the time, which most strongly impell
ed me to the course I pursued was the in
justice done tb us by the surrender of the
territory, when it was obvious that it
could have been retained without increa
sing the consideration afterwards given
for the Floridns. I could not but feel
that the surrender of so vast an J impor
tant a territory was attributable to an er
roneous estimate of the tendency of ouj
institutions, in which the.e was mingled
somewhat of jealousy to the rising great
ness of the South and West.
But! forbear to dwell on this part of
the history of this question. It is past
and it cannot now’ be undone. We call
only look at it as one of annexation, if
Texas presents it to us; and if she does,
I do not hesitate to say that the welfare
and happiness of our Union require that
it should be accepted. '
If in a military point of view alor.c,
the question be examined, it will be found
to be most important to the United States
to be in possession of that territory.
Great Britain has already made trea
ties with Texas, and we know that far
seeing nation never omits a circumstance,
in her extensive intercourse with the
world, which can be turned to account
in increasing her military resources.—
May she not enter into an alliance with
Texas, and, reserving (as she doubtless
will) the Northeastern boundary ques
tion as a cause for war with us whenev
er she chooses to declare it, let us sup
pose that, as an ally with Texas, we ate
to fight her. Preparatory to such a
movement, she sends her 20,000 or 30,-
(XM? men to Texas, organizes them on
the Sabine, where her supplies and arms
can be concentrated lie fore we have even
notice of her intentions; makes a lodg
ment on the Mississippi; excites the ne
groes to insurrection ; the lower country
falls, and with it New Orleans; and a
servile war rages through the whole
South and West.
In the meanwhile she is also moving
an army along our western frontier from
Canada, Which, in co-operation with the
army from Texas, spreads ruin and hav
ock from the lakes to the Gulf of Mexico.
Who can estimate the mttional loss we
may sustain before such a movement
could be repelled with such»a fore# as
we could organize on short notice?
Remember that Texas borders upon
us, oti our west, to 42 dej> of north lati
tude, and is our southern boundary to
the Pacific. Remember also that if an
nexed to the United States*our western
boundary would be the Rio Grande,
which is of itself a fortification, on ac
count of its extensive, barren, and unin
habitable plains. With such a harrier
on our west, we are invincible. The
whole European world could not, in
combination against us, make an impres
sion on our Union. Our population on
the Pacific would rapidly increase, and
soon be strong enough for the protection
of our eastern whalers, and, in the worst
event, could always be sustained by time
ly aids from the intermediate country.
From the Rio Grande, over land, a
fctrge afmy cOnld udt inarch, or he sup
plied, unless from the Gulf by water,
which, by vigilance, could always be in
tercepted ; and, to march an army near
the gulf, they could be harassed by mili
tia, and detained until an organized force
c >uld be raised to meet them.
But I am in danger of running into
unnecessary detail, which my debility
will not enable me to Close. The ques
tion is full of interest, also, as it affects
our domestic relations, an I as it may
bear upon those of Mexico to us. I will
not undertake to follow it out to its con
sequences tu those respects; though I
must say that, in all its aspects, the an
nexation of Texas to the United States
promises to enlarge the circle of free in
stitutions and is essential to the United
States particularly as lessening the proba
bilities of future collision with foreign
powers, and giviug them greater efficien
cy in spreading the blessings of peace.
I return you thanks for your kind let
ter on this subject, and subscribe myself,
with great sincerity,
Your friend and obedient servant,
ANDREW JACKSON.
Hon A. V. Br^wn,
P. S. The papers furnished me by
Mr. Erwin, to which I have referred in
this letter, can be placed in your posses
sion, if desired. A. J.
•Such are the views and opinions of
Jackson, the hero and statesman, now on
the brink of the grave. It is to be re
gretted, aud no one regrets more than
we do, that the policy of Mr. Van Bu
ren’s administration was adverse to an
nexation. We regret that the Sqjretary
of State, in 1837, formally declined to
consider the proposition of the Texian
government, to annex its territory to the
United States. We regret it stall more,
because the refusal to entertain the prop
osition was based ou Constitutional
grounds, as well as State policy. How
ever, it is our decided conviction that a
very large majority of the Peopie, ol the
Democratic party, aud even of Air. Y all
Buren’s friends, approved, and still ap
prove the measure.
The Crisis ht Last.
.The crisis is at last upon us—the cri
sis involving questions of the annexation
of Texas, the negotiation of the Oregon
territory, and, probably, war»with Mexi
fco and England—civil tvaf’nmbhgsi our
selves, and a fin and dissolution of the Un
ion. These announcements may he star
tling, but they are not the idle wind. In
proof of the advent of this Crisis in the
destiny of this republit, and we may tru
ly say, of the progressive civilization of
die human race, we give in this day’s
paper, a number of extracts from the lea
ding journals irt Washington and this
city —which we rtiight multiply tenfold
—together with a most remarkable letter
written by Mr. Webster to his friends in
Worcester, Massachusetts, which is now
published for the first time. It will be
perceived that this letter is the bhsis of
the whole movement in opposition to the
annexation of Texas—a movement
which may lead to all the results we Have
enumerated above—War with Mexico—
war with England—civil war within
the confines of this republic—and a final
dissolution of the confederacy as now or
ganized.
There Can be no doubt that the exec
utive of this nation is now in the very
midst of a negotiation for the annexation
of the whole of Texas trt thic courttry—
that a minister is probably bj this time in
Washington—that a treaty has been
agreed upon by the executives of the
United States and of Texas respectively ;
that it will be soon placed before the Sen
ate of the United States, and that the
probability is that the majority of that
body will approve tis if, and a large ma
jority of the House of Representatives
will sanction the provisions necessary to
carry it into effect. In proof of these
views, we give extended extracts from
the National Intelligencer , at Washing*
ton, a journal that has the means of in
formation at hand ; and we also give ex
tracts from papers in this city, which
boast, apparently, that they*give their
statements on the highest authority—
meaning Mr. Webster himself, who ap
pears to be the origin and instigator of
all this opposition to the annexation of
Texas.
This is truly a momentous; a most
serious subject. The whole country is
now at once precipitated into the midst
of a most important crisis, out of which
no one can possibly predict what is to
come. From the tone of the Intelligen
cer, it is very evident that a portion of
the whigs in the Senate are going for the
annexation. By a recent vote in the
House, on Friday last, on a resolution
proposed by Mr. Winthrop, we think no
doubt can exist that almost two-thirds o(
that branch of the national legislature
will be in favor of the measure. The
principal opposition tb this new and ex
traordinary movement on the part of our
government comes from Mr. Webster and
the East—from New England—from the
same section of the Union which origi
nated all the bitter opposition to the ad
ministration of Jefferson on a somewhat
similar ground—the annexation of Loui
siana.
Now, at such a crisis, the deeply inter
esting question comes up, and addresses
itself to every one—will there be a war
with Mexico? Will it eventuate in an
indirect collision with England? Will
it cause a civil war in this country?—
Will it lead to a dissolution of the Un
ion ? Will New England separate her
self from the rest of the Union because
Texas is taken on the other side? All
these inquiries will l»e answered in time
—in the progress of events—in perhaps,
a few months. At present it is very evi
dent that the annexation of Texas to this
republic will bring us into immediate col
lision with Mexico, nnd produce a war
at once with that republic. In such a
war, however, we can haVe no fear of
ultimate disaster. The progress of the
Anglo-Saxon race Os this republic is on
ward ; nnd if such a war do ensue, the
inevitable result will the reduction of the
whole of Mexico to the standard of this
republic, and the spread of the Anglo-
Saxon race and Anglo-Saxon institutions
amongst the degenerate races of the
South. But in opposition to this, we
may be brought into collision with the
power of England on the ocean, in con
sequence ol difficulties growing out of
the Oregon question, or indirectly out of
the Texian question. To meet that, our
only resource would be to bring into the
great arena the French nation, with an
equal power on the ocean.
According to all appearances then, we
are in the commencement of a great peri
od in the progress of civilization and of
nations. Before six months have passed
away, perhaps the powers of the old and
new world may be precipitated into all the
horrors ol war. The first effect of things
as they now stand at Washington must
obviously be to paralyze all the present
movements of trade and civilization, and
to make men of all parties pause and
anxiously await what is coming next.—
Weekly Herald.
The President of Texas has given of
ficial notice to this Government, that all
foreign vessels entering the port ofTexas
will be required to pay one dollar per
month tonnage duty.
JNO. 46. :
From the Washington Spectator.
Texaa—Still a part of the Inion.
Mr. Clay contended in his speech de
livered in 1820, on the treaty of 1819,
transferring Texas toSpnin. that thfe trea
ty was inoperative: that tncre was nd
power under the Constitution, by which
the Federal Government could allienatC
any portion of the territory of the Union!
to a foreign nation. The Slates of Mas
sachusetts and Maine assumed the same
position with respect to the territory irt
dispute between Maine and Canada; alid
the Governmetit yielded to it, by requir
ing both Maine and Massachusetts to
send commissioners fully authorised to
assent to the adjustment of our North
eastern boundary. It was conceded that,
without the assent of these States, not a
foot of territory in dispute could be right
fully allienated or surrendered to Great
Britain. Such an act on the part of the
Government would be simply null and
void. If this position is good, then Tex
as has never been out of the Union, but
is now a portion of the United States.—
The position itself arises from the plain
est principles of our Government. All
territory belongs to the sovereignty of the
Country. In our system of Qoverrtmentj
the sovereignty of the country is in the
State; the General Government is noth
ing more fhati an agency established be
tween these sovereigns, by which they
agree to exercise in common Certain spe
cified powers. Whatever belongs to this
agenev; belongs to the sovereigns who
established it; It may purchase territo
ry; hut, whtn acquired the title is in
the sovereigns it represents, and cannot
be alienated but by the act of these sov
ereigns, the States of the Union. By the
CdrisfitUtiOn, Congress has power "to
purchase territory, with the consent of a
State in which the same shall be, for the
erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,
dock yards, and other needful buildings,”
but can Congress, or the General Gov
ernment, allienate and transfer any por
tion of (he territory so purchased to a
foreign nation ? We deny that this can
be constitutionally Hone. The ultimate
title is in the States of the Union, in
whom the sovereignty of the country a
lone resides. Their agency—the Gen
eral Government—may purchase terri
tory, for the more efficient conduct of
the agency, but the title is not in them,
but in their principals, the sovereign
States of the Confederacy. It is impos
sible to deny this position, but by deny
ing that the States afe sovereign at all.
As sovereignty is the supreme ultimate
authority, it if either in the States or in
the General Government. It cannot be
divided; Two authorities cart not be su
preme. One must be subordinate to the
other; and the one which is supreme, is
the sovereign. <in the Republican view
of (he Constitution, that sovereignty,
which, before the existence of the Con
stitution, was in the States, has not been
alienated by them to the General Gov
ernment, but still remains unimpaired in
their possession; and whilst they exer
cise In common certain powers of their
sovereignty, they are still supreme, sav
ing where, by their compact with each
other, they have allowed the will of all
to operate through their common agency,
the General Government; and then the
will of all, by virtue of the compact, be
comes the supreme sovereign will of
each rnemlier of the Union. Upon such
views of the Constitution, it is “jncon
testible” that the General Government
could notlawfully “cede” Texas to Spain
The act is “inoperative.” as Mr. Clay as
serted; and Texas is still a component
part of the United States. We admit,
however, that on a different view of the
Constitution, Texas may have been le
gally alienated to Spain. If the Gener
al Government is supreme and sovereign
in the Union, and the States are subor
dinate corporations, then the title to Tex
as, by the purchase of Louisiana, was in
the General Government, and its cession
to Spain was good. It could not only
lawfully “cede” Texas, but a part or the
whole of Maine or Massachusetts, to a
foreign nation. The Federal construc
tion of the Constitution will lead to such
results. The title is in the sovereign,
artdi wherever the sovereignty over a ter
ritory resides, there is the power of trans
ference and alienation. We contend
that no title to Texas passed to Spain by
the treaty of 1819, and therefore that she
is still a component part of the territory
of the (Tufted States. Protests and dis
satisfaction were expressed from the very
first step of alienation; and therefore full
notices of our rights accompanied the
transaction, which would have separated*
her from tlie Union. She is still iltf it?
and requires only a law of Congress es'
tablishing a Territorial Government over'
her, to adn it her to all the advantages
and privileges of the Union. Our ac
knowledgments of the independence of
Texas may, indeed, so far as Texas is
concerned, justly impede the exercise of
our right,-or Hie enforcement of our title;
but so far as the pec pie of the United
States are concerned, the wrong perpe
trated by their agents is not obligatory
upon them; and if Texas consents, her
territory remainsexactly as it would have
done, had the treaty ofT-819 never been
made; and admitting her into the Union,
won and only l e re-estab'ishingits ancient
boundaries,and ralret*mg an uncousU-