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AIVinRICAIM lIHOGMf, Die most perfect Goyenimeut would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least—Costs least—Dispenses Justice to all, and confers Privileges on None— BENTIIAM. k VOL. I.i DR. WM. GREEN-EDITOR. AMERICAN DEMOCRAT, PUBLISHED WEEKLY, IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES' BOOKSTORE. COTTON AVENUE. MACON. GA. AT TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM. EO-IN ADVANCE. -CU Rates of Advertisiug, Ac. One iquare, of 100 words, or less, in small type, 75 cents f.r the first insertion, and 30 cents for each subsequent inser' l ion. All Vdvertisements containing tnor. than 100 and less than 200 words, will be charged as two square?. To Yearly Advertisers, a liberal deduction wifi tie made. try~ N. B Sales of LAND, by Administrators, Executors- Guardians, arc required, by law, to be held on the first Tuesday in tliq month, between the hours of 10 in the fore noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in the Cuun ,y in which the property is situated. Notice of these must be gircn in a public Gazette, SIXTY DAYS, previous to the day of sale. Sales of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must be advertised in the same manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be pub |i.hed FORTY Days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordi tary, for leave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR MONTHS. Sales of NEGROES, must be made at public auction, on the first Tuesday of the month, between the legal hours of •ale, at the place of public sales in the county where the let ,rrs testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, shall have been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously given in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the Court-House, where such sales are to be held. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made thereon by the Court. All business of this nature, will receive prompt attention, a the Otlice of the AMERICAN DEMOCR AT. REMITTANCES BY MAIL.— “A Postmaster may en close money in a letter to the publisher of a newspaper, to pay the subscription of a third person, anil frank the letter, if written by himself.” —.l nvn Kendalt , P. M. G. COMMUNICATIONS addressed to the Herron Pont Paid. From the B »ton Statesman. Gen. Jackson’s Birtli.Dny. f march 15th, 1844.] The Jackson Jubilee, atFaneuil Hall, to celebrate the 77th birth day of Gener al Andrew Jackson, came off, in great splendor, on Friday night. The hall was magnificently decorated for the oc casion. " At the upper end stood a large transparency of the pre-eminent civil and military patriot, superscribed with a characteristic sentence from one of his messages“ It is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong.”— On each side of this commanding figure werctwo smaller transparencies represent ing a hickory tree and the Hermitage.— On the rostrum were placed busts of Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, and Van Buren, and in the centre of the floor were the following epochs inscribed f— “Andrew Jackson—born March 15th, 1707;” and “Andrew Jackson, March 15, 1844.” About seven o’clock the carriages be gan to arrive, and soon the square be came the scene of life and activity, but ev«ry thing was conducted in the most orderly manner. Shaw’s cotillon band was engaged for the occasion, and danc ing commenced about eight o’clock, and a more splendid spectacle,was never pre sented in Old Fancuil Hall. The company was composed of our most substantial and respectable citizens. The ladies dressed with admirable taste, looked charmingly, and appeared to lie exceedingly joyous and delighted with the idea of being called upon to unite in doing honor to the hero of New Orleans. There was a handsome sprinkling of gentlemen in uniform, just sufficient to give a pleasing variety to the scene.— There were full a thousand present, and among the invited guests were the Hon. David Henshaw, Capt. Henry, U. States Navy, Hon Mr. Gardner, of the Senate; Rev. O. A. Brownson, &c., who all ap peared to enjoy the animating scene presented. A little after 11 o'clock, Col Macomber marshalled the officers of the celebration and the guests to the supper room, above, followed by as many of the company as as it would accomodate. ; Wing tables were set in the armories on each side of the hall, for die accomodation of those who could not get a place at the main table, and very pretty little parties did they form. After some three quarters of an hour spent in an attack on the edibles, J. H. Dustin, Esq. the toastmaster, presented Mr. Rautoul to the company at the table, and that gentleman then proceeded to re mark as follows. He spoke with great animation, and we repeatedly recognised in his tones the crack of that same old rifle which used to carry dismay into the ranks of the wliigs when he was in the legislature:— MR. RANTOUL’S REMARKS. We have assembled Indies and gentle men, to celebrate the seventy-seventh an niversaryofthebirthday of the great man of our nation. Who, that yet breathes the vital air, so well deserves this tribute of respect, as the venerable hero whom we this night delight to honor. If the master spirits who haveguided the bloody controversies, that, in indifferent ages, have decided the woild’s destiny, have never failed to command the admiration of man kind, for the energy and jiower which their career has displayed, even though unredeemed by a spark of virtu ous patriotism, how much higher the ti tle to our applause, when courage and DEMOCRATIC BANNER -- FREE TRADE; DOW DUTIES; Ho DEBT; SEPARATION FROM BANKS; ECONOMY; RETRENCHMENT; AND A STRICT ADHERENCE TO THE C. C*ILHOUJT. martial genius, unsurpassed, are conse crated wholly to the service of a confid ing country. Peace hath her victories no less than war, and since the first of American generals lias proved, through the ordeal of a most arduous service, the most successful of American states men, he has earned the civic wreath as richly as his laurels. This Union of characters, seemingly opposite in the same individual, is by no means unnatural. The quick discern ment, prompt decision and energetic exe cution which characterize a man fitted to command an army, make him com petent also to discern and adopt the mea sures calculated to promote the welfare of his country in his civil administration. A strong mind will soon graspanew sub ject to which it turns its attention, and Caesar, Napoleon, Wellington, Washing ton and Jackson have demonstrated, that human nature is the same in the forum as in the camp; and that the same quali ties which win the confidence of an army, will command also the heart of a nation. That Gen. Jackson was one of these spirits cast in Nature’s choicest mould, was recognised by those who kuew how tojudgeofmen long before the nation had set her seal upon his worth by call ing him to fill her highest office. It would be difficult to collect for any oth er man now living such flattering testi monials from such diverse authorities. “Towards that distinguished Captain, who has shed so much glory on our country, whose renown constitutes so great a portion of its moral property, I never had,” said Henry Clay, the great western orator, “I never can have any other feelings than those of profound re spect, and of the utmost kindness.” John Quincy Adams pronounced him to be “an officer whose services entitle him to the highest rewards, and whose whole career has been signalized by the purest intentions, and most elevated purposes.” James Monroe spoke of him as “a man fit for any emergency; a statesman, cool and dispassionate; a soldier, terrible in battle and mild in victory; a patriot, whose bosom swelled with the love of country; in fine, a man whose like, we shall scarce look upon again.” Not less emphatic are the words of the patriarch of democracy, Thomas Jeffer son : “Andrew Jackson is a clear-head ed, strong-minded man, and has more of the old Roman in him than any other man now living.” The adopted child of America, the great and good Lafayette, sympathized most ardently with Jeffer son in this enthsiasm for the hero. “Gen. Jackson is the very man fitted for the present crisis,” said that experienced ob server of human affairs. “His stern and uncompromising republicanism and high sense of honor will prove the best securi ty for our republican institutions. Gen eral Jackson possesses the honesty of a Rcgulus, the patriotism of a Washington and the firmness ofa Timoleon—in fact, I am unacquainted with any character in ancient or modern history which com bines so much excellence with so few of the errors of hmanity.” What then has been the history of this man, who thus unites the voluntary suf frages of those holding the most opposite sentiments upon questions where it is possible to differ? To what accident of birth or fortune does he owethis dazzling preeminence ? Like Washington, he is a self-made man. It is undeniable that he has been emphatically the artificer of his own for tunes. He has built up his enviable and surpassing fame, not by aid of family connections, hereditary wealth, or favor able opportunities; but in despite of ad verse circumstances, and inveterate op position. Having been honored with the confidence of every president from Washington down to his own immediate predecessor, having three times received far the largest number of votes for the highest office in the gift of the people, h has twice been called by an overwhelm ing majority of suffrages to fill the Pre sidential chair, has so discharged its du ties as to eclipse the lustre of his military glory by the brightersplendor of hiscivic fame: and now that, the hoarse roar of party animosity is hushed, no voice is heard to interrupt the universal harmo ny ofa nation’s gratitude and praise. By his own unaided merit has he arisen to that proud eminence. Having seen his only brother perish by the cruelty of the enemy, in the war of the revolution, and his broken-hearted mother follow her son to the grave, he went alone, friendless and pennyless, from his native state to Tennessee, where he had not a single blood relation, and when scarcely more than a boy, we find him selected to assist in forming a constitution for that state—a member of the first legislature of Tennessee, chosen by Washington, endowed like himself with a wonderful sagacity in the discrimination of charac ter, for the responsible office of district attorney; soon after delegated as the first representative in Congress from the State of Tennessee; and as soon as he was con stitutionally eligible, being only thirty years of age, he was placed in the Senate of the United States. In this early and rapid promotion of a friendless stranger, we may see the evi dence of talents for civil service, for he ' was not yet a military chieftain, and it MACON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 10, 1844. was the ability evinced in these stations which led, no doubt, to his military ap pointment during this period as major general, commanding the militia of Ten nessee, and afterwards to be brigadier, and finally major general in the United States service. When a great work is to be done, God in his providence brings forth the man to do it, and the country instinctively turns her eyes to him- History has recorded how Washington was summoned by the spontaneous voice of the people to conduct to an honorable close the war of the revolution. So it was within our memory with Jackson. A vast plan of invasion, sketched by military genius, and begun to be execu ted with a boldness that did not dream of defeat; by solid columns of picked men, from the veterans of more than twenty years’ warfare, officered by the flower of British chivalry; led by generals of un doubted talent, tried valor, and consum mate skill; trained to conquer, and exult ing in their anticipated success, on the Bth of January, 1815, received from An drew Jackson’s arm its fatal check, its wreck, andoverthrow. Out last arduous contest with Great Britain, to use the words of Governor Brooks, was “termin ated gloriously.” The bottle which secured forever our independence of British influence, natur ally associates itself in our minds with our own Massachusetts battle, with which the first struggle for independence open ed, after the prelude at Lexington and Concord. These two battles are the two pivots of American history. Ask a Yankee when absent from his native land, what thrice holy spot of all New England’s hallowed soil rises readi est to his recollection, if ever the foreign er tells him tauntingly that the American continent is barren of historical scenes ? With a swelling heart and a beaming eye, he will answer Bunker Hill. Put the same question to the hunter of the west, or the quick and fiery southron, and you know his answer well: it is New Orleans It is fortunate for us, fellow citizens, that the two great battles in our history happened in opposite extremities, almost, of our Union. The north cannot re proach the south, neither can the south vaunt it over the north. .Each possesses one imperishable glory, before which the lustre of the brightest victories won in battles between contending tyrants turns pale ; but neither can assert, and neither attempts to arrogate peculiar and exclu sive possessions of either portion of the splendid inheritance. Both claim a com mon property in the trophies of these two memorable days, the seventeenth of June and the eighth of January, the first of which cut out work for the fourth of July, and the last completed it. Both walk together in the light of these two glowing beacon fires kindled on that stormy coast where liberty has taken up her eternal abode, to illuminate with the cheering radiance of hope her benighted pilgrims, who can look nowhere else for hope but to this western world. Yes, my friends, Warren falling in his. prime, in a sad and sanguinary defeat— sad, yet more glorious than any victory the muse of history had ever yet record ed—Jackson, balancing at New Orleans, the account that was opened at Bunker Hill—closing the last act of the bloody drama of our strife with the mother coun try, with a fighting catastrophe for sublime a tragedy—Jackson, achieving a victory doubly disastrous to the inva ders, more than satisfying the highest ex pectations of a confiding country, putting to silence for a while the clamorous tongue of envy, and extorting sincere ancTheartfelt praise from the vanquished brave—these are names that are and ever must be dear to the whole people of the republic. No sectional jealousy shall be suffered to monopolize them; no party madness shall shut our eyes against their lustre. Tneir fair fame is the na tion’s common property; priceless, for gold could not buy it; secure, for no re verse of fortune can tear it from us so long as language shall be faithful to its trust; so long as tradition shall preserve the outline after history has forgotten the detail; so long as one generous emo tion shall warm the human heart ; after the monument shall have crumbled,, but while Bunker Hill shall stand; after New Orleans shall have sunk in the dust, but while the Mississippi shall flow, Warren and Jackson shall be watch words in the armies of Liberty—the memory of our two great battles shall eternally be renewed to cheer the fainting courage of desponding patriotism, to re vive and invigorate hope when almost extinguished in the breast of the despairing lover of his kind, and to restore and re animate his confidence in God. Illustrious for the crowning victory of the war, respected for his talents and en ergy of character, and trusted for bis in tegrity and the soundness of his political views, there was much work that yet re mained for Andrew Jackson to do.— Having on a former occasion received a plurality of the elected votes, he was at last called by an overwhelming majority of suffrages to fill the presidential chair. Unappalled by the difficulty of the task, he proceeded steadily to his great pur pose, and obstacles seemingly insur- mountable gave way before him. The growth of deep rooted abuses was stayed at once, and he exerted all his energy and decision to eradicate diem from our sys tem; the reforms in office reduced to practice the great truth that place men not possessors of office for their own emolument, but holders of a trust to be administered for the benefit of the peo ple; and in every department,method, order, punctuality and economy super ceded negligence, carelessness, procras tination and prodigality. In his inter course with foreign nations, hebuilton the foundation of the national policy laid by Washington “the immutable princi ples of private morality,”—proclaiming at the outset as a fundamental rule of his conduct, “to ask nothing but what was clearly right, and to submit to no thing that was wrong.” To this golden rule he unalterably adhered, and the smiles of. heaven abundantly approved his honest and magnanimous policy ; his frank and manly advances to other gov ernments met a ready and cordial recep tion, and obtained for his country advan tages which the tortuous diplomcy that some admire, would either not have dared to attempt, or attempted in vain. But 1 perceive, that should I pass on with a review, however brief, of the poli cy of his glorious administration, I should be treading on unextir.guished fires smouldering beneath the. recent allies. — I will not then go on to discuss the top ics which suggest themselves to my mind because of the lateness of the hour, for we are close upoti midnight, and also because this is an occasion of festivity, and not for political argument. I pass by these great measures not because I have any wish to keep back my opinions upon them, which I believe are pretty well knowu to all who could possibly feel any curiosity about them, nor be cause of my obligation to refrain from the free discussion of any question what ever, for I acknowledge no such obliga tion. It may perhaps be as well to. say what it is strange that any American citizen should ever have doubted, that there is no post under our government which disfranchises him who holds it; uo post which does not allow a citizen to express any opinion upon any and every subject, whenever and wherever lie may find a fitting occasion. I will go one step fur ther, though perhaps it may not be neces sary. There exists no disposition on the part of the present administration, or of the head of that administration, to desire any man to say what he does not think, or to leave unsaid what he honestly -thinks. If such were the tenure of office, no man of honor would hold office for a day.— The president of the United States is not the man to offer such conditions to any one; lam not one of the men to whom such conditions would be offered by any one. If 1 do not review, as in another time and place I should delight to do, the measures of the administration of the man who filled the measure of his coun try’s glory, it is for the reasons I have given and for no other. Yet there is one act of that administration to which I can not allude, but the rather, because a sen timent of unanimity is rapidly growing up in this community where lately we were so widely divided. Who that now hears me, who if my voice could reach the chambers of alfthat are sleeping in this great city—who does not rejftice that Gen. Jackson set his foot upon-the neck of the monster Bank? He prostrated, he wounded, he crippled the leviathan. His immediate successor took for his motto “ uncompromising hostility to the United States Bank, the interests and the honor of the people demand it,” and Mr. Van Buren kept his word. But it was reserved to the present President of the United States to strike tlie last blow, the death wound, to crush the last head of the hydra, and with an unflinching nerve he dealt that blow, for which democracy, aye the whole people owe him a debt of heartfelt gratitude—a debt not to be de nied. I say not to be denied, and it is not denied. Those who used to call the bank a regulator of the currency, and a regulator of commerce, understand now, most of them, that it was the grand dis turber of currency and of commerce, and have ceased to regret tlie wholesome ac tion of our patriot Presidents Jackson, Van Bureti and Tyler, in delivering us from its misrule. I will touch/m one other topic a mo ment, and then detain you no longer, for it is as unpleasant for me to make long speeches, as it can be for any one to hear them. (Cries of go on !go ahead!) I speak of that celebrated fine, the history of which is fresh in all your memories. Is it not a blessed day for tlie country; was it not a great blessing vouchsafed to the hero himself, that lingering as he is upon the borders of the grave, he should have been spared till this last act of tar dy justice had been rendered to him? And is it not among the most fortu nate circumstances of the fortunate Mr. Tyler, that he has recommended and set his signature to the act, blotting out the only imputation cast upon his bright ca reer from the judicial record, and there by certifying to him the final plaudit of the nation, “ well done good and faithful servant.” Not to detain you longer when so ma ny around me can entertain and instruct you so acceptably, I will only ask leave to offer the following sentiment:— Andrew Jackson.—The country owes to him her soil defended, her territory en larged, her honor vindicated, her consti tution rescued ftom violation. “ The hero is immortal, and our coun try has the blessing.” REGULAR TOASTS AND LETTERS.* The toast master, D. H. Dustin, Esq., then announced the first regular toast The President of the United States. The following correspondence was read between the committee of arrange ments and President Tyler Boston, March Bth, 1844. lion. John Tyler, President of the Ignited States: Sir—The birthday of the illustrious Andrew Jackson, your predecessor, in the office which you now hold, will be celebrated in Faneuil Hall, the “old cra dle of liberty,” in this city, on the 15th instant, with appropriate festivities. The committee of arrangements re quest the honor of your company on this interesting occasion in behalf of their fel low citizens, to join them in this tribute of respect to the man, whom you so late ly had the pleasure to congratulate upon the long delayed act of justice towards him, at last consummated by your ad vice and with your signature. With sentiments of the highest consid eration, we have the honor to be your obedient servant, J. SHACKFORD KIM BALI-, In behalf of the Committee of Arrange ments. Washington, March 12, 1844. Sir—l have to acknowledge the invi tation of your committee of arrangements, and many of your fellow citizens, to be present at Faneuil Hall, on the 15th ol March, in celebration of the birth-day ol j Andrew Jackson; and I need scarcely i attempt to express the pleasure I should experience from obeying your summons, j if to do so was in my power; but this pleasure is denied me, and all that re mains to me is to tender yon my sincere good wishes upon the occasion. For any agency which I may have had in bring ing about the remission of the fine impo sed upon him in immediate connexion ■ with the defence of New Orleans, I am sufficiently rewarded in tlie expression of your favorable opinion concerning it. It seemed to me to be every way due to : the gallant defender of his country, now j in the winter of life, that there should be j nothing left on the judicial records which . could in arty manner obscure the lustre of his noble achievement. I pray you, sir, to accept for yourself and your associates, my cordial saluta tions. JOHN TYLER. ! J. Shackford Kimball, Esq., Boston. David Hensh rw : Where he is most ; known there lie is most respected; his : personal and political enemies have done | their worst, and the shafts of their malig nity return upon themselves. The Hon. Mr. Henshaw being intro- 1 duced to the company by the president, J said he could not but feel gratified and grateful at the friendly greeting with which the sentiment complimentary to himself had been received by the compa ny. He was rejoiced to meet on this fe licitous occasion so many old friends— . persons whom he had known and with ; whom he had been associated from his boyhood to the present time—men, some of whom he knew to be staunch demo crats during the last war—and many who had gone through that glorious political period which brought into power and sustained in his administration, the sage, soldier, and statesman—tlie man who was always true to his principles, his country, and his friends—whose birth and deeds we were here assembled to celebrate. I am rejoiced, too, said Mr. Henshaw, to meet the young democracy of Boston —to meet so many intelligent | young persons taking an active interest in the celebration and in political affairs —and yet, Mr. President, perhaps I ought not to rejoice at this, for theirs is the only party from which I ever apostatised.— Time was when I belonged to the young men's party ; but I nm compelled to ad mit that I have abandoned their party and have joined the old men’s party. And, perhaps, on this occasion, Mr. j H. said he might be permitted to say a ! word on politics, to which this train of thought naturally led him. Twenty ’ years ago lie belonged to tlie young ■ men’s party. He then took nn interest, and was active in politics. The political organization of tbafc-day was in some re spects unalagons to the organization of the present day. It was an old organiza tion that the times had outgrown. It had like that of the present day ceased to rep resent public opinion. Its office was to control and not to represent it. The result of that presidential election we all know. The new organization then formed still exists ; and in the mean time all the vast mass of voters, from twenty-one to forty-one years oi age, have come into political life. They have not the weight and influence that from their numbers, talents, and intelli gence, they have a right to expect, and the power to enforce; and yet for present they must yield to the power of the old organization. The next presi- {NO. 47. dential question was virtually settled air to candidates, though the party organiza tion no more represented fixed princi ples, than public opinion— yet it was vir tually settled, and the young democracy must look to a succeeding presidential term for the possession of that full meas ure of influence to which they were en titled, and that they could not look to it too soon. Whichever of the present can didates before the people might be elect ed, he would not expect a re-election; and the moment lie shall have cnlmina ted —been elected and distributed the offi ces—his influence would in a great mea sure cease. Very many of the American people, irti their political worship, are Persians— they turn from the setting to the rising sun—the young democracy would hence see the importance of taking early a far strefehing view of the political horizon to make their influence felt in its proper force and duration. But, Mr. President, said Mr. Heushatv, I will not tire the company at this hour with a speech, but, with your permission, 1 will offer this sentiment: The young democracy of Boston— They have but to pursue the course they have Commenced to insure to themselves that social and political influence their intelligence, integrity, and energy entitle them to command. Mr Hailed, one of the vice presidents, being called up, said that notwithstand ing the festive occasion, and the beauty and gayety with which he was surround ed, he felt inclined to the grave rather than the gay, and if he responded to the call it must be in the tram his thoughts had taken to the home of the veteran warrior and retired statesman, the good old man, who in humble resignation was waiting the will of Heaven to summon him hence full of honors and of years; and who himself had predicted, in his pious and touching acknowledgment of this last act of justice done him by his country in the restitution of the fine, that before another year he must, in all pro bability, be in the tomb prepared for him. It was a noble spectacle for the youth of our land to witness the example of this , illustrious man, in his retirement, giving his last days to love for his country and devotion to his God. It had been pecu liarly the lot of Andrew Jackson, as it had been and always would be, of every man who fearlessly battled for the demo cratic ptiriciples, to be villified, without measure, by its opponents. From the days of JefDrsou until iiow, the weapon most used by the enemies of democracy, tvas detraction and personal abuse of its champions. The federal party from the beginning had claimed all the talents and all the virtues for their .great men, and attributed all the follies and vices to ours; with what injustice history had already recorded in the instance of the immortal Jefferson, and was about to record in that of the venerated Jackson, who, if not so great in mind, was greater in action than his illustrious predecessor in the advancement of tlie democratic principle. Centuries would continue to develope, in the progress of human government and equal laws, (lie benefits which the mas ses owe to tliese two men of their times,- and of the occasions which called for them. But it was a remarkable fact, from which tlie young men of the country might see tlie injustice and frand of the system of personal assault upon private character that haß always been foremost in the party tactics of our opponents, that those men whom they have aliused most in life, they have eulogized most after their death. Need I instance Jefferson and Madison, upon whom the whole tal ent and the whole malignity of the feder al party had for years poured out all the vials of tbeif wrath and denunciation, but whom, after death, all their talents and all the eloquence of their orators were enlisted to venerate, eulogize and consecrate? Those who had been loud est in denunciation of tliese great states men, arc now most emphatic in their praise; and when death lias hallowed the fame of Jackson, he too will receive the like tribute from the like source. And what is tlie reason for this bnt that democratic doctrines arc the great faith of this people; and though they may be startled for a time, at the terrors with which tlie interested few seek to surround the practical operations of that faith, the popular instinct, when left to its owfl just influences, never fails to award in the end the true merit that belongs to those who, for their sake, have incurred odium and assumed high responsibility, though seemingly, at die time, at the risk of reputation and advancement. At this moment, and on this day, An drew Jackson is a living example of this truth. No man breathing has been more abused than he, and no man living in otif land is now more venerated than ne. In vain did your consuls and minister and cabinets and congress appeal to the fude Mexican ruler lor the release of art American citizen from his dungeons ; but at the simple request of a private man, at the name of Jackson, the doors of the prison were opened, and the captive was sent to his friends, as a tribute k> the pure fame of that man. Mr. President, it is not my purpose to