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Truth beautifully expri's-ed.
Tiie following passage beautifully in
it-? truth and in the expression of that
truth is from the editor of the Baltimore
American. It wilPbe felt and apprecia
ted by every parent, and most heartily do
we com.neiul it to the attention of chil
dren.
If children could only be made aware
of the heartfelt delight with which pa
rents befiold the deveiopement of talents
and noble sentiments in their offspring
with what avidity would they seek the
means of expanding the sphere of their
intelligence and cherishing the moral
sentiments that impart dignity to the hu
man character. From infancy to man
hood the welfare and happiness of the
child is the sole object of the parent’s
.mlicitinfe. I’nder all circumstances,
through good or evil fortune, the present
and future condition of those whom they
may have rocked in the cradle, or dan
dled on the knee, is the polar star to
which their affections point with unde
viating constancy.
Should their path through life be pros
perous the possession of health mid dis
tinction is only precious in their eyes, as
affording the means of conferring on
those who are, in future years, to he their
representatives, the honors that attend
riches and exalted character, and should
adversity be their lot and difficulties be
set them, they are forgotten in the hope
rtiat circumstances may ensure a better
late to their children. The child may
be affectionate and tender, but the filial
relation is not susceptible of the intensity
of affection which belongs to the parental
tie. It is the depth of love that euables
the old to pass from the stage of life with
out regret. They feel that in their chil
dren they will continue to live, and that
however this world and its concerns may
be lost to them, succeeding generations
will recognise in their offspring portions
of themselves. With what unspeakable
delight docs a father behold the first
manifestations of exalted intelligence in a
sou ; and how does he dwell upon ac
tions that liespenk nobleness of purpose
and soundness of integrity. If these feel
ings of gratification-are inexpressibly de
lightful, so on the other hand the emo
tions with which he views indication of
an opposite character, are unutterably
painful.
To see the object m' Ins parental solici
tude, over whom lie has watched day af
ter day, and year after year, falling off
from the path of virtue and deaf to the
appeals of honorable motives, is to him a
source of bitterness, of regrcU to which
no tempore 1 blessings can furnish an an
tidote. Honors tnay await, and the con
fidence and love ot Ins fellow beings may
fora moment cheer his patli through life,
but when he reflects that his honor and
Ihs love are to t»c changed into contempt
and dislike in the person of his own
child, he feels ns if it were better to be de
prived of all than to witness so heart-ren
ding a contrast. If there be reserved for
human life a joy more exalting than all
others, it is that of beholding its last mo
ments cheered by tiie fondness and affec
tion of a worthy and virtuous progeny ;
and if there be a pang more agonising
than any other, it is that of a dying pa
rent, whose last thought rests upon the
crimes of a depraved! but fondly loved
child.”
Astonishing accuracy of the Bible.
An astonishing feature of the word of
God is, notwithstanding the time at
which its compositions were written, and
the multitude of the topics to which it
alludes, there is not one physical error—
not one assertion or allusion disproved
Ivy the progress of modern science.—
Noue of those mistakes which the science
of each* succeeding age discovered in the
books preceding: above all, none of those
absurdities which modern astronomy in
dicates in sueh great numbers in the wri
tings of the ancients—in their sacred
codes—in their philosophy, and even in
the finest pages of the fathers of the
church ; not one of these errors is to be
found in any of our sacred books, fro
thing there will ever contradict that
which, after so many ages the investiga
tion of the learned would have been able
to reveal to us on the state of our globe:,
or on that of the heavens. Peruse with
care our Scriptures from one end to the
other to find there such spots, and, whilst
you apply yourselves to this examination,
remember that it is a book which speaks
of everything, which describes nature,
which recites its creation, which tells us
of the water, of the atmospliere, of the.
mountains', of the animals, and of the
plants. It is a book which teaches us
the first revolutions of the world, and
which also foretells its last. It recounts
them in the circumstantial language of
history, it extols them in the suhliincst
strains of poetry, and it chants them in
the charms of glowing song. It is a
book which is full of oriental rapture, el
evation, variety and boldness. It is a
book wlnch speaks of the heavenly and
invisible world, whilst it also speaks of
ihe earth and things visible. In this state
ment nearly fifty writers of every de
gree of cultivation, of every state, of ev»*ry
condition and living through the course
of fifteen hundred years, hare concurred
to make. It is a book which was writ
ten in the centre of Asia, m the sands of
Arabia, in the deserts of Judea-, in the
court of the temple of the Jews, in the
music schools of the prophets of Bethel
c.nd Jericho, in the sumptuous palaces of
Bubylom and on tlw idolatrous batiks of
Chebar; and, finally, in the centre of the
Western civilization, in the midst of the
Jews and of their ignorance, in the midst
of polytheism and its idols, as in she bo
som of pantheism and its sad philosophy.
It is a book wliose first writer had been
forty years a pupil of the magicians of
lleypt, in whose opinion the sun, the
stars and elements were endowed with
.irtclliarence, reacted on the element?, and
governed the world by a perpetual nllti- j
wium It is a book whose first writer
proceeded, by more than nine hundred
years, the most ancient philosophers of
ancient Greece and Asia—the Thaleses,
and the Pythagorases, the Zal iicuscs, the
Xenophons, and the Confuciuses, it is
a book which carries its narrations even
to the hierarchies of angels—even to the
most distant epochs of the future, and
the glorious scenes of the last day. Well:
sealch among its SOauthors, search a
mong its 66 books, i<3 1,189 chapters,
and its 31,713 verses, search for only one
of those thousand errors which the an
cients and moderns committed when they
speak of the heavens or of the earth—of
their revolutions, of their elements;
search—but you will find none.— From
the Gentian of Ganssen.
POLITICAL.
mx: — .n ~ •a- 1 . 1 ■ ■
from the X. Carolina /tefu'-tican.
.Mr. Ca’honn anil this Friends.
Since the publication of Mr. Cnllioot/s
letter, withdrawing his name as a can
didate for the Presidency, to go before
the Baltimore Convention, the Whigs
seem to take a peculiar delight in en
deavoring to create the impression among
all parties that neither Mr. Caihoun, nor
his friends will support Ihe nominee of
the Baltimore Convention, in the event
that Mr. Van Boren receives the nomin
ation’, and that the Southern Democracy
will give their support to Mr. Clay, rath
er than to Mr. Van Buren, or any other
man whose nomination shall not be ap
proved of by the Southern Statesman.
Such silly assertions as these, which we
lreta - almost every day front the lips of
the disciples of coonery, would hardly
merit a passing notice, were it not for the
purpose of putting Democrats on their
guard against the insidious designs of
the enemy', who, driven to desperation at
the unpopularity of their candidate, and
goaded to madness to behold their cause
tottering, would endeavor to prop it by
asserting that the Democratic party is
split into factions, and that the Southern
Democrats will not support a Northern
man for" the Presidency, Miserably
weak, indeed, mtfst be that Cause which
requires such means to sustain it. The
object of tlie Whigs plainly is, to make
political capital, and he must sure
ly be a short-sighted Democrat, who can
not see that such is their object. With
such logic the more sensible portion of
tlie Whigs would induce the ignorant of
their own party to believe that such is
the fact, iir order to keep them in the
traces, while at the same time they are
operating*upon the luke-warm Demo
crats, and flattering themselves with the
silly idea that they will give their suf
frages to Mr. day, whose principles are
the very antipodes of those they profess.
Some of these knowing ones have had
the impudence to assert that Mr. Calhoun
himself will support Mr. Clay in prefer
ence to Mr. Van Buren, thus insulting
the understanding, and giving the lie to
the repeated assertions of the great states-
man to the contrary. Mr. Calhoun vote
for Mr. Clay ! the assertion is monstrous!
Mr. Calhoun, who is bitterly hostile to a
Protective Tariff; a National Bank; op
posed to the distribution of (he proceeds
of the sales of the public l.ands; to the
abolition of (lie Veto Power from the
Constitution, and to all the other odious
measures of Federalism; support Mr.
Clay who is in favor of them all, and a
Federalist too, of the deepest dye !! The
idea is preposterous. The Whigs tel! us
that Mr. Van Bttren is n Northern man,
and on that account, the South ought
not to support him. Whoever heard of
anything half so foolish? Was not Mr.
Van Bttren a Northern man when with
a united voice the Democracy of the
Union elevated him to the Vice Presi
dency, and afterwards to the Presidency;
the highest post of honor that the Ameri
can people can confer upon an individu
al ? And has the confidence the Demo
crncy then reposed in his integrity and
his patriotism at all diminished? Has
lie been guilty of a single act since that
time that should lessen their confidence
in him? True, it is, he was beaten in
1840, badly beaten, but tic was beaten by
such means as the democracy were not
then prepared to counteract or control.
But was not Henry Clay also badly bea
ten in 1524 when Jackson. Adams and
himself were candidates. Mr. Clav hav
ing received but 37 out of 261 electoral
votes. Was lie not also badly beaten in
1832 when he was the regular nominee
of the Federal National Convention,
having received only 1 ( J out 0f2 86 elec
toral votes. Has he not tried repeatedly
to thrust himself upon his party and been
cast aside in disgust ? Was he not re
jected by the Harrishurg Convention,
and Genera! Harrison, who had hardly
been heard ofbefore,nominated over him,
and was he not rejected too, by the very
men who are now his warmest suppor
ters? Did lie not then say that he would
never allow his name to go before anoth
er Convention ? Yet the Whigs, [cun
ning fellows as some of them think they
are,J have the impudence to dictate to
Democrats, by felling them that from the
fact of Mr. Van Hareti’s having once
been beaten. Fie can never be elected
again, and that that should bean insup
erable objection to him 1 How then can
they reconcile it to themselves to support
Mr. Olay, who has not only I icon fw ce
shamefully beaten, lot often turned otf
by his party ? True it is, we prefer Mr.
Calhoun to any' of the distinguished men
who have been spoken of for the Presi
dency. Wc prefer him to any oth<
itr the Union, and we believe that
same sentiment pervades the ranks ot *i:
Southern Democracy. But because
forsooth, we cannot have the man of orrr
choice, shall we remain mere lisrfess spec
tators and allow the enemy to trinmph
without a struggle on our part? Shall
we fefid our arms, look calmly on, and
cry “all's well ?” Shall we desert our
own long cherished principles and lend
our support to those who differso widely
from ns? Shall we permit the election i
ofa party opponent whose principles are
so diametrically opjiosed to our own,
merely because weeannotgratifyour pre
ference for an individual favorite? Nev
er, never, never. It would be worse
than madness to preclude ourselves by
our zeal in behalf of a favorite candidate
from lending an effective support to an
other, whom the majority of the party
may think proper to nominate over him?
There may be some disaffected ones in
out ranks who perhaps may remain mere
idle spectators—not caring which party
gains the victory, hut these are “few and
far between.” The great mass of the
Democracy have not yet forgotten the
good old Democratic motto — principles
not men.
For principle, they are still determin
ed to battle, and with that motto inscrib
ed on their banner, with a determination
to give their undivided support to the
nominee of the Democratic National Con
vention, they will achieve a glorious vic
tory —a victory worthy of the cause they
espouse. But Democrats, recollect that
the least appearance of division in our
ranks, is an encouragement to the Fed
eralists, while at the same time, it weak
ens ourselves. Recollect that every
successful trick on the part oft fie enemy
to create discord in the Democratic ranks
proves advantageous to tfie Whigs. Re
solve, then, that you will not suffer any
trickery that may be invented by the
Federalists to have the slightest effect
upon you !' If you do, defeat will be the
inevitable consequence of your folly.
Startling Disci. wire.
We copy what follows from the New
Orleans Courier. Judge Elliot is now
under trial m impeachment before the
Senate of Louisiana. His offence is the
granting of certificates of naturalization
illegally and with corrupt intent. At an
election for a senator from the New Or
leans district, the democratic candidate,
Mr. Slidell, was elected. The whigs
immediately charged the election to have
been carried on by fraudulent votes—
They charged also Judge Elliott, though
a whig, to have illegally granted certifi
cates of naturalization. The subject
was placed before the legislature, and
the House of Representatives impeached
the Judge before the Senate. Our read
ers will now understand the meaning
of the following remarks.
Judge Elliott —The proceedings in
the impeachment of Judge Elliott are
drawing to a conclusion, and will proba
bly he finished this evening. Yesterday,
Mr. Soule one of the counsel of the ac
cused, proposed to the managers of the
accusation on the part of the Stnte that,
when the testimony on both sides was
closed, the whole case should be submit
ted without further speaking by the coun
sel or the managers. To this the gallant
Hunt and his colleagues objected ; and
then Mr. Soule called Mr. L. U. Gaiennie
as a witness.
The amount of his testimony was, that
he is a member of the Clay Club and be
longs to the committee of naturalization ;
that he caused a very large number of
foreigners to be naturalized before Judge
Elliott; that he had done this under in
structions from the Clay Club; and here
Mr. Gaiennie, at the request of Mr. Soule,
produced these instructions in writing.
Mr. Gaiennie also deposed that it was
understood and agreed, that the expenses
of procuring those naturalization certifi
cates should be defrayed by the Clay
Club; that he was still responsible to
Judge Elliott’s clerk for the cost of issu
ing many certificates, which he should
be obliged to pay, unless it was done by
the Clay Club.
These disclosures of Mr. Gaiennie
came like the bursting of a volcano upon
the prosecutors. One of them objected
to Mr. Gaiennie's testimony being recei
ved by the court, because it related to
party matters. Mr. Soule replied in a
speech of scathing eloquence, in the En
glish language. He said the Clay Club
had caused the naturalization certificates
to be issued, which they now made mat
ter of grave accusation against Judge El
liott—that they had procure I the guilty
act (if it were guilty) to be committed,
and then treacherously turned round and
invoked upon their victim’s head the
most disgraceful punishment: they had
sent twenty-four men (o be naturalized
by Judge Elliot, and then brought for
ward those same individuals before the
Legislature, to prove themseU'es perjured
by swearing that they were not pos
sessed of the necessary quailideations !
The High Court of Impeachment re
tired in order to deliberate whether the
testimony should be received or not.—
They returned to the hall in a short time,
and ordered that the testimony should be
received.
It is ascertained that all, or nearly all
the witnesseswhotestifiedbefore the com
mittee of the House, on whose testimony
the articles of impeachment were based,
were sent to be naturalized before Judge
Elliott, by tire Clay Club. On the back
of one of tire lists of those persons was
a note signed by Judge Elliott, apprising
the pencil to whom if was addressed, (a
member of the Club,) that he—the judge
—could not naturalize the individuals
whose names w ere mentioned in the list,
unless they were accompanied by men
who would testify to their quallrfica
tions.
W e venture to assert that such a scene
of treachery and turpitude as this im
pearhmenf exh.’rits, was never before
and . n - -.-flTz-'d 'ou-htry. One
of t l •; Sir.r «•»»*,
~ was tin- author of that
migrant and disgraceful fraud, designated
as the Cab V tes. by which the whigs
carried the city ticket for members of the
legislature in 1842. The fraud was
proved, and indeed was admitted and
con fessed by the whigs themselves—and
and yet .Mr. Benjamin, instead of being
subjected to a criminal prosecution, was
perinmitted to take his seat as a member
of the House of Representatives, and
is now striving to bring Judge Elliott to
punishment for acts, which if proved, are
I not half so criminal as those of which he
himself is known to lie guilty. And
then there is the gallant Hunt, also of
the tribe of Benjamin, who, if lie was
not privy to the fraud of the cab votes,
at least participated in its fruits, and sat
through two sessions of the legislature in
consequence of that fraud. His name
was the lowest on the whig ticket and
only 20 votes ahead of the highest on the
democratic ticket. It was ascertained
that nearly 200 ot those fraudulent votes
were given in, and consequently the gal
lant Hunt was elected by them ; and this
blustering, windy spouter, this empty
headed Bombast is the chief manager
of the prosecution of Judge Elliott for
acts which Hunt and his whig brethren
incited him to perform—they contempla
ted in those acts another fraud Upon the
ballot box, more culpable than that of the
cab votes—but it was not quite so suc
cessful—first, because Elliott was more
honest than they supposed him to be—
and, seccondly, they found that at the
game of making votes, the Democrats
could beat them six to one.
These naturalization certificates were
most of them issued by judge Elliott
before the election in July last, and they
were received by the whig inspectors,
both then and at the election for the Re
corder of the First Muncipality, in the
September following. It was proved in
the course of the proceedings against
Judge Elliott, that Colonel Christy, who
was the agent of the Clay Club,’ in the
business of naturalization, on examining
one of the certificates, said it was perfect.
On what ground, for what shadow of rea
son, then, do they object to them now ?
A writer in the Tropic, and another in
the Bee, have impudently avowed that
the reason for objecting to them is that
those who hold them will generally vote
against the whig dynasty that now mis
governs the corporation of the Second
Municipality ! ! Good heaven ! the
opinion which a man entertains of a par
ticular set of candidates, is alleged as a
reason for refusing his vote ! This is
candid at least. In fact no one doubted
that such were the motives of the whigs
for raising an outcry against these natur
alization certificates. No one doubted
that if they thought a majority of the
naturalized citizens would vote for Pe
ters, Lockett, Freret, and that set, not a
word would be uttered; and the certifi
cates —in Colonel Christy’s language—
would be perfect.
One word more—if-the holders of
those certificates tamely submit to lose
their votes, they are unworthy of enjoy
ing the privilege of voting—they are un
worthy of being called Amkihcax Cit
IZKNS.
From the Mercury.
•‘Once more' onto the Breach/*
The time has arrived when the stand
ard of Democracy should be unfurled by
the Democrats of Charleston, and that
they should rally in their strength upon
the principles of Jefferson and Constitu
tional Liberty. It is time, because those
cherished principles are boldly and open
ly ridiculed as impracticable and vision
ary, and antagonist doctrines, pregnant
with mischief, and subversive of our
best and dearest interests, proclaimed
with unblushing effrontery in our very
midst.
In the language then of the call (for
to-night) made by the Democratic As
sociation, let us rally under the time hon
oreed motto of “Principles, not Men!,’
Let us stamp with our indignation and
abhorrence those tainted dogmas of Con
solidation and Federalism, which strike
at the heart of Republican Freedom.—
Let us unite once again lor the overthrow
of a combination of men, whose leader
has proclaimed himself the advocate of
measures all tending to strengthen the
grasping arm of Federal power—and
overshadow the Rights of the States.
Let ns unite to crush the infant Whig
gery of Charleston in its gristle, and fur
nish another evidence that the Democrats
of our beloved city still venerate the high
and holy behests of the Constitution, and
in bearing it triumphantly aloft, are true
to Justice, Liberty and their Country.
CALHOUN.
The Buflaloes Coming.
It is iri these times a Clay or coon pa
per announces the approaching arrival
of some ‘ buffaloes’ to attend the whig na
tional roon-vention at Baltimore. They
are to be accompanied by nine Osage
Indians, who, we suppose, are delegates
to the same convention. They ‘propose
procuring the race ground, or some place
adjacent to the city, and giving a grand
buffalo hunt. Two Mexicans, who are
celebrated for their horsemanship, will
exhibit their manner of catching wild
animals with the lasso. The Osages
will also show their manner of hunting
buffalo on horseback with bows and ar
rows; their manner of killing, skinning,
together with their war-songs and
dances.’ All these delegates to the whig
national convention—the buffaloes, the
Osages, the Mexicans, &c.—are now on
their way to the monumental city, where
we suppose, they will lie joined by Mr.
Clay, with the remainder of his menage
rie—the ‘same old coon’ which walked
in procession with him in Ohio, the Bear,
the Borer, &c.
What an enlightened method of elec
tioneering! The ‘ main trick’ »s, by all
this beasily exlii ition, to attract a gep .g
multitude, and pass them all off as genu
ine whigs ol the Clay and coon stamp.
There can be nothing move insulting
or injurious to the people than the at
tempt to gain their suffrages, by such dis
reputable means. The people of Rome
became thoroughly corrupt and unfit for
liberty, when ambitious and opulent
demagogues succeeded m captivating it
by shows of gladiators, wild beasts, and
chariot Faces, aided by the distribution of
provisions. It forgot honor and liberty
in the insatiable clamor forpanem ct cir
censes —bread and the games. It sold
its noble birthright for a mess of pottage,
and the sanguinary .spectacle of human
combats. Any one who reads the lives
of the first Cresars while the memory of
the great republic was yet fresh, must
wonder how such a people submitted to
the infamies afid atrocities of those impe
rial hunters of mankind. An adequate
solution is found in the fact, that all of
them —Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, &c.—
fed the popular taste with abundant
shows and magnificent spectacles, not
unlike the revolting exhibition proposed
to be given by the whigs, in the presence
of ladies no doubt, in which not Thraci
ans or Dacians, as in Rome, bat more
brutal savages, Osages, ‘will show their
manner of hunting the buffalo—their
manner of killing, skinning, (pc< Why
not add scalping and torturing? Let
the ‘decent and respectable’ whigs go a
little farther; let them open public sham
bles lor the gratuitous distribution of
meat; let them establish a circus for the
popular amusement, and proclaim seven
days of saturnalia to the good people of
America, to induce them to make Mr.
Clay President.— Globe .
Mr. Clay and the Compromise Act.
There is a point of difference apparent
in Mr. Clay’s last speech and one deliv
ered some years ago, to which we must
briefly call attention. On Tuesday last
Mr, Clay assumed the credit of having
originated the compromise act for the
purpose of conciliation; for the purpose
of preserving the Union; and took some
pains to trace the analogy in his mo
tives, with the Spirit which actuated the
framers of the constitution. All of this
is flatly contradictory of a speech deliv
ered by himself at the time, wherein it
appears that his principal object was the
preservation of the Protective System.—
He told his friends that the system was
in danger, and that nothing but the com
promise could save it; which shows con
clusively that the compromise was a
wok of necessity’, and did not owe its ori
gin to Mr. Clay’s magnanimity —Const.
From the Washington Sjie tutor.
Texas and Public Opinion.
The Whig papers ate very indignant
and furious that the President should en
tertain the project ot annexing Texas to
the Union, without, as they say, consult
ing public opinion. Their ideas seem to
be that no step should lie taken, in onr
relations with foreign nations, by the
President of the United States, without
first bruising it over the laud : and then,
We suppose, he is not to do his duty ac
cording to his own sense of the high res
ponsibilities of his station, but to stand
still, until the clamor of the most offi
cions—usually the least authoritative—
shall tell him how he is to move. For
eign nations do not carry out their de
signs by publishing: them to the world,
l>nt by keeping them secret, that their an
tagonist might betaken at disadvantage.
It was thus that Great Britain, in a state
of profound peace with Denmark, under
the plea that her marine would be used
by France, with whom she was at war,
sent Lord Nelson with a British naval
force to Copenhagen, to seize or destroy
the Datiish fleet. The order was execu
ted, although manfully resisted by the
Danes, and a naval slaughter occurred,
seldom equalled, and never surpassed, in
the history of naval warfare. This is
the policy of England. She does not
speak, until she is prepared to strike ; and
then success is sure, for her enemy is un
prepared. This new doctrine of Execu
tive duty will exactly suit the designs of
stfch a nation. All she does is kept se
cret. All we do is to be blazoned abroad
over the land, for no possible use but to
prepare her against onr measures of pro
tection or defence. This is capital poli
cy for the English; but how it is to pro
mote the interest or protect the honor of
the people of the United States, it is rath
er difficult to understand. Suppose
Great Britain was to desire to make a
noflier Copenhagen affair of our fleet in
the Mediterranean: must the Executive,
upon information of the design, agitate
the affair in the newspapers of the Uni
ted States, call for public meetings, and
look out for the spoutings of village ora
tor'.. before he moves to meet it ? And if
by a treaty with France, or any other
European power, he could aid our cause,
defeat the machinations of Great Britain,
must lie not promptly make it? Or, sup
pose Great Britain should intend to take
possession of Cuba, with the view to con-
trol the Gulf, and assnil our Southern
States, would she “wait for the develop
ments of public opinion”—or rather creep
like a tiger on her prey ? And to meet
such a contingency, must the President
put forth a general proclamation of a rea
diness to hear from all quarters of the
United States as to his course of duty?
Or ought he not. with a celerity, secrecy
and energy, equal to that of this great
but ambitious nation, meet her, with all
I our naval force, under the guns of the
Moro.—And how do these praters about
the propriety of “waiting tlie develop
ments of public opinion,” know that
Great Britain has not moved on Texas in
such a manner as to leave no doubt of
her designs against the peace and safety
of large portions of the Union 1 When
they toll; of haste and secrecy in this
matter,how do they know that secrecy
and haste were not necessary for the pro
tection of our own |ieople against the in
trigues and measures of England ? And
even if there have been no peculiar or
pressing reasons for the negotiations witli
Texas, have these people, chiefly Whigs,
forgotten the movements of Jolm fcluin
cy Adams und Henry Clay to purchase
Texas, and thus idd it to the Union ?
W hom did these men consult on this very
measure in 1526? W hat public opinion
did they obey or evoke? They simply
as in duty bound, having the guar
dianship of the foreign affairs of
the country in their bauds, acted as
they deemed (he interests of the country
required. Gen. Jackson, too, with Mr
Van Buren, his Secretary of State, made
again proposals for annexing Texas to
the Union. Who heard of these move
ments until they failed ? There was, on
these occasions, to justify their move
ments, no public demonstrations like
those in the British Parliament, on the
subject of Texas, commanding the atten
tion and vigilance of the Executive of
the United States. The Secretary of
Foreign Affairs stand np in the British
House of Lords, and openly acknowl
edges his design of using Texas to assail
and overthrow, if possible, the Institutions
of the Southern States, and to give her a
controlling influence in the affairs of the
Union : yet this is no cause for action on
the part of the United States! The
President must wait until voluntary
sleepers, or active traitors, shall tell him
his course of duty This is not the law
of the Constitution, or the law of com
mon sense. The executive of the Union
is entrusted with the guardianship of our
foreign affairs, that he may protect them;
and he is bound to protect them by secret
or open movements as emergencies re
quire. He is responsible, undoubtedly,
to public opinion, meaning thereby the
will of the people; but it is rather in the
way of judgement than direction. The
power with which he is clothed, is put in
the hands of one man, for the very rea
son, that many, much less the whole
, ople aggregately, cannot efficiently ex
ercise it. They cannot wield it with se
crecy, energy, and despatch. It is the
publicity and feebleness which accompa
nies the Executive duties of a great na
tion. in the hands of many, that renders
it necessary to place them in the hands
of one man. To suppose them to be
governed alone by a previously express
ed public opinion before they can act in
a great Republican Government, is not
only to enfeeble, but to render them con
cemptible and impracticable. It is to
substitute an irresponsible, conjectural
public opinion, for the Executive alto
gether, with all its usefulness, and all its
responsibilities.
R cent Elections.
Connecticut. —ln this State the elec
tion was held on the Ist. inst. for govern
or, state officers, and members to the leg
islature. The whigs have succeeded.
Though the whig candidates for govern
or and state officers are not elected by
the people, yet they will certainly be
chosen by the legislature, both branches
of which will be whig. In lead of a de
feat, we consider the resut ot this elec
tion ns a triumph to the democratic prin
ciples, and especially to th< and .a.. ..tic
principle of free trade. \\ lien > round
in the demociatic papers ot that Sta>,
that the party had hoisted the free t
flag, and that they had made a protective
tariff and a revenue tariff the test ques
tions for the election, we anticipated a
complete defeat, owing to the immense
interest which would be brought to bear
against equality of protection and taxa
tion, not only in Connecticut itself but
from the whole manufacturing class of
the North. The democratic party knew
the fearful odds they had to oppose ; but
they honorably and manfully avowed
their principles, and awaited the issue
with the conviction that they were pur
suing the path of duty. The result has
been against them; but by so slender a
majority, that they have acquired well
grounded hopes of a complete triumph
of their principles at another trial. Free
trade principles are in the ascendant in
Connecticut. In the next contest, which
will take place before the present year
expires, the democratic party of Con
necticut will obtain stich a victory as
will establish for many years the ascen
dency of its principles. The result of
the recent election is the sure harbinger
of that victory.
New Orleans. —ln this strong hold
of the whig party of Louisiana, the de
mocrats have obtained a signal victory,
on the Ist inst. The triumph is over
whelming and decisive. The democrats
have carried the city by a large majori
ty( large We say, because it is only a few
years ego that the whigs boasted of a
thousand majority in the city; they have
elected a democratic Mayor by about 200-
majority, two out of the three recorders, a
majority in the general council, and ma
jorities of members in two out of the
three municipalities, into which the city
is divided. This victory enables the
State of Louisiana to take a prominent
rank among the democratic States in the
Union.— Constitutionalist.
F'rem the Augusta Constitutionalist
The Hon. Win. R. King, Senator in
Congress front Alabama, has been ap
pointed by the President, with the adviee
and consent of the Senate, Minister to
France.
Gov. Shannon has been appointed
Minister to Mexico, with the advice afld
consent of the Senate.
Mr. Cary, the democratic candidate fol
Congress, in the 7th district of Maine,
ha 6 been elected. No election in the sth
district.
Mr. Pollock, whig, has been elected
to Congress in Pennsylvania, in the dis
trict lately represented by Mr. Frick, de
ceased.
According to the full retunns of the
election in Connecticut itnppearsthalthe
whigs have a majority of 7 in ! '
ate, and the democrats a uinjo*. ;.
3 in the house. The whig cand-m
for Governor, Mr Baldwin, la«ks 8i
votes of being elected by the people.
Nothing very interesting from' <- 011 '
gress.
Senator Woodbury,in a letter to the
editor ol the New York American, an d
nies the rumor that he ever was tub r '
ested m Texas property.