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The most perfect Government would be that which, emanating directly from the People, Governs least—Costs least —Dispenses J as! ire to all, and confers Privileges on None.—BENTHAM.
• -v. -/
BY JOHNSTON & REYNOLDS.
AMERICAN DEMOCRAT,
PUBLISHED WEEKLY
BY TANARUS, S. REYNOLDS,
IN THE REAR OF J. BARNES* BOOKSTORE.
COTTON A VENT/ fcL MACON. OA.
AT $2 50 P£3R AIMWUWI,
Hates of Advertising:, Ac,
One square, of 100 words, or lens, in small type, 75 rents
n the first insertion, and 50 cents for oach subsequent iuser
on.
All Advertisements containing morctlian 100 and less than
:<\l words, will be char".*! artwo squares.
To Yearly Advert tern, «. liberal deduction will \*e made.
Jt3r— N B. Sales of LAND, by Administrators, Executors,
GHtardiajß, aie required, by law, to be held zm she first*
Tuesday ift the month, between the hours of 10 iu the lore
noon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court-House in tlte Couu.
vi» which the properly is sir hated. Notice of these must
t>.' given in a, public GoacCte* SIXTY DAYS, previous to the
Ale.
Sr.los of PERSONAL PROPERTY, must he advertised in
Oh .-ame manner, FORTY DAYS previous to the day of sale.
Sfi-icr to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be pub
, l:ed FORTY Days.
N ticc that application will be made to the Courtof Ordi
, v for i#»ave to sell LAND, must be published FOUR
MONTHS.
s.Ues of NEGROES, mult bo mad* at public auction, on
first Tuesday of the numb, between the lrgal hours of
, i*. at thp place of public »le-* in the cotiniv where the let
, -,q testamentary, of AdminwtratiOfj or Guardianship, shall
„,ve been granted, SIXTY DAYS notice being previously
v.*n in one of the public gazette* of this Stale, an \ at the door
o the Court !!. Mine, wUev;e Ki|ch sales are 4o be held.
Nonce for leave to sell NF.GRfIES, tuust b* published for
K >PR MONTHS, before any order absolute shall be made
itKreoii by tlu: Conn.
Ml business of this nature, wifl receive prompt attention, a
the (Mice of the AMERICAN DEMOCRAT
REMITTANCES'BY MAIL. —“A l’oijtmasur may nr
( .•)« money in a tetter to (lie publisher of a newspaper, to
; iv the Hubscriptibn of a third person, and frank the letter, if
written by Amos KtndaU* P. M ti.
\1! Letters of bn antes must be addressed to (he Fuslishrr,
Post Faid.
DENTAL SLKGKiIY,
DR. FOOTE, DENTIST.
From New- York.
\UOFtD announce to tlie T.adies sml Genilrmen
* of Macon, tfiat lie has become permanently lo
' orrl in this city, where lie will be in readiness loat
iniil to all calls in the line of his profession, He
inserts' teeth on Goldplate from one to an entire set,
with spiral springs or by atmospheric pressure also
)>y pivots. Ho inserts artificial palates, pities teeth
with pure gold so as to present farther decay,ex
iiaets leoth with the pcrpentUctilar extrieatoi.aml
treats diseases of the mouth ami gums that have
I cen produced by the use of Calomel or from other
' ruses, atul obviates irregularities inchiMrcn's teeth
Dr. —. feels confident from the experience which he
lias bad during the last ten yean, that he can give
entire satisfaction. Ho pledges himself that all bu
iness entrusted to hts cate shall t*c done in a mall
n r not to be surpassed by any Dentist in the State,
and at such prices as will suit the times. His work
will, in all cases, he warranted. He will also keep
instantly for sale, fold foil, artificial Teeth, Tooth
brushes and Tooth Ifltete of a sup' rinr quality.
Office Washington Hall, Room No. 33.
N. B. Ladies can he waited on at their dwellings
0 requested. -fjjr. I*'. is permitted to rcler to Rev. J.
1! Kendrick and J. H. Ellis.
Jnu. St. 3fl
Adittiniitrator's Sole.
VGUEEAIiLY to an order from t!ir
Honorable Inferior Court of Macon
county, when sitting far. Ordinary purpose?,
will b" sold before tltc Court fuoti t: door,
ri the Town of Linicr, Mircon. county,’ on
the first Tu -sdiiv i t JULY next, tho Kortli
half of Lot of Lund, number twenty nine,
nnd Lot number thirty in the fifteenth D'st.
of originally Houston now Macon coiritv.
Sohl as the property of Llias Jotirdain, late
t f said county deceased. So} 1 for tlte
benefit of the heirs and creditors ot said
deceased.
Terms of S tic made known on the and ty
TUOS. ‘l’. JOHNSON. AJrn’r.
April 10, 1811. 47 td
Hi lib sheriff* Sale*
On th& Jivsi in JuilC
HHLL be sold Indore the court Itouse
door in Macon, between the legal
hours of sale, the following propcity :
One negro girl named L turn, about lt>
years old levied on as Hie property of Vir
ginia C. Wilkfason, to satisfy one cost ex.
edition isued from the fuStices court of the
716th dist. G. M. vs. Virginia C. Wrl
kerson.
One negro woman named L'tin a’rout 40
vnars old and her four children, Elizabeth
twelve years old, Ted nine, Julia six and an
infant one week old, and 315 acres of Land
npiining tlte lands ot A. t iiapp ll ami (7.
W. Rains, levied on ns tho property of
llarmon H. Howard- to satisfy four ti fas
issuing from li bb Inferior Court, one in
ftvor of Elizabeth Lowtlior vs. Albert 8.
Story, principal, and Harmon H. Howard,
security, two in ftvor ot F. & E. Isell ior
the use of E. T. Beall vs. Hannon 11.
Howard, and one in favor of GfcarTes S.
Ridley vs. Fredrick Pratt, Albert S. Story
and Harmon H. Howard, securities.
B. TRAPr, D. Sbff.
The Monroe Rnl Ro”' 1 from Macon,
| Bibb county, to White Hall, in DeK.aU)
county, including a\ the iron, wood work
shops, depot huildings, machinery, tools and
j materials of every kind and description fie
; ton"ing to said Monroe Railroad and Bank-
I ng Company ; also five locomotive engines,
tlirce passenger cars and twenty-two
freight curs, all levied on ns the property of
I tho Monroe Rail Road and Banking Coni
! panv. to satisfy an execution in favor of th«
State of Georgia, for taxes: property
pointed out by A,' S. Wingfield, Solicitor
Gan.
One House and Lot, No. 4. in square 01
j n djoining the lot of Doctor Gorman, leviec
I * ,n as the property of Asa B. Cook to sat
j ntfy a ti fa from Bibb Superior Court it
fevor of J. Ac W. Baldwin vs said Asa B
Cook—execution transferred to Thoms'
Lary.
JAMES GATES, Sh’ff.
May 1, 1814.
D32£03?.A71C BAIWBR—•“ JFrcc erratic, EoUt DutHs, iio Drbt, Scp«ivaHoit front Banks, Ecottontn, Retrenchment, anon strict Stohrrcnce to the Cfonsmatfon.”
ITl l*. Woodbury on the Anucxnliou
WASHINGTON, May 11, 18M.
Gentlemen —Y*ur letter of the 9il» iusL# has just been
received, stating that a public meeting has (been held in
Prince William county, Virginia, at which a resolution wat*
passed to ascertain my ‘'views in regard io Annexation ot'
Texts.” As the meeting is to convene again on she ISth
itißt.,you request an immediate answer on that subject, for
the purpose of laying it before those who may assemble on
that occasion.
Accordingly, though such an answer must be very imper
fect, from want of time, aud though my general impressions,
in relation to this subject were communicated to the public
in December last, yet, as the state of the question Miay ap
pearHo some to bavtjr materially altered since, and you de
sire further explanations, I hasten to give a sketch of njy
views on the case, as it now stands before tho community.
By a careful examination of facts and principles, 1 have
formed a conscientious conviction’ that the immediate An
negation of Texas to the Drilled States is proper. Th«rem
sons which have had most weight in bringing me to this
conclusion are as follows:
Because (lie territory of Texas lies so near the greatmon
arch of tho Western waters, and especially the mouth of
the Mississippi on the Gulf of Mexico, and the emporium of
Western commerce at New Orleans, as to be very import
ant, if not vital to their security, in the evffnt of war. And
its possession by us woul<f at all times contribute essentially
to protect an exposed frontier from the torch and scalping
knife of Indian outrage, enabling us much more effectually
to hold in check the aboriginals near, whether within or
without our present boundaries, whenever thev may be
fitirrfed up under that foreign influence which has too often
heretofore stimulated that Wrocious race to drench our bor
ders in blood.
Because the obligation on us thug to procure security and
tranquility to the industry ami trade of the whole Mississippi
Vaßey, embracing over a million square miles, and nine
millions of people, is national and not sectipual, and deeply
involves the interests s* well as the affections and happiness
of their kindred in the East, and every other portion of our
fraternal Government. Tt is ah obligation stronger and more
solemn, if possible, than that was half a century ago to pro
cure the freedom of their trade through the free navigation
of the Mississippi river-r-anabject which, after our independ
ence was achieved, long agitated the anxious councils of the
fathers of the Revolution : ami, considering irs momentous
importance, not only then, hut iu the growing future, was at
last cheaply purchased at the expense of millions by buying
Louisiana, and afterwards cheaply defended by the sacrifice
of life and treasure on the plains of New Orleans.
Because this annexation would secure the West and
Southsvest against other disturbing causes i su« h as collis
ions in the navigation of some of x>ur rivers, whose sources
are now in possession of a foreign power, and the want of a
large natural and striking barrier and boundary on (he
Southwest, between us and different Governments, as well
as different, if not hostile races; and amoying exposure to
foreign aggressions on the properry and domestic institutions
of the tJoutb and Southwest; which property and institu
tions, however different from those in other .sections, are
•uoh as they came into the (Juion with, and for half a cen
tury have remained under its sacred guaranties, aad till
changed by themselves, or the Union dissolved, are entitled
to. and especially, iu the authority given by Congress in
1811, for the forcible occupation of t lorida, received the
same security as the inauttuionp and property of the North.
Because the annexaimg of Texas, in its influence on all
the great ot industry, is not merely a Western or
CRouthecn question, but one deeply interesting to every quar
of oar common couutrv—whether it promotes thatindus
try by opening to agriculture more fertile noils and genial
climates, or by forming a wider home market for manufac
tures, or by furnishing new articles of commerce, and new
bays ami rivers for the free navigation of Western steamers,
as well as coasting and freighting vessels from the East.
And, finally, because by this annexation we should not
only restore to the Union :*• Territory thus desirable, but one
bought in U*o3 by our own treasure—defended in 1815 by
ouf own arms—and thpugh ceded away in 1819, yet its con
sent was not asked td the measure, and therefore it seems
still entitled, by the express obligation of the original treaty,
to be admitted into the Union, and to enjoy *ll its privileges
ami rights. A firr i«Ovy which h»* nrv€r umtad with niiy
other country, except as a part of an independent Stile in
the Confederacy ot Mexico; and when that Confederacy
was dissolved by t’ne oppressions ami usurpations of Banta
Anna, re asserted its rights as an independent Government,
and has since successfully maintained those rights, “with
the lives, the fortunes, and the sacre.l honor,” of its people;
and, by t lie com nun origin of most of them with ourselves,
no less than their common education, religion, form of Gov*
eminent, and social institutions, as well as t?axon blood, be- ,
side their contiguous residence and claims “under former
treaties, they are better suited to unite with us than any oth
er power. *Fer reasons like these, as they are now desirous
of annexation, which delays may endanger*, if not defeat,
through disappointment and foreign interference, it ought,
in nv opinion, to he sanctioned: and if an pin'd is ever to be
made of predatory and uncivilized marauding, or oi isitrigue
and entanglement by other foreign power*, it would seem
wise, ns well as hunune, to do it forthwith; or, in the lan
guage oi’ him who has so long lived in the hearts of our peo
ple. at the “present golden moment.”
But I am aware that several objections have been urged
against tlie Annexation of Texas; uhJ as some ot them coine
from gentlemen long and highly appreciated, and with whom
a difference of opinion on so interesting a topic is much re
gretted, it is due to dwm and the occasion that I should ex
plain my views generally on sueli of these objections as seem
to be most prominent.
1. The annexation is opposed by some, on the ground
that it will make our territory tod large; but experience Ims
evinced that a representative repaidiccan, with convenience
and efficiency, extend over limits tar wider than from the
Hi. Croix to the R»<» d£l Norte. Indeed, by the aid of rail
roads and steam, the Union, with Texas included, will be
far more accessible iu all its parte, either for business or
Government, than it was at the revolution with otilv thirteen
States, and those all Situated on the narrow belt of the eas
tern declivity of the Alleghanies. And this objection, if
tenable, should have been urged, and prevailed, before we
purchased either Louisiana or the Fluridas.
2. The Annexation fyas been opposed, as inclining the
balance of political power in our system too much iu lavor
.of the West and Boufh. But the same course of reasoning
would strip us of all our great domain on the Pacific Ocean
—a country never to l>e surrendered while an American
whaler visits its waters, or an American emigrant chooses
to fish, hunt, or plant on the banks of the Columbia. It
would also, from like apprehensions ag to tho balance of
power in the North, prevent any future peaceable annexe
lion of the Canadas, so ardently contemplated by our'fathers
from the commencement of the Revolution; end it would
heretofore have defeated the purchase of the F Iqrtdas by
Mr. Monroe, aud of Louisiana, including Texas, by Mr.
Jefferson ; and would not only cast censure on them and
tlieir venerable coadjutors, for thas deranging the balance
of power then, bet would add reproach on Messrs. Adam#
and Clay for attempting to regain Texas in 1895 and 1827;
and of Gen. Jackson anil Mr. \ an Buren for a like attempt
in 18*20; and, what is still worse, by thi« course of reasoning,
foi seeking, as was done in 18JS oy Gen. Jackson aud Mr.
Forsyth, to obtain a vast tract of additional conutry still
farther South and West, from the forty-second degree of
latitude to the thirty-seventh, stretching towards the setting
sun over that degree acros# the entire continent. But, in
truth, the durable interests of the whole Union, are believed
to have been looked to on those occasions as now; and the
theoretical balance of power, it adverted to at all, can never
endanger the practical working* of our system, which will
always be most attractive, strongest, and most flourishing,
whete freest—unless liberty and progress are mere pbatt
toms of the imagination—and will always produce greatest
harmony when less influenced by any sectional jealousies or
Mira! prejudices.
*«1. The Annexation has been deprecated by some as likely
to cause disunion, when its legitimate object is to secure the
great interests and compromises of the Union; and when
such must be its consequence#, and perpetuate that Union, I
i rust, forever, unless thwarted by a disregard ot pbghted
faith, and by fanatical violations of those solemn comprom
ises.
4. ft is opposed by others on account of the badness of
some of the reasons assigned for it; as good measure
ought to be rejected because any one may please to urge
some weak reasons for it. By others, because a few of its
advocates are suspected of being interested in the question,
as if that could impair the usefulness of the Annex jtlon it
selfi or was not always an incident to almost every question
of great magnitude. * And by others sUU, became the aus
pices under which the measure is now proposed are dis
liked . ns if the necessity or value of a gift or purchase de
pended upon the character of the agent* employed.
5. It is resisted by many for the reasons that slavery ex
ist* in Texas. That is an'institution, to be sure, winch most
people born «l the North, are. like royfielf. averse to. Bat
those who respect the Constitution and the Union remember
that it is an institution which our parent country, before the
Revolution, forced upon both th* North and the South;
which, after being more deeply interwoven through the so
cial and political systems of the lsflcT. the rest of the btates
did not hesitate toconfederaie with her in fighting the bat
ties of Independence; nor to counsel with her heroes, patri
ots, and statesmen, in forming the present Constitution ; nor
to associate writh them tt» carrying out its great destinies ;
nor in guaranteeing their property and rights ;n common
with the rest, then and during the half century since, m
peace ani war, and in weal or wo.
However deprecated by many of us, we know that none
can legal)y~abolish the institution but those who possess it,
and that while this has already been done sioce the
lution by nearly half of the okUtotts, it may comma*; to be
done hv Texa* hert-’lf, well a* others, sootier or later
MACON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 20, 1841,
when their sense of duty and safety may permit ft, if test
tranquilly to the exercise of their own rights. Wfiat effect
tho Annexation of Texas will really have on this measure,
seems to bo doubted by some of its opponents, among whom
the most distinguished think* it will add more free than
slave States. But however that may be, the friends of An
nexntronijLeve that, while h rejection of it must leave the
tnsutadqWß’ slavery just as it is. without mitigation, the nc
ceptance of it cannot add to the whole number of slaves now
in Texas and the United States-together; and, if dispersing
that number oyer a wider space, will gradually tend to make
their freedom less expensive and more easy in any one
State; or, if concentrating them further South than now,
wiR render voluntary emauciptuirin more Northwardly still
speedier ajiU 'safer. Whether such considerstions have
before in overc-omiug this-objection with ma
ny of our eminent fr rend* ot' liberty and philanthropy.
Tknownoi- but certain it ia, that it did netprewU Mr. Jef
ferson tudldi Northern Democratic friends from purchasing
Louisiana., including Texas herself, 1803 ; nor Florida
from beutgb- by '.’it-nme and Ada net in 1519;
Dor Texas agauufrom ’ fis* by M^ssns.AJ
SOH ttodClay a«d 1827; and by Gen. Jack a ail and
Mr. Van Bureu in the summer*!’ 1829— thu decree of Mex
ic* for abolishingslavery in her possessions not
till September 15,1829. I will only add, in order to avoid
misapprehension, that so far from feeling opposed to the
termination c*f slavery by all legal, safe, and constitutional
means, none could rejoice more heartily than myself to see
it thus ended the world over; and among the whites, as well
as blacks; among the di.ffrauchiFed, the serfs and paupers of
jpurope, and even the dark Hindoo#, as well as the sable
sons of Africa; not confining my sympathies to color or
name, but. to real suffering and degradation among the wlrole
human race, and to their relief, by introducing gradually a
superior Mate of nit exigence, religion, and rights, rather than
by a rash crusade against law and order, and the public
peace.
0. The Annexation is disapproved by otheis. because
considered unconstitutional. But as the provision for intro
during new States was altered in its progress through the
Convention, .-w as tudeave the language broad enough to in
elude territory without, <•» wel! as within, our original Imp
its; and as the admissi ui of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Mis
souri since into the Union, though not embraced within our
old boundaries, besidas the purchases of Florida and Loui
siann as MErrilories have i:*li.«*n place, this question should be
regarded as officially sealed in lever of Annexation
in reply to some objections which have been urged a
gainst the admission of the whole Territory of any State,
rather than 8 psrt, and of its sovereignty, ns well as ustrito
rv, the principles involved in the above decisions and tho
language of the Coixstitutum and ihe precedent# are all !
broad enough to include the whole—and they thus accord '
with what is the constant usage of other confederacies, both
in Europe and South America. -Nor is any sanction to
such admission required under our (’.onstitution, «ud the
principles of pnblufTaflf, except the consent of those ceded
on the one hand ; and on the other, that o! Congress, by
proper laws and treaties. And if the people and the inde
pendent Republic of Texas are, for this reason, not as com
potent to unite with ua entirely, as they are to cede only n
part of their territory, then the absurdity w«»uy seem to fol
low, that they never can be competent for admission into
the Union, though recognized by Mexico, and no Shallow ot
war existing, till they become qualified by abandoning their
independence, repudiating republicanism, and as u servile
dependency or reconquost oi the monarch# ot or
Mexico, be*sold merely as a portion of their Territory to the
United States.
Lastly, this measure is opposed by *oine from tear that
such a step will subject us to a wai with Mexico, or some
Other foreign power.
But the right of Texas to cede, and the right of the United
Stater to accept, her territory, and admit it into the Union, j
without producing any exposure^to a ju3t war from any '
quurter, is, in my opinion, clear. j
In the purchase of Louisiana, we obtained within her lim j
its Texas, ns certainly wo obtained 'The Island ot New |
Orleans,” according to the opinions of such jurists and dip- j
louiatists ffeJefferson, Madison, Monroe, Livingston, ( lay.
nnd even Adams, in 1818 ; aud. as since developed, of Don
Onis himself, if not of the Spanish Government. But we
have ceded it away by a treaty ratified in 1820 f the revolu
tion from (hav ye m ut«!D out. and ripening in
all the Spanish provinces west of us, each acted and made
constitutions for itsedf, like ourselves after 1776, as inde
pendent States- Texas and Coahuila making one tor them |
selves, joine t the Mexican Confederacy in 1824 as an inde
pendent State; remained faifld'ul to it till dissolved ten
years after by tlie of Sauta Anna ; refuted as
was their right, to uuite in his new eooaolidated Govern
ment, built upon the ruin# of the Confederacy ; and has re
! mained and acted since as she began, an independent sove
1 reign?v- What dutv then to Mexico has she violated? Ihe
wrong in on the other side. Whtfre is the justice lor Mexi
co now to hold, or now to rule her ? And more especially
on the principle* »<»w set up by Mexico, when twelve years
before the latter was recognized by Bpain as mdependant,
Texas had established her own Constitution,-and two years
before that event had separated entirely from the Mexican
Confederacy. ,
But if this view of die case should appear in anv respect
objectionable, the/e is another which shows the Annexation
to be proper anti just. . . T
As we purchased Texas :n ISO3> within the limits o! Lou
iainna, and tlit'n cngage.l by treaty to li.-r into «ie
tbiion "as s>ran ns possible," consistent with ffie pnttctnUs
oftbu Constitution, ami to allow to her inhabitant, nil 'bo
rights and immunities of dilirens, bow could we rid our
selves of that engagement, without first getting the consent
of France, With whom the treaty was made, or ot lews,
which was tho pariv more immediately to enjoy those bene
fits / Yet without asking the consent of either, we unndvis
edly.in ldl9. Undertook to cede Texas to Fpatn. ibis ces
sion. being w ithout authority, seems in law to have been mi
oorfect or Hioporntire, and Texas to remain anil posaeased
of a rioht, which she now virtually asks, to enter the 1 won
and to have conferred on her people all die privileges which
die original treatv promised. In this aspect of the case, if
we would not violate good thill) and the sanctity ol treaties,
we ought to execute the stipulation first made, by now ad
mining her; and if any injury should, result therefrom to
Spain o, Mexico, under the provisions of sul'M-qucut. lrea
ties not being able lobe loager fulfilled, the a,nonet of Ham
age ought to be pnul to tlinac who antler Jut when it is
recollected that wo.have' never guarantied the mtegntj: ot
the territories of other of them, and the very defective nde,
if any. which either retains over Texaß, there fottjd not he
•-real difli ullv in estimating this damage.
60 far as regard* war ot. this account. Ihe just cause for
rne aecma to be on the pan of France or 'l ex as, if we do
noire annex d.e Infer, rather that, on the part of M.-xt.-o if
we do. The aoteirftity »nd inviolability "< the treaty ot
1803 rnv.stbc quite as- great as that ot cither 1819, 1828, oi
anv other more rfeem. , , , t^,,
But finally, supposing iW boll) these views of the -übject
oro untenable-, and. for the sake of argument, indulging a
moment in the idea that Texas was riot embtaeed withrn
the limits of Louisiana, or. if so, wa» legally ceded .0 Spam,
and afterwards became ant integtalpdrt of the Mexican em
pire-had she not. wiren the terms oT lier Coufeder.fcv with
that Government became w.mtpnly violated, ber ctt,7ens
imprisoned, amt her privileges ou(vaged--drad Ih, »at ,
right to assert and maintain her dependence ? \ * ould
she not have been false to her American blood, not to bn\e
done it on the field of San Jacinto, aa well ax down to the
present moment ? ' . .
‘ She has dune it. fo*. itt such a manner ami torm, no le«s
than substance, aa in m> apprebension justifies_other nations
in treating her as a -rfe jure as well as a At foe e frovern
merit, a«d competent,under the princ.nl'sofpoyulnrlilrttty
and the soundest law in both hemispheres, to
cede her Territory or Unite her Government to another,
without giving just cauRC of war to any power.
What are the common sense testa on this aubjec! J!
sieeofterritorv, she is as big as France, and as large aa any
four of our own States. If population, abc lias one ranging
hv different estimates, from two to three hundred ffiousan I
people, of all kind:,. If a regular constitution »l Govern
ment and code of laws, alia baa both I* a uni orm adminis
tration of justice andti.e rights of copac.ence aecured to all,
rather than the protection of the Catholic religion alone, aa
in Mexico, she enjova them. Bite has troops ami ships ...
war. Bhe has bid her Independence acknowledged by the
nmted States, by Great Britain, France and, indeed all
the great powers of Christendom, not under tlte aw ay ol the
Holy Alliance mid she has treaties of commerce and inter
national agents with most of them. Scarce a hostile foot, even
from Mexico, bus profaned her soil tram 1536, when Santa
Anna publicly stipulated with herto end the war, to leti.
And the predatory iucurslon3 since, in breach . t bis sojeinn
compact, and iii a manner violating the ruWs of civilized
warfare, have never secored a lodgetpem witlun lifr boun
duties for a single month at a time No towers, castles, or
counties, have there been held by her old enemy ... douO.fu
or divided einpiie. Her revolution is not in embryo, but full
grown. Nat distracted by rival constnunot.a, rival eh.et
fain., and rival armies, such as long desolated many Span
ish provinces, but domestic harmony and pea.* iei|n
throughout. Their prison I sre not filled with political vic
tims. Order, and law. and the righis of property »tc re
spected , and neither taste, nor education, nor aympathies
of any kind are lingering around their former Government,
and smoothing the way to the remotest thought at reconcilia
tion. Under this condition of things, how properly have the
United States, for some yean, urged o« Mexico that the in
dependence of Texas ought to be recognized by her, and no
■ further hostilities waged! France and England have done
the same; aud the latter, sine# 1840. has bound herself by
a treaty ofmediatian, to try to procure an abandonment ot
th* claims of Mexico. •
What fears, then, ought tn he entertained after such ad
vice from such nations, of our being .evolved in any justlfia
td, war, bv mean, of the Annexation ’ Hut Texas ha. nth
er qualities and chars, terhnics of a nation, showing lmr
competent to enter into say contract or on aiu-emem with
other nations, as fully aatheoldbst power of Europe, lie
sides having been lor several years admitted, iu all retsjiecu,
into the great family of nations, site is liat.de for her uwm
wrongs to them, alnt is Ireld so. and not Mexico, as appeals
by her ueaty of indemnity to us in 1633. She is authorized ■
to seek redress for injuries to berseff, and not Mexico fi,r I
her; and she has, in tht*way, mid by uealies binding her i
commerce, limits, soil, and jut ii Uetiou-been much wiSer .j
acknowledged, and longer in tlie mdepenilthit govci itiiiem of !
herself,- than had Baoiiapartc in F ranee, whin he sold I.o'w
jiiana to us. Buclt, I admit, was nm the pusition of her ai
fairs when annexation was proposed -rid declined in lelt* i I
hut their affairs have inadc.£ionl strides since, and one un- ;
forluoate uiistal e w Ith sa.roh, iu the con-i I l athui of this to- j
pic, appears to be jn not refiectintr enough un tin* change* in ]
ner relation* and nut unal lenuurify and stability, made by i
die progress ofJUctdand c.vdnts, during the past seven vaars, j
It is manifest, that if a People have, bv sound principles, a |
right to fieH'Ou**r(«*«iju, y Uen oppressed, can. Ilk 3
the United Bc.ites. propjrly noColt from Kiigluui or Mc.iUo ,
from Spam, or Texas from Mexico, and having -declared j
their Independence, do maintain it tilt they give, as in this >
case, all the usual indications among nations of manlniini— |
discretion, power, justice, and order, the question of their I
de fine sovereignly thus becomes as dchrly stilled, in re- !
spent to all third persons, as their dr. fiirto sovereignty. — j
The assent or acktKiw lodgement of tlieit old taaslers, does j
not constitute the right, but merely admits it s as the minors j
or apprentices, claiming to he adults and free, amkncting as j
Such, derive their rights from fbe fisets of the case, whether
acknowledged or not by those to whom they were mice in
selection. The world must otherwise become divided into
mere holy alliances, wi'h all their monopolizing dogmas on
the one band, and on tho other, only sue 11 as they consider
mere rebels, pirates, and banditti; breaking up in tins way
all reform or progress, and yielding to the claim of the di
vine right of kings over all the human i ace, till voluntarily
■ relinquished. The wai of opinion on this question west set
tied in favor of tlie people, after sixty years of desolation aud*
carnage on the plains of Holland ; again at Lexington, Bata
toga, Yorktowu ; again in Kumpe. altur deluging France in
blood ; aud again and again on both slopes of tlie Andes, ns
well as in Mexico herself, on a basis never again to be sha
ken in the New World. The American side of this qiic*
lion, rather than the British side, or the side of any V the
despotisms of the Old World, must be considered :13 adopt
ed here forever. “What other conclurtoos couid have influ
enced both Mexico'and our G.wet'nmrnt in 13;15, when *f
applied to her to sell Texas to us, w ithout asking any assent
by Spain, or getting her engagement ftiH t<» make war upon j
us? aud ill is, though Mosiro bad fiat then maintained her
independence near so long as Texas now ? and though Spain j
waft Mill engaged in actual hostilities with her; and occupy- ;
ing a so lrea* considered tuc key aniT Gibraltar of Mexico?
aud though s*pain never recognized her independence til) ,
eleven-year* after? On what pcfhciple rould we make, or j
MexicJSreceive, the application which wOuld not justify Ptill j
,s i roil get t]m present Annexation ol Texas? On what pria- j
‘cijiie. out’this-, could we apply again to '
1929, without obtaining the consent nr recognition of t9pain J
first ? Hot 1f s'hneconcede that we erred in mukiug our lie ,
gntiaiions in 1825 and 1829, it bv no follows that we /
err nov/. On the contrary, uow, T**xus. na betore expl.iin |
e.l, fold been much longer nnd wider acknowledged than
Mexico was at that time; has more infernal Mability and |
peace,*aud is freer from actual or probable invasion ; and her
mdeneiiclent rights have become riper red fully into natikAiul
tnahnood.
But some inilulge in apprehensions that, as n wartiow ex
ists between Texas ami Mexico, or ail armistice exists un
expired, w e u*-e in more danger of becoming involved in ac
tual hostilities. Yet, in 1825, Hpain ami Mexico were at j
war, and the former in ac uni possessiiUi of ihe most imp »r*
taut fortrefi of the countiy ; and in 1929 poured her troops .
into Mev’co in
was even urged by onr Govcrument as an addiiional induce- i
lTient to Mexico alone to cede Texas, rather than regarding
it. as would seem now, an insuperable obstacle to a proper
cession without tho consent of both belligerents. Lnfortu |
nately. also, for the force of this objection* no actual war i
now exists between Mexico and Texas. '
Inr war, of a civilised character, has nx*»r** A lh «r»e fur tlie j
last six ?***• At times tWr have been a paner war and
marauding ; and, to put an end to the irregular and ocr*
sional incur Sous that have sometimes happened during that
period, an arinislice bus been projmsed by Mexico, which ,
being exceptionable in its terms, is reported never to have ;
been ratifietl bv Texas. Bo that the qaertiou (w hether it
may be aided'by an armistice which admits a temporary |
peace, and in the case between Holland nnd Spain lasted j
twelve years, and was sucCeedeo by a durable peace, or j
may be embarrassed by it, aa syhip suppose, by its implying j
the existence of a previous war,) is probably lice from this ,
difficulty ; and if Texas is taken by us now. we tuk« w ith !
her neither au existing war. nor'probably any existing ar i
mistice.
At the same time, I am free to admit, that, ihough actual
hostilities (to Hi>t tiow-vixist. anti of course wi\l not now be i
usstubed by us if milling with Texas, vet Mexico can obsti ,
ilately persist in claiming her aUepi.incc torever- may re j
fuse to rscogitjite her indcpciufonce and ,
tb.reufen everlastiiKi war. But before n« tunlK re com men- ;
cing hostilities, she wilfbe likely to look a iutlc to jnihhc
• ■pinion an.l hov true policy, under nil the foot* ot the '-ase,
and will probably come to the that a war, reniw
cd after all the c ire mo ts lances jest rcfa;»ilNb.ted* fan hardly
be deemed a ju*»t war, or receive nuy toantniaiue from the
intelßceiice am! fciviUzaiion of the rest •»! the world. It is
certainly preferable not income in collision with ony nation,
under any pretensions, however iff b undrd, il they can oe
(ivercoind by rewsouahle reinonstrance m friesidly solicita
tion. But if all have been exhausted in vain by us
and the leading powers trf fturopo, to nerf uade Mexico to
recognize the independence ol Texri>j the safety of interna
tional iuteiv-ourae, and the claims ot humanity wiU compel
the rest of the world © perform their d»UVs »-> others, and
sustain their own fiatfowai riglvts. And it war be threaten
ed,. -r actually comes, ill be iivg to reflect that it
ccme& wrongfully, and ought cojuie cm in <m*> 1 ’
—even .fin the mere of Texiai* inJeju u
dence, as wits menaced by Wfm\n m a like case, and by ,**■-mta
Anna niniself, for still afebter reasons: n>i. \%l*cn st-oung
in HJfi to conquer Tt'Jtas,Jie in said to have threatened that
nftei words be would plant bis victorious standard on the
dome of our UapitoL But whatever nation, heeding
or p\p*»tmre to unjust war. is tempted by the dread ot llifiii
to turn aside from’ the path of fluff, humanity, an.l bfipjn, U
itself unfit so exercise independent powers, and should be
re annexed to her ancient mnateis.
T riiall not dwell on the reasons againsluny danger of u ar
from other powers than Mexico# if the Airticxfitinn
No other hag anv pretence to interfere, if inclined t»r; m.ucn
le.Atr can we. without ri \a:uc and degredation, allow such in
after the declaration by Mr. Monroe., in 1823, a
gainst any new colotrizaiiwi front Europe on this continent,
and its renewal under Mr. Adams’ aduainifttration, and after
sending a delegation to the Congress of Panama, with a
riow, utn.mg other things, to organize united efforts against
anv snob foreign intei ferentes. . .
hese are itit general views on the topics of your inqui
ries. But in relation to the terms of any treaty oi corres
pondence supposed to he now before the Senate. I rivo nei
ther comment rim opinion , alway s holding my mmd open to
conviction on all official questions, till the time f'lr final ac
tion. and (hen adopting the conviction* of my judgment on
the wlcJe case, unless oilier write Histiucted by tlie State l
feel pronff .0 repre.rm. !< ~ tfnlW. Ry
To .f. H. Rf.iu. L. D. LirscoMr., J. B. T. ThokSton, D.
•lASPtK, Ksqa-
Tiir great ga6 microscope.— An ex
perimental exhibition of ibis instrument
was given by Dr. Lardner to a few private
friends at Charleston, (S. C.) on the eve
nings of Friday and Saturday, the result of
winch fully justified the expectations raised
by the promises of the at lists in London
who constructed it. It is, in fact, very near
ly a counterpart of the celebrated Polytech
nic microscope oi which has so long l»ccn
the subject of admiration in that city, any
difference consisting in a lew additions sug
gested to the maker since the construction
of the London instrument. The illumina
ting and magnifying powers are immense.
'Plie finer dimensions ol a minute object
may be without difficulty enlarged about
two thousand times, which corresjK)nds to
a magnifying power on the bulk oi the ob
ject amounting to eight thousand millions.
A tiea was exhibited thirty-cut feet in
length.
A mosquito filled the entire aiea of (he
vertical section of the stage.
Fine lace seemed like a giant net work
farmed of thick ropes, rudefy knotted to
gether.
Vram the liJadwOniy.n t 20 lit in si.
Important Correspondence.
The correspondence between the Se
cretary of State arid the British Minister,
in to-day’s paper, will arrest general at
tention.
it wilt be seen how easily Mr. Cal
houn brushes away the cobwebs of di
plomacy, mid astounds John Bull s En
voy by cot'fronting him with the true
meaning of Jiis words.
The most amusing thing about the
correspondence, if not in the annals oi
diplomacy, is the fait, that subsequent to
writing his letter to Mr. Calhoun, Mr,
Packet dram has *fmud it necessary to
\v#te home to ascertain what construc
tion should t»e pm on the fatlet;— and
whether or hot his own letter Contains a
“denial” oftlie charges rmide by our Gov
ernment.
The clear eyed Eagle is Watching ttie
Lion.
. Mr. Packenham to Mr. Calhoun.
Washington, April HI, ISJ4.
Tlie undersigned, her Britannic Ma
jesty’s Envoy FtXlraordinary and Minis
ter Plenipotentiary, has had the honor to
receive the note which the honorable
Mr. Calhoun, Secretary of Stato of tlie
United States, was pleased yesterday to
address to him, containing 1 observations
on a despatch from her Majesty’s Princi -
pal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
to the undersigned of which the under
signed had the honor, at the request of
the late Secretary of State, Mr.. Upshur,
to furnish a copy, tor the more complete
information of the Government ol’ the
United States. .
Mr. Calhoun at the same time .an
nounces to the undersigned, by direction
of the President, that a treaty has been
concluded lietweeu Ihe United States and
Texas for the annexation of Texas to this
country as part of its Territory, which
treaty will be submitted without delay to
the Senate for its approval.
Mr. Calhoun further takes occasion to
enter into explanations as to the motives
which have induced the Government of
the United States to adopt their present
policy with regard to Texas, and lie con
cludes by presenting certain remarks,
fijiiuGt-G mi smiisitcal Information) in da
fence of the institution of slavery ns now
established in a portion of this Republic,
and in proof of the necessity of taking
measures for its preservation.
Il is not the purpose of the undersign
ed in the present communication to enter
into discussion with Mr. Uullfann re
specting tlie project thus formally an
nounced on the part ol tlie Government
of tlie United Stales fa annex Texas to
the American Uuion— that duty will, it
thought necessary, be fulfilled by higher
authority—still less is the undersigned
disposed to trespass on Mr. Calhoun's at
tention by offering any remarks upon the
subject of slavery, as expounded in Mr.
Calhoun's note. That note will be trans
mitted to her Majesty’s Government by
the earliest opportunity; and with this in
timation the utulers'glfad would for the
present content himself, were it not for
the painful impression created on his
mind by observing that the Government
of (he United Slates, so far from appre
ciating at their just value the explana
tions furnished by her Majesty’s GoVfcrn
ment in a spirit of frankness and good
i faith, Well calculated to allny whatever
anxiety this Government might have pre
viously felt on the particular points to
| which those explanations have reference,
jappeai io have found arguments in that
i communication in lavor, of the contem
plated annexation of Texas -thus as it
were, assigning to the British Govern-
S merit some share in the responsibility ol'a
> transaction which Can hardly fail to be
viewed in many quarters with the most
serious objection.
All such responsibility the undersign
ed begs leave, in the name of her Majes
! ty’s Government, at once and most posi
! lively to disclaim. Whatevermay be the
j consequences of that transaction, the
British Govern ment will look forward
without anxiety to the judgment which
will thereon be passed by tlie civilized
world, in as far as shall apply to any
provocation furnished by England for
the adoption of such a measure.
With the political independence of
; 'Texas not only has Great Britain disa
vowed all intention to interfere, but it is
1 a well known fact that her most zealous
i exertions have been directed towards the
completion of that independence, by ob
taining its acknowledgment at the hands
of the only Power by which it was ser
iously disputed.
Great Britain has also formally dis
claimed the desire to establish in Texas
any dominant infiue»ce;and,with respect
to slavery, she is not cnnscionsof having
uc»cd m a sense to cause just alarm to the
United States.
From the avowed desire of Great Bri
tain to see slavery abolished in Texas, it
is inferred hy the Government of the
United States that England endeavoring,
through her diplomacy; to make the a
bolitiou of slavery a condition to the
acknowledgment of the independence of
Texas by Mexico. If Mr. Calhoun will
have the goodness to refer once more to
the copy of Lord Aberdeen’s despatch,
which Ires before him, he will find the
VOL. TI—NO *2.
following exposition ot the intentions ot
Great Britain on this point, which the
undersigned flattered himself would have
been sufficient to forbid any such inter
ference : “With regard to Texas, wa
avow that we wish to see slavery abolish
ed there, as elsewhere; and we should re
joice if the recognition ol that country
hy tlie Mexican Government should be
accomplished by an engagement, on the
part ot Texas, to abolish slavery eventfi
allv, and under proper conditions, thro’-
out the Republic. But, although we
earnestly desire and feel it to be our duty
to promote such a consummation, we
shall not interfere unduly, or with an
improper assumption of authority, with
either party” (either Mexico or Texas)
“in order to insure the adoption of such
a course. Wo shall fait sftek to compel
or unduly control either party. So far
as Great Britain is concerned, provided
other States act with equal forbearance,*
these governments will be fillip at liber
ty to make their own unfettered arrange
ments with each other, both in regard to
the abolition of slavery and to all other
points.”
Tho undersigned takes advantage ot
this opportunity to renew to the lion
Mr. Calhoun the assurance of his high
consideration.
R. PAGKENILVM
Hon. J. C. Calhoun, &c.
Mr. Ctilhoun to Mr. Pdckcttham.
Department of State,
Washington, April 27, 1844.
The undersigned, Secretary of State!
of the United States, has the honor to ac
knowledge the receipt of (lie. answer
which the Right Hon. Mr. Packetihani,
envoy extraordinary and minister pleni
potentiary of Her Britannic Majesty, was
pleased to make to his note of the 18th
inst., relating to the despatch of Lord
Aberdeen, of Which a copy was left with
the late Secretary of State, Mr. Upshui,
by his request.
He regrets that Mr. Packenham, has
fallen into an error in supposing that the
undersigned intended, by introducing
the statistical facts in reference to the
comparative condition of the African
race i» the States of this l riion where
slavery tuts nWittsjhpjJ nnd where
it is still retained, with the accompany
ing remarks, was “to expound the sub
ject of slavery,” and to “defend it as it
exists in the United States.”
It Mr. Packenham will have the good
ness to recur to the note Os the under
signed, he will find, on a re-perusal, that
his intention in introducing the details
instead of being that which he attributes
to him, was to correct what the under- .
signed believed to be a misconception on
the part of Her Majesty’s Government,
as set fourth in l-ord Aberdeen’s despatch.
His lordship seems to be of the impres
sion that tlie objection of the Untied
States was not to tlie policy of Great
Britain in reference to abolition, as a
vovved by him, hut to the’ meads which
might be resorted to for its accomplish
ment, aud that if slavery eholtld be a
bdltshed in the United States, hy the in
fluence and exertions of Great Britain)
without using what he is pleased to call
<f secret” or “undue means,” it would bo
an act of humanity to the African race,
and in its consequences would neither
“disturb the internal tranquility ot the
States” where it exists, nor “affect the
prosperity of the Union.” The object of
the undersigned in introducing the staffs
Ijpeal information referred to was to cor
rect this erroneous impression, by show
ing, from facts drawn from unquestion a
ble sources, that the condition oi the Atri
can race in the States which had abolish
ed slavery was far worse than in those
which had not; and that of course Great
Britain could not consummate in the
United States what she avows to be the
object of her polity and constant exer
tions to effect throughout the wotlJ,
without rendering the condition of the A
frican race in the slaveliolding States
much worse thati it is, and disturbing
their “internal tranquility aud the pros- -
perity of the Union.”
That such were the intentions of the
undersigned he hopes will be evident to
Mr. Packenham on a re-perusal of his
note; and not,as he supposes, to “expound
(he subject ol slavery,” or to “defend it
as it exists in the United States.” He is
the more solicitous to correct the error
into which Mr. Packenham has fallen in
this particular, because the intention
which he attributes to the undersigned
would be incompatible with the princi
ple which regulates the United States in
their intercourse with she rest of the
world; that is, to leave all other coun
tries, without interference on their part,
to regulate their own internal relations
and concerns as to eacli other may seemt
best, without permitting any to interfere
with theirs. He could not, consistently
with this well established principle of
their policy, permit any question belong
ing exclusively to the internal relations
or concerns of any of the States of this
Union to be brought into controversy
between this and any foreign Govern
ment whatever.
The undersigned regrets that Mr. Pack
enham should entertain the impression
that the Government of the United Slates
did not appreciate at their full value thn