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The federal union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1830-1861, July 10, 1830, Image 1

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THE FEDERAL UNTOMT, «rery.,Saturday at Thrce dollars per an num, in ad* inoe, or Pour if not pa:d before the end of die ye* . The Office is Da Wayne-Street, opposite foe Combs' Tavern. All Advertisements published at the usual rates. tCJ* 1 Each Citation by the Clerks of the Courts of Or dinary that application has been made for Letters of Ad ministration, must be published Thirty days at least. N slice by Executors and Administrators for Debtors .and Ci editors to render in tbeir accounts must be publish ed Six weeks. Sales of negroes by Executors and Administrators must be advertised Sixty days before the day of sale Sales of personal property (except negroes) of testate and intestate estate by Executors and Administrators, must be advertised Forty cats. Applications by Executors, Administrators and Guar dians to the court of ordinary for leave to sell Laud must lie published Four months. Applications by Executors nod Administrators for Let ters Dismissory, nun be published “'ix months. Applications for for'closure cf Mortgages on real Cs- ' tate must be adrerti: < d orscr a month forr-ax months. Sates of real estate by Executors, Adnriinis’rotors and Guardians must be published Sixtt Days before the day of sale. These sales must be made'at the court-house duo: between the hours of 10 in the morning and four in lac <lt. roooo No sale from day to day is valid, unless .go expressed in the. advertisement. Orders of Court of Ordinary, (accompanied with a copy of fbt bond, or agreement) to make titles to Land, must be advertised Three months at least. Sheriff’* sales under executions regularly granted by 4l;e< arts, must be advertisid Thirty Days. Sheriff’s sales under mortgage executions must be ad vertised Sixtt days before the day of sale. Eh*riff’s s.les ot perishable property under order of 'Court must be advertised generally T en days. All Orders for Advertisements will be punctually at tended to. AI! Letters directed to the office, or the Editor, must lepost-paid to entitle them to attention. .•vu r T tisorc* sen s’jeai vracssur v ftc • ^mcmbni DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. MILLEDGEFILLE, GEORGIA, j/lTURDAY* JULY 10, 1830 r^-r^- : ■ ■ n.-i=r VOLUME 1, NUMBER X. .a IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776. sen. in the course of human events, it V.Vcoines nectary fur one people to dissolve the political bands which )«>v^ connected them witlranoiber' and to assume among the powers of file earth the separate and equal Stat e n to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them: a decent respect for the opinions of mankind, requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to (he separation. to a jurisdiction, foreign to our Constitution and unacknowledged by otir laws; giving h>- is«ent to their acts of pretended h gislaiion:— For quartering large bodies of armed troop.' among us;— For protecting them by a mock trial, from any murders which they'should commit on the inhabitants of these States:— For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world,—- For imposing taxes upon us without our consent:— For depriving us, in many cases of the ben efit 1 -of trial by jury: — For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences:— For abolishing the free system of English not At b hefty to dis- . ' t* with root Apes which regard, to return to that retirement from which 1 bad been reluctantly drawn. The strength ot mv inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical poslUFe of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice cf persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea; “I rejoice that the stale of your concerns external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentimeut of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partia'ity may be retain ed for my services that in the present circum law in a neighbouring province, establishing} stances of our country, you will not disapprove therein an arbitrary government, and enlarg ing its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument, for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies?— For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments: For suspending cur own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with the power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever He ha»abdicated Government h re. by de- ckuypg us out of his protection, and warAgainst us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is, at this time, transporting large armies ol foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already be gun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the head ofa civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow citizens, tak en captivo on the high seas, to bear arms a- gainst their own country, to bocome the exe cutioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. lie has excited domestic insurrections a- mongst us, and ha« endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the meiciles- Indiah savages, whose known rule of warfare is l We hold these truths to be seif evident that il! men are created equal; that they are j an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sex- ios, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress, in the most humble terms; our petitions have beeu answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked, by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler ofa free people Nor have we been wanting in attention to cur Ilritish brethren We have warned them, from time to time of attempts made by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us We have reminded them of tlie circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native jut icc and magmuiimily, and wo have conjured t hem by the lies of our common kind red, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connexions and correspondence. They too, have been deafto the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind—enemies ia war;—in peace, friends. We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Con gress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the .vorld for the rectitude of our intentions, I>o, in the name and by the author ity of the good People of these colonies, so lemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies are and ought to be, free and inde pendent States; that they .are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection, between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be total ly dissolved; and that as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, con elude peace, contract alliances, establish com merce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.— And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on ihe protection of Divine prov idence, we routaliy pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. Signed by order and in behalf of the Con gress, JOHN HANCOCK. President. Attest, Charles Thompson, Sec'ry. WASHXNGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS endowed by their Creator with certain unal ienable rights'; that among lhe«e are life, lib erty, and the pursuit of happiness That, to •secure these rights, governments are instil tiled •.-.mopg men. deriving Umir just powers from "the consent of the governed ; that whenever •tiny form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it i* the right of the people to »!ter or to abolish it and to institute a new go vornmml, laying its foundation on such princi ples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem roost likely to effect their safety and happinnrs. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established c-lv ijbl not be ch u 7orl f<*r light and transient onuses, ami accordingly ail experience lias hown that mankind are more disposed to suf- or. while eviisf arc sufferable, than to right Ur receives by abolishing the forms to which •:h. p Y are accustomed, But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariblv :lin sime object, evinces a design to reduce them muff* absolute despotism, it is their duty to throw off such government, and topro- e\v guards for their future security — Such ha? bean the sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity that constrains them to alter their former systems of govern- rnert. The history of the present King cf Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries e.nd usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be suh- ^xnittod to a candid world? He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome nrd necessary for the public good. He has forhiden his Governors to pass laws of immediate £ pressing importance, un less suspended in their operation, till his assent ■should be obtained; and, when so suspended lie has utterly neglected toattend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the Legislature—a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. " lie has called together legislative bodies, at places unusual uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of heir public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into com pliance with his measures. He has dissolved Representative houses re peatedly, for opposing with manly firmness, his invasions on tl e r:ghts of th'’ people. He has refused fora long time alter sue); dissolutions, to cau=e others to he elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of auihilation, have returned to the people at .large, for their exercise; the state remaining in the mean time, exposed to all the danger of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the popula tion of these States; for that purpose obstruc ting the laws for neutralization of foreigners: reusing to pass others, to encourage their mi gration hither, trod raising the conditions of Dew appropriation of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice; by refusing his assent to laws, for es- Vablishiog judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on hi9 will alone, for the tenure of his offices, and the a- mouni and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices and sent hither swarms of officers, to harrass our people and eat out their substance. He has kept among us in times ot peace, Standing rrmies without the consent of our ie- ll^haTaffected io render llie military inde pendent of. and superior to. the uvil pow- TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATE9 : "Friends and Fellow-Citizens. ‘The period for a new election of a citi zen to administer the Executive Government of tt>e United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that 1 should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline be ing considered among the number ofthose, out of whom a choice is to be made. “I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the consideration? appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am sup ported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. ‘‘The acceptance of, and continuance hither to in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacri fice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have my determination to retire. The impressions with which I first under took the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that 1 have, with good in tent,ons, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fdhible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset, of the inferiorit y of my qualifications, experi ence, in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes »f others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and, every day, the in creasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Sat isfied that if any circumstances have given pe culiar value to my services they werp tempo rary I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me toqui* the political scene, patriotism does not for bid ! t. In looking forward to the moment which i? to .terminate the career of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt ol gratitude which I ©we to my beloved cuuntry. for the many honours it has conferred upon me; stii! •more for the stedfost confidence with which it has supported me, and for tins opportunities 1 have thence enjoyed of manifesting my invio lable attachment, by services faithful and per severing. though su usefulness y.u qual to my zeal If benefits have resulted to our country Irotn these services, let it always be remem bered to your praise, and as an instructive ex ample in our annals, that under circumstances m which the passions, agitated in every direc lion, were liable to mislead amidst appearan ces sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging-—in situations in which not unfrequently, want of succe-s has count* mm ced the spirit of criticism—the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the ef forts. and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I -.hall carry it with me to my rrave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual —that the free constitution which is the work of vour hands, may ba sacredly maintained— that its administration in. every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue— that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as wifi acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop But a so licitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of dan ger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the piesent, to offer to your so lemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, &ome sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no incon siderahle observation, and which appear to me aU-importaot to the permanency of your felici ty as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal mo tive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent recep tion of my sentiments in a former and not dis similar occasion. Interwoven as is thelove of liberty with ev ery ligament of your hearts, no recommenda tion of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of governnent which constitutes you one people, is also iow dear to you It is justly so; for it is a man pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquility at home; yotir peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so hig’ily prize. But. as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will he taken, many artifices enployed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the poiut in yoir political fortress a- gainst which the batteros of internal and ex ternal enemies will be nost constantly and ac tively (though often covertly and iqsiduously) directed; it is of infinre moment, that you should properly estimaie the immense value of your national uuion to your collective and individual happiness; tlat you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attach ment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it a9 of the Palladium of your, po litical safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discounte nancing whatever may suggest even a suspi cion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawn ing of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country.from the rest,! or to enfeeble the »acred ties which row link together the vari ous parts. For this you have every inducement of sym pathy and interest. Citizens by birth, or er He bw combined «ilb olbe», to subject qs|bc«o much earliet in mj power, consistent}*, chok* of a commoa count?, that country bat aright to concentrate vour affections The name of American, which belongs to you in vour national capacity, must always exalt the just pride ol patriotism, more than any appel lation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the indepen dence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. But these considerat ions, however powerful ly they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the production of the latter, great additional resources of mari time and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the North, sees its agricul ture grow and its commerce expand. Turn ing partly into its own channels, the seaman of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, in diffe rent ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks for ward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, al ready finds, and in the progressive improve ment of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from a- broad, or manufactures at home. The } Cest derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indiep^ncaMe out lets for its own productions, to the weight, in fluence, and the future maritime strength ofthe Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an in dissoluble community of interest as one nation Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign pow er, must be intrinsically precarious. While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Lnion, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and ef forts, greater strength, greater resource, pro portionally greater security from external dan ger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value they must derive from union an exemp tioo from those broils and wars between them selves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries noi tied together by ihe same gov ernment; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but tvhich op posite foreign alliances, attachments, trigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence likewise, they w$l avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which un der any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and tluit the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can •’tnbrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are autboiiz«d hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a hap py issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment With such power ful and obvious motives to union, affecting all pans of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may dis turb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geo graphical discriminations—Northern and South ern—Atlantic and Western, whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is areal difference of local interests and views.. One of the expedients of party to acquire in fluence within particular districts, is to mis represent the opinions and aims of other dis tricts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations: they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affec tion. The inhabitants of our Western coun try have lately had a useful lesson on this head: they have seen, in the negotiation hv the ex ecutive, and in the unanimous ratification bv the Senate of the Treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at the event throngh- out the Uuitcd States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated a mongthem of a policy in the general govern ment and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi.-— They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign re lations, towards confirming their prosperity.— Will it not be their wisdom lovely for the pre servation of these .ad vantages on the Union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who woatd sever them from their hrethfen, and connect them with alien*? To the efficacy and permanency of your U - nion, a government lor the whole is indispensa ble. No alliances, however strict, between the part? can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced Sensible of this momen tous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption ot a constitution of go vernment, better calculated than your former, for an intimate udioq. and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed; adopted upon fall investigation and mature deliberation; com pletely free in its principles* in the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself, a provision for its own amendments, has a just claim to your confi dence and your support Respect for its au thority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fun damental maxims of true liberty.' 1*he basis of our political systems is the right ofthe people to make and to alter their constitutions of go vernment. But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people,is sacredly obligatory upon nil. The very idea of the power and the right ofthe people to establish a government, pre supposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under what ever plausible character, with the real design to direct, controul, counteract, or awe the re gular deliberations and action of the constitut ed authorities, are destructive of this funda mental principle:, and of fatal t endency. They serve to organize faction; to give it an artifi cial and extraordinary force; to put in the place ofthe delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small, hut artful enter prising minority ofthe community, and accord ing to the alternate triumph? of different par ties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of fiction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mutual in terests. However combinations or associations cf the above description may now and then an swer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and un principled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for them selves the / reins of government; destroying af terwards ihe very engines which hare lifted them to unjust dominion. Toward the preservation of your govern ment, and the permanency of your present hap py 9tate, it js requisite not only that you steadi ly discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you re sist with care Ihe spirit of innovation upon it? principles, however specious the pretexts — One method of assault may be to effect in the forms ot the constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invit ed, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the trae character ofgov- eruments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing consti tution of a country; that facility ir* changes up on the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endlesy variety of hypothesis abd opinion, and remem ber especially, that for the efficient manage ment of your common interests, io a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security ot liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers prop- erly distributed and adjusted, its suiest guar* dian. It i?, indeed, little else ihfn a ua 'here the government is too feeble to with- sUmi .he of faction, to confine each member of the society within the I ton it» De scribed by tbe law?, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already mtimated to you the danger ot parties in the State, with particular refer ences to the founding ofihem on geographical, discriminations Let me now take a murw. comprehensive view, warn you in the most so lemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or Icwr-stifleffr cmurouied, or repressed; but in those of the popular fir m, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is iraly their worst one my. The alternative domination of one faction, over another, sharpened by the spirit of re venge, natural to party dissension, which different ages and countries has perpetrated ihe most horrid enormities, is itself a frightfol despotism. But this leads at length to a mort forma! and permanent despotism. The disor ders and miseries which result, gradually in cline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power ot an inc iv.dua!, and sooner or later the chief of some peevaife ing faction, more able or more fortuuate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on tbe rums of .public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,} the common and contin ual mwchiefe of tbe spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise peo ple to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public cooti- cils, and enfeeble the public admiuistration.-«r It agitates the commun ity with ill-founded jea- lougir^ and fifac alarms; * *