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The federal union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1830-1861, December 18, 1830, Image 2

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place them ultimately upon <1»e tout mg on which it is our wish they should rest. Of the points referreiLtat m ° 8 ^ promi nent are, our claim* upon France for spolia tions upon our^corntnerce; rimilar claims upon Spam, together with embarrassments in the commercial Kitjercoorse betweeo the two coun tries, wh*d» ought to be removed; the coo* Ula«ion of the treaty of commerce and navi gation with Mexico, which has been so long in — K cuse, as wall us the final settlement of lim its between ourselves and that republic; and, finally, the arbitrament ot the question be- twoen the United States and Great Britain in togard to the Northeastern boundary. The negotiation with France has been con ducted by our Minister with zeal and ability, and in all respects to my entire satisfaction. Although the prospect of a favorable termina- lon was occasionally dimned by counter pre tentions, to which the United States could not assent, he yet had strong hopes of being able to arrive at a satisfactory settlement with the late Government. The negociation has been renewed with the present authorities; and, sen sible of the general and lively confidence of our citizens in the justice and magnimity of regenerated France, 1 regret the more not to have it in my power, yet, to announce the re sult so confidently anticipated. No ground, however, inconsistent with this expectation, has been taken; and 1 do not allow myself to doubt that justice will soon bo done to us.— The amount ofthe claims, the length of time they have remained unsatisfied, and thoir in controvertible justice, tnakci an earnest prose cution of them by the Government an urgent duty. The illegality ofthe scizeures and con fiscations out of which they have ariseo is not disputed; and whatever distinction may have hereto fore been set up with regard to the lia bility of the existing Government, it is quite Clear that Biich considerations cannot now be rnterposed. The commercial intercourse between tho j tfi e bill before me proposes to add to it fifty " An net to authorizfe a sobsefiptrosffbr tilock in the Louisville and' Portland Canal Compa ny/* were submitted for my approval. It was uot possible, within the time allowed me, he* tore the close of the sessiondo give these bill*, the consideration which was due to their char acter and importance ; and/I wa9 compelled to retain them for that purpose. I now avail myself of this early opportunity to return them to the Houses in which they respectively orig inated,with the reasons which,after mature de liberal ion,compel me to withhold my approval. The practice of defraying out of the Trea surv of the United States the expenses incur red by the establishment and support of light house, beacons, buoys, and public piers, with in the bays, inlets, harbors and ports of the United States, to render the navigation thereol safe and easy, is coeval with the adoption of the Constitution, and has been continued with, out interruption or dispute. As our foreign commerce increased, and was extended into the interior of the country by the establishment of ports of entry and delivery upon our navigable rivers, the sphere of those expenditures received a correspon ding enlargement. Ligh-houses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and the removal of sand bars. sawyers, aud other partial or temporary impediments in the navigable rivers and har bors which wero embraced in the revenue dis tricts from time to time established by law, were authorized upon the same principle, and the expenses defrayed in the same manner. That these expenses have at times been extrav agant m. disproportionate,is very probable The circumstances under which they are incurred are well calculated to lead to such a result unless Ihcir application is subjected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantages aris ing from tho disbursement of public money too frequently, it is to be feared, invite appro priationsfor objects ol (his charactertli.it are neither necessary nor useful. The number ol light-house keepers is already very large, and two countries is susceptible of highly advan tageous improvements; but the sen«e of this in "jury has had, and must continue to have a ver ry unfavorable influence upon them. From its Satisfactory adjustment, not otdy a firm and Cordial friendship, but a progressive develop ment of all their relations, may be expected. It is, therefore, my earnest hope that this old and vexatious subject of difference may be Speedily removed. I feel that my confidence in our appeal to the motives which should govern a just and mag hanimous nation, is alike warranted by the Character of the French people, ami by the high voucher we possess for the enlarged Views and pure integrity of tho munarch whv now presides over her councils; and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meet any man ifestation of the spirit we anticipate in oue ol 'corresponding frankness and liberality. The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought to the view of that Government, by our Minister there, with much force and propriety; and the strongest assurances have vwi their early and favorable con sideration. m The steps which remain to place the mat- 'ter in controversy between Great Britain and ♦he United States fairly before the arbitrator, have nil been taken in the same liberal and friendly spirit which characterized those before announced. Recent events have doubtless -served to delay the decision, but our Minister at the court of the distinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be mado within the timecnntemplated by the treaty. I ntn particularly gratified in being able to Ztate that a decidedly favorable, and, asl hope, fasting change, has been effected in our rela tions with the neighboring republic of Mexico. The unfortunate and unfounded suspicions in regard to our disposition, which it became tny painful duty to advert to on o former occa sion, have been, I believe, entirely removed; and the Government of Mexico has been made to understand the real character ofthe wishes and views of this in regard to that country.— The consequence is, the establishment of friendship and mutual confidence. Such are the assurances which 1 have received, and 1 see «io cause to doubt their sincerity I had reason to expect the conclusion ef a Commercial treaty with Mexico in season for communication on the present occasotil Cir■ cunrislances which are not explained, but wtnch, I am ptirsuaded. are not the result of an indisposition on fier part to enter into it, have produced the delay. There was reason to fear, in the course of the last summer, that the harmony of our re lations might be disturbed by the acts of cer tain claimants, under Mexican grunts, of ter ritory which has hitherto beem under our ju risdiction. Tho co-operation of the repre sentative of Mexico near this Government, was askfetl on the occasion, and was readily afforded. Instructions and advice have been given to the Governor of Arkansas and the officers in command in the adjoining Mexican S ate, by which, it is hoped, the quiet of that frontier will be preserved, until a final settle ment of the dividing line shall have removed all gfbund of controversy The exchange of ratifications of the trea ty concluded last year with Austria has not yet taken place. Th© delay has been occa sipned by the non-arrival of the ratification -of that Government within the time prescribed by the treaty. Renewed anthority has been a»k£«l for by the representative of Austria ; an«l, in the mean time, the rapidly increasing trade and navigation between the two coun tries have been placed upon the most liberal footing of our navigation acts. Several alleged depredations have been re cently committed on our commerce by the na tional vessels of Portugal. They fiave been made tho subject of immediate remonstrance end reclamation. I am not yet possessed of sufficient information to express a definitive opinion of their character, but.expect soon to receive it. No proper means shall he omitted to obtain for our citizens all the redress to which they may appear to be entitled. Almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last sees ion, two bills, the one entitled ** An act for making appropriation for building light-houses, light-boats, beacons, and monu ments, placing, buoys, and fi>r improving har directing suittej#/’ aqd the etbet one more, of various descriptions. From rep resentations upon the subject which are un derstood to be entitled to respect, I am indu ced to believe that there has not only been great improvidence in the past expenditures ol the Government upon these objects,, but th.it (he security of navigation has, in some instan ces, been diminished by the multiplication ot light-houses, and consequent ctiange of lights, upon (he cost. It is in this as in other re .spects, our duty to a void all unnecessary ex pense, as well as every increase ot patronage not called for by the pubbe service. But, in the discharge of dhat duty in this particular, it must not bo forgotten that, in relation to our foreign commerce, the burd n and benefit oi protecting and accommodating it necessarily go together, and must do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the people through the custom-house. It is indisputable that whatever gives facility aud security to navigation, cheapens imports; and all who consume them are alike interested in whatev er produces this effect. If they consume they ought, as fchey now do to pay ; ottv r W186 lllcy UU lit;i i Tluk^ivncnmiT m | i)f : most inland State derives the same advantage from every necessary and prudent expenditure for the facility and security of our ioreign com tnerco and navigation that he does who resides in a maritime State. Local expenditures have not, of themselves, a correspondent operation From a bill tnakinj direct appropriations for such ob jects, I should not have withheld my assent.. The one now returned does so in several particulars, bui it also contains appropriations for surveys of a local character, which 1 cannot approve. It gives me satisfaction to find that no serious inconvenience has arisen from withhold in; tny approval from this bill ; nor will it, I trust, be cause of regret that an opportunity will be thereby uf forded for Congress to review its provisions under cir cumstances belter calculated for a more full investigation than those under which it was passed. In speaking of direct appropriations, I off an not to in clude a prac.ice which has obtained to some extent, and to which I have, in one instance, in a different capacity, given my assent—that of subscribing to the slock of pri vate associations. Positive experience, and a more tho rough consideration of the subject, have convinced me uf the impropriety ns well as inexpediency of .such invest ments. All improvements efbeted by the funds of ihi nation, for general use, should be open to the enjoyment of ail our fellow-citizens, exempt from the payment of tolls, or any imposition of that character. The practice of thus mingling the concerns of the Government with those of the States or of individuals, is inconsistent with the object of its institution, uhd t.ighiy impolitic. The successful operation of the federal »><*!< tn cun oniv be preserved by confining it to the few and simple, but .yet important objects for which it was designed. A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ultimately change the character of this Government, by consolidating into one the General and State Govern ments, which were intended to lie kept forever distinct. I cannot conceive bow bills authorising such sunacrip tions can be otherwiae regarded than us uills for revenue, and consequently subject to the rule in that respect pre scribed by the Constitution. If the interest of the Gov ernment in private companies is subordinate to that of in dividuals, the management and control of a portion of the public funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the Constitution, and beyond the supervision of our con- siitncnts: if superior, its officers and agents will be con stantly rxposed to imputations of favoritism and oppres sion. Direct prejudice to the public interest, or nn alien ation of the affections and respect of portions of Un people, may, therefore, in addition to the general die- credit resulting to the Government from embarkii g with its constituents in pecuni iry speculations, be looked for as the probable fruit of such associations. It is no an swer to this objection to say that the extent of conse quences like these cannot be great from a limited and small number of investments ; because experience in other matters teaches os, and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions, that, unless an entire stop be put to them, it will soon be impossible to prevent their accumulation, until they are spread over Ihe whole coun try, and made to embrace many of the private and ap propriate concerns of individuals. The power which the General Government would ac quire within the several States by becoming the princi pal stockholder in corporations, controlling every canal and each sixty or hundred miles of every important road and giving a proportionate vote in all their election-*, is •dmost inconceivable, and, it) tny view, dangerous to the liberties of the people. This mode of aiding such works is, also, in its nature, deceptive, and in many cases conducive to improvidence- in the administration of the national funds; Apnropri- ^|i n n? will be obtained frith much greater facility, and granted with less scrutiny H» the public interest, when he measure is thus disguised, than when definite and di rect expenditures of money are asked for. The interests of the nation would doubtless be better served by avoid ing alt sucii indirect modes of aiding particular objtets. In a Government like ours, nnore especially, should all public acts be. as far as practicable, simple, undisguised, and intelligible, that they may become fit subjects for (lie approbation or .animadversion of the people. The bill authorizing a subscription to the Louisville and Port land canal a fiords a striking illustration of the difficulty of withholding additional appropriations for the-same object, when the first erroneous step has been lak n by- instituting a partnership between the Government and private companies. It proposes a third subscription on the part of the United States, whon each preceding one was at tho time regarded as the extent of the aid which Cowetohnent was to render l© thet wnrk ; and the accom panying bill for fight bouses, &c. coitains an appropria tion for a survey of the bed of tho i» 3r » frith a view to its improvement, by removing the obifuciiop which the eanal is designed to amid. This inprovenirtrt, if suc cessful, would afford a free passage t> t o river, and ren der the canal entirely useless. To web improvidence is the course of legislation subject^ it relation to internal improvements on local matters, eve* with the best inten tions on the part of Congress. Although the motives which hare influenced rne in this matter mi v be already sufficiently staled, 1 am, never theless, induced by iis importanedto add a Jew observa tions of a general character. ' .* In my objections to the bills asthorizing subscriptions to the Maysvdle and Rockville Read Companies, I ex pressed my views fully in regard to the power of Con gress to construct roads and canals will, in a Stale, or to appropriate money for improvements of a local character. I, at the same time;intimated niy belief that the right to make nppropriatioisfor su£h as were of a national char acter had been so generally acted upon, and so long ac quiesced in by the Federal and State Governments, and the constituents of each, as to justify its exercise on the ground of continutd and uninterrupted usage ; but that it was, nevertheless, highly expedient that anpropnations even of that character, should, with the exception made at the time, be deferred until Ibe national debt is paid, and that, in the mean while, some general rale for the ac tion ot the Government in thin respect ought to be estab lished. v These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of the quesiion then before me; and were, 1 readily ad mit, intended to awaken the attention, and draw forth the opinions and obst rrations, ol our constituents, upon a subjrclof the highest importance to their interests, and one destined to exert a powerful infl-v nee upon the fu ture operations of our poli ieai sjsi ni. I know of no tribunal Iq which a public man in this country, in a case of doubt and difficulty, ean uppi ui with grautcr advantage or more propriety, th.*n the judgment of the people ; and aiibocgii i musi necessarily, in the discharge of my offi cial duties, be governeu by the delates of mj a.n j‘<ug- menl, I have no desire to conceal mv anxious wish to conform, as fur as lean, to the views of those for whom I act. All irregular expressions of public opinion are of neces sity attended w nh some doubt as to their accuracy ; but, making full allowances on that account, I cannot, 1 think, deceive myself in believing that the acts referred to, as well as the sngg« siions which i allowed myself to muke in relation to iheir bearing upon-the future .ojterntions of tbe Government, have been a^roved- by tiic great body of the people. That those whose immediate pecuniaiy interests are to be affected by proposed expenditure* should shrink from the application of a rule which pre fers their mure general and remote interests to those which are personal and immediate, is to be expected.— Rut even such objections-must, from tire nature of our population, be but temporal-} in their duration; and if it were otherwise; our course should be the same for tire lime is yet, I hope, far distant,, when those entrusted wi h power to he exercised for the gowl of ihe whole, will con- .-hhf il either honest or wise to purchase local favor at the sacrifice of principle and the general gOod. So understanding public sentiment, and thoroughly satisfi.d that the Inst interests of our ciinunon country imperiously require that the course which I have r* com mended in tins regard should be adopied. I h ive, upon the most mature considers lion, determined to pursue It. It is due to candor, its well as to try own feelings, that I should express tne reluctance and anxiety which 1 must at all times experience in exercising the undoubted right of the Executive to iviUmold ids assent from bills on other grounds than their uneonstitmiun-ility. That lhi» ri-ht should not bo exercised on slight occasions, all will admit, it is only in matters of dt< p iutcrrsl, when the principle involved may he justly regard'd as next in im portance to infractions oft he Cuu-ti alien itself, that such .. step can be expected to meet with the approbation of the people. Such an occasion do I conscientiously believe the present to be. in the disebatge of this deli cate aod highly responsible duty, 1 am sustained by the reflection that the exercise of this power ha* been deemed consistent with tho obligation of official duly by several of my predecessor-; and by tfce persuasion, too, that, whatever liberal institutions may have to fear from the euciuacbuients of executive power, which has been every where the cause of so mneb strife and bloody contention, bui little danger is to be apprehended from a precedent by which tba» author.ly denies to its it ihe exercise of powers that bring in their train influence and patronage ■>f great extern ; and thus excludes the operation of per *unal in crests, every tvLeye the banc of official trust.— I <1 rive too, no small degree of-satisfsetion fr-m the inflection, that, if l have mislakt-ii the interests, and wish, s of the people, the Constitution ff *re!s the m ans soon redressing the error, by selecting for the place iheir favor has bestowed upon me a citizen whose opi nions may occord with their own. I trust, in the mean lime, the inierests of Ihe nation will be saved from pre judice, by » rigid application ol ;bat portion ot the pub be funus wjlicit might otherwise be applied to differentob- jeets to the highest oi all i.ur obligation*, lh. payment of tire public debt, and an opportunity be r.fl’orded Ibr the adoption oi some netb-riuit for the operations of the Government in this mutter than any which Las hilher'.o ' ecn acted upon Profoundly impressed with tbe iinpoitance of the sub- ject, not merely as i! relates'o the g n ral prosperity of the country, but to Itie safrty of the. ;edrral system, 1 cannot avoid repeating m* ea.uual hope that all good citizens, who tske a pro|*r interest in the success and harmony of our •dmirable political institutions ; and who are incapable of desiring to conv- rt;tn opposite state of Unngs into means for the gratification of personal «m5n tion- will, laying aside minor odmidoalionv; and dis carding local prejudices, untie their honest exertions to establish some fixed general principle, which shall be' cal culated to effect the greatest extent of public g< cd in re gard to the subject ol internal unprovein. ul, and afford the least ground for sectionauUsronUrit. - *• The general ground of my objec'ioii to h.ral-appropri- ations bus been heretofore expressed ; and J snail en tleavor to avoid a repetition ot w*iht lias been already urged—the importance of stist.nniuglbe State suvtr. .go- lies, as f-ir as is consistent with the rig.iti'ul action of the Federal Government,, nnd ot preserving the greatest at tainable harmony between limn I «vjll now only add an expression of my conviction—a conviction which' every uay’s expern oce serves to confirm—that tfv politi cal creed which inculcates ihe pursuit of those gre-u; ob jects as a paramount duty.it 4bt nue faith, and one to which we ire mainly indebted for the present success -f the entire system, ami tu which y/i- must alone lock for its future si ability. That there are diversities in ll>c m'creMs of Ihe niff.-r- fnt Stales which compose this extensive confederacy, nuiat be admitted. 1 hose diversities, arising from sjiii- lion, elima e. p.ipulati. o. and p -rs.uts, ar* doubtless, as it is naturil they should be, gpeu«!y exaggerated byj-al- oosies, and that spirit of rivalry so inseparable from neighboring cotumuniti?*. i l.ese circtims.nnces make it the duly of those who are entrust, d wiihtht management of its utfiirs to netiirafiZ*’ then effects as far as paclict~ ble, by making the bcnefici.il operaiion of the Federal Governin' ni us equal a no equitable among the several States as can be doue consistently with the great ends of its institution. It is only necessary to refcrto undoubted facts, to see huw far the past acts of the Government upon the sub ject under ronsideranon have faiten short of this object. The expenditures heretofore made for infernal improve, •went* ain nmt to up • irds of five millions of dollars, and have be - n distributed in very-unequal proportions umongst • he States. The estimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, together with that’of others pro- jeced and partially surveyed, amount to more than ome-- ty-eix millions of dollar*. Tbjzt such improvements, on account of particular cir- ctims'nnees, maybe more advantageously and bent-tici diy rood*- in some States than in- others, is doubtless true p but that they are of axharacter which should prertni mi equitable distrib .tion of the funds amongst the re-vert States, is not to be conceded. The want of this equita ble distribution cannot fail to-prove, a prolific source of irritation amongst the States! We have it constantly before oureyes, that professions of superior zeal in the cause of intern:.I .improvement, and a disposition to lavish the fublrc funds upon objects ol that character, are daily and earnestly put forth by aspirants to power, as constituting the highest claim's to the confidence or the people.' Would it be strange, under such circumstances, and in times of great excite ment, that grants of this de scription should find their mo tives in objects which may not accord with the public good? Those who have not bad occasion to see and regret the indication of a sinister influence in these matters in past times, have been more fortunate .than myself in their ob servation of the course of public affiirs. If io these vils be added the combinations and aiigry contentions to which such % ctursa of things gite* rise, with their bale ful influences upon the legislation of Gor.grrsS fooebiot the ftdiiirig and appreciate duties of the Federal Gov ernment, il was but doing justice to tbe character of our people to expect tbe st-eere condemnation of tbe past trfaich »he recent exhibition of public sentiment has evinced. ' . . . . Nothing short of a radical change in the .actitn of the Government upon the subject, can, in ray opinion, reme dy the evil. If, as it would be natural to expect, tne States which have been least favored in past appropria tions should iijsi.it on being redressed in those hereafter to be made, at the expense of the States, which have so largely and disproportionately participated, we hate, as matters now stand, but little security ifaat the attempt would do more thanchauge tbe inequality from otic quar ter to another. . Tiius viewing the subject, I have heretofore felt it my duty to recommend the adoption of some plan for the distribution of the surplus funds which may at any time remain in the treasury alter the national debt shall have been paid, among the States, is proportion to the number of their Representatives, to he applied by them to object* of internal improvement. Although this plan has met with favor in some portions ef tbe Union, it has also elicited objections wnich merit deliberate consideration. A brief notice of thesa objec tions here will not therefore, I trust, be regarded a* out of place. - . , , They rest, as for as they have come to my knowledge, on tbe foilowing grounds: 1st. an objection to the ratw of distribution. 8d. an appreh* nsiou that the existence of such a regulation would pi ounce improvident and op pressive taxation to raise the funds lor ifotribulion.— 31, That the mode proposed would lead to the construc tion of works of a focal nature, to Ihe exclusion ol such as are gcnoral, and as would consequently he of a more useful character; and, last, that it would create a di*ereti- table and injurious dependence, en the part ol the Governments, upon the federal power.’ Of those »h« object-to the ratio of representation as the ba-ns ol dish i- bution, some insist that the importations of the respec tive States would constitute one that would be inortiqoi- tahl«; and nthcr*, again, that uhc extent or their respec tive territories would lureiish a standard which would b* more expedient, and sufficiently equitable. The ratio of representation presented itself to mj mind, and it still docs, as one of o vious equity, because of its being the ratio of contribution, whether tiie funds to be drelributtd he derived from the customs or from direct taxation. I> dues not follow, however, that its adoptiuu is indispensa ble (o th« establishment of the system proposed. Th^re may he considerations appertaining to tbe sul j ct which would renders departure, to some extent, frem ibe rule of cun’.rib tion, proper. Nor is it absolutely iteci ssury that the b;isis of distribution be confined to one ground. It may, if, in the judgment of those whose right it i to fix it, if it be deemed politic and juat to give il that char acter, have regard to s» rerak • In my first message, 1 stated it to bc.my opinion that ‘‘it is rmt probable that any adjustment of tbe tariffupon principles satisfactory to the people of the Union, will, until-u remote period, if ever, have the Government with <mt a considerable surplus in the Treasury., beyond what may be required for its current service.” I have bad no cause to change that opinion, but much to confirm H. Should these expectation? lie realiz.-.d, a suitable fund would thus be produced for the plan under consideration to operate upon; and if there be uosuch fond, its adop tion will, in my opinion, work no injury to j.ay intcra?t; for I cannot assent to the justness of the apprehension that the establishment of the proposed sjstem would tend to the encouragement of improvident legislation oi Hit character supposed. Whatever the proper authority, in the exercise of constitutional power, shall, at any lime hereafter, decide tube lor thegencral good, will, in dial ae in other respects, deserve anJ receive the acquiescence and support oi (he whole country; and we have ample security that every abuse of power in that regard, by ihe agents of the people, will receive « sptedv and effectual corrective at their hands. The views which 1 take of the future, founded on the obvious and increasing im provement of a!! classes of our fellow citizens, in intelli gence, and in public and private virtue, leave me with out much apprehension on Mint head. I do not doubt that those w ho come after ns, will bo as much alive as we are to the obliga tion upon all the trustees of political power to exempt those for whom they act from a!! unne- cpssnrv burthens, and as sensible of the great truth, that (he resources of the nation, beyond those required for the immediate and neces sary purposes of the Government, can no where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people. It may sometimes happen that the ini cr ests ol particular States would not be deemed to coincide with the general interest in rnla lion to improvement within such States, flu if the danger to be apprehended from this source is sufficient to require it, a discretion m ght he reserved to congress to direct to surb improvements of-a general character' ns the States concerned might not he disposed to u- nit in, the application of the quotas of those States, under the restriction T»f confining to each State Ihe expenditure of'its appropriate quota, it inay, however he .tt^sumeii as -a safe general rjule. that such imp*ova-hients as -erve to increase the prosperity ofthe respect fv< States in which they are made, 1»y giving new facilities ho (ratio, and thereby augment* ingthe wealth and comfort of their inhabitants, constitute the surest mode ofconfering perma nent and substantial titlranlagcs upon ibe whole. The streiigth ns well as the true gdo- rv of the confederacy is mainly founder! on the prosperity and power of the several independ- To the OR© 1 4f se . *he State would receive tta quota ofthe national revenue for domestic use upon a fixed principle, as a matter of right, and from'a fund (o (he creation of which it had itself contributed its fair proportion. Sorely there could be nothing derogatory in that.— As matters now stand, the States themselves* in their Sovereign character, are not unfre-. quently pel it toners at the bar of the Federal Legislature tor such allowances out ofthe Na tional Treasury ms it may.comport with their pleasure or sense ol duty to bestow upon them., It cannot require argument-to prove which of (he two courses is most compatible with the eflicisney or respectability ol the State Gov-? ermnents But all tho?e are matters for discussion and dispassionate consideration That the desir ed adjustment would be attended with difficult ty, affords no reason why it should not he attempted. The effective operation of such motives would have prevented the adoptioa of the Constitution under which we have so iong lived, and under the benign iilfl'ience of which our beloved country has so signally pros pered. The tranters of that sacred instru ment had greater difficulties to oveicome, and they did overcome them. Th? patriotism of the people, directed by a deep convict! *n cf ihe importance of the Union, produced mutu*- a I concession and reciprocal forbearance.— Strict right was merged in a spirit of coinpro- uu-e, and the result nas consecrated their dis interested devotion to the general weal; Un- le*s the American people have degenerated/* the same result can he again effocted.when- evt r experince points out Ihe necessity of a resort to the same men-is to uphold the fabric which their fathers have reared. It is beyond the power of man to make a system of gov ernment like ours, or any other, operate with precise equality upon Slates situated like those which compose this confederacy ; nor is ine quity always injustice Every State cannot expect to shape the measures of the General Government, to suit iis otvn particular inter* esis. The causes which prevent il are sealed’ in the nature of things, and cannot be entirely counteracted by human means. Mutual for* bear-nice, fh* refute, becomes a duty obligato ry upon all, and we way, I am confident, count on a cheerful compliance with this high in junction on the part .of our constituents. /'{ ned to be Supposedfhat they will object to rirake sue If comparatively inconsiderable sacri- (ices for the preservation of rights and privi< leges which o(her less favored portions of the wwjid have in vuin waded through seas of Mood to acquire. O.ir course is ;t-«nfe one, if it be but faith* fully adhered to. Acquiescence in the consfr- tutionaily ex pressed iv d! of the majority, and tfie exercise of that will in a spirit oi modera tion justice, and brotherly kindness, will con« stittile c cement which would forever preserve* our Union. Those w ho cherish and inculcate sentiments I ke these, render a most essential service to their country; whilst those who set k to weaken their influence, are, however conscientious and praiseworthy their intent tions, in effi ct its worst enemies. . li the intelligence and influence of the ex ui try, instead of laboring to h m a t section al prejudices, to he made subservient to party warfare, were, in gp-od faith, applied to ihe eradication of causes of local discontent by '.he improvement of our institutions, and hy facilitating their adaption to the condition of the times, this tusk would prove one of less difficulty. May we not hope that the obvious interests of our common country, nnd the dic tates of an enlightened patrioti-m, will, in tho end, lead llie public mind in that direction. After all, I he nature of the subject doefl- oot admit of a phn wholly free from objec tion . That which has for some time been in operation is perhaps,.the wori*t that could ex ist ; and every advance lliaf can be made in its'improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most deliberate atten;iofj. It is very'possible that one heller calculi- fed to * ffV ct tiro objects in Vietv may yet be deyiqed.- If so^-it rs to.be_ hoped iliat those who disapprove of the past, and dissent from what is proposed for lite ftpurc, will feel it (heir duly to direct their attention to it, as they must be sensible that, unless sotoe fixed rule for the acti&n of the Federal Govern ment in this respect is established, the tours? now attempted to he arrested will be again re- A ny mode which is calculated td harmo ny to our legislation upon the Subject—which slmll best serve to keep the movements of the Federal Government within I he sphere infen- by those who modelled and those ded ent sovereignties of which it is composed, ml the certainty with which they can be] give the greatest degree of effect and brought into successful, active co-operation, through the agency of the Federal Govern* rornf. It is, moreover, within the knowledge ef such as are at all conversant with public af fairs that schemes of infernal improvement nave, from time to time, been proposed, which from their extent and. seeming munificence, were regarded as of naiion^l concernuicrJ*, but which upon fuller consideration and fur ther experience, would now he rejected with a great unanimity I hat the plan under consideration would de rive important advantages from its certainty, and that the moneys set apart for these pur poses would be more judiciously applied and economically expended under the direction'ot the State Legislatures, m which every part of each State is immediately represented, can not, I think, he doubted' In the new States particularly, where a comparatively small pop ulation is scattered over an extensive surface, and the representation in Congress conse quently very limited, it is natural to expect that the appropriations made by the Federal Governnret would be more likely to be ex pended in the vicinity of those members thro’ whose immediate agency they were obtained, than »f the funds were placed under the control uf t he. Le gislature, in which every county of the State'has its own representative. This, supposition does not necessarily impugn the 'motive* of such Congressional Representa- ♦ives. Nor is it so intended. We are all sen- thW® of the bias to which (he strongest minds and purest hearts are. Under such circumstan ces, liable. ltr respect to the last objection, it* probable effect upon the dignity and inde pendence ofthe State Governments,it appears to me only necessary to state the case as it is, aud as it would be if the measure proposed •vere adopted, to show that tbe operation is most likely to be the very reverse of that which the ehjjecttoq supposes,* who adopted it which shall load lot he extinguish ment of the national debt in in the shortest period, and impose the lightest burdens upon our const ittieuts, shall receive from me a cot's dial and firm support. Among the objoejs of great national con cern, I cannot omit to press again upon your attention (hat part ol the Constitution which, regulates the election of President and Tice President. The necessity for its amendment is made so clear to my mind by the observa tion of its evils, nnd by the many able discus* sions which they have elicited on the floor of Congress and elsewhere, that I should be Wan ting 4o my duly were I to withhold another cx« press ion o! deep solicitude upon the subject* Our system, forlurrataly contemplates a recur rence .to fiist principles ; differing in this re spect. from allJhat have preceded it, and se curing it, I trust, equally against the dccav and the commotions which have marked the* pro gress af other Governments., Our fellow cit izens, too, who, in proportion to their love of liberty, keep a steady eye upon the means oF sustaining ir, do not require to be reminded of* tho duty they owe to themselves to remedy all essentia! detects in s.o vital a part of their system. While they are sensible that every evil attendant upon its operation is not neces sarily indicative of p- had organization, but may proceed from temporary causes, yet the habitual presence, or even a single instance of evils which can bo clearly traced to an organic- defect, will not, I trust, he overlooked through a too scrupulous veneration for the work of their ancestors. The Constitution was an ex periment committed to the virtue nnd intelli gence of the great mass of our Countrymen * •n whose ranks the framers of it themselves* tvere to perform the part of patriotic observa-*