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THE FEDERAL (MON.
JOHN G. POL.ilILL., EDITOR.
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MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, RARCI1 8, 1831.
VOLUME 1, AUMISER 38.
POLITICAL.
I
41
f
From the United States' Telegraph:
CORRESPONDENCE
Bi'twncn General Audretv Jackson and Johq C.
Calhoun, President arid Vice-President of'
the If. Slates, on the subject of the course
of the latter in fhe deliberations of the Ca
binet of Mr. Monroe on the occurrences in
(he Seminole war.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES.
I come before you as my constituents, to
give an account of my conduct in an important
political transaction, which has been called in
■question, and so erroneously represented, that
neither ju s tice to myself nor respect for you
wifi permit me any longer to ratn ijn silent ; 1
allude to ruv course, in ihe deliberations of the
Cabinet of Mr. Monroe, on the Seminole ques
(ion 1 know not how J can place more 1‘uliv
before you ail the facts and circumstances of
the case, than by puffing you m possession of
the correspondence between General Jackson
mid myself, which will show fhe difference be-
• ween the vines that we have respectively
taken, and by what means, and through whose
Agency, this long gone by affair has been reviv
ed.
I have not taken this step, strictly defensive
as it is, wi*. huul maturedeiiberation.aml a calm
and careful m-t im.it e ol all the obligations un
iter which 1 act. That there sire strong rea
{sons against it. 1 fa: 1 and acknowledge ; but I
also feel tli" most thorough conviction that the
paired obligation to vindicate my character
impeached, as it has he, n, in one of the most
important incidents of my life, and to prove
mvself not unworthy of the high station to
which you have elevated me, far outweigh ali
other considerations Should *ny vindication
have an« political or personal bearing, I can on
Iv say that it will not he because 1 have either
willed or desired it It is my intention simply
to place my own conduct in its proper light,
Hini not to assault others. N »r ought I to be
Isold responsible should any such consequence
follow; I am free from all agency in resusci
tating this old sunjrt I of hr;::g:L^v it to the
knowledge of the public. Previous to my ar
rival here, I had confined the knowledge oftho
existence of the correspondence to a few c«>n
fidential friends, who were politically attached
both to General Jackson and mysell; not that I
had any thing to apprehend from its disclosure
but because I was unwilling to increase the ex
isting excrement in the present highly critical
state of our public affiirs. Rut when f arri\»
ed here', late in December, 1 found my caution
had been of no avail and that the correspon
dence was a subject of conversation in every
circle, aod soon became a topic of free comment
in most of the public journals. The accounts
of the affair, as is usually the case on such oc-
ca ions, were, for the most part grossly distort
ed, and were, in many instances, highly injuri
ous to my character. Still 1 deemed it mv du
ty to take no hasty step, being determined to
afford time tor justice to bo done me without
appeal to you ; and, if it should be, to remain
silent, as my only object was tbe vindication of
tny conduct and character. Believing that fur
ther delay would be useless, 1 can see no ade
quate motive to postpone, any longer, the sub
mission of all the facts of the case to your de
liberate and final decision.
I am not ignorant of the trying position in
which 1 am placed—Standing unsustained, ex
cept by the force of truth and justice ; yet I
cannot but look with confidence to your deci
sion. The question presented for your consi
deration is not that of a controversy of two in
dividuals, between whom you are to decide ;
viewed in that light, it would bear the aspect
of a mere personal difference, involving no
principle, and unworthy of your notice; but
regarded in a different light, as involving the
character of an officer, occupying by your suf.
trage a distinguished official station, whose
conduct in an interesting public transaction
had been impeached, it assumes a far more im
portant bearing, and presents a question of
deep import for your consideration. The most
sacred of all political relations is lhat between
the representative and tbe constituent. When
your suffrage places an individual in a high of
ficial station, a most solemn obligation is iin
posed on you and hitn, on the faithful discharge
of which the existence of our free aod happy
institutions mainly depends; on bin, so to the
act as to merit your confidence, and on yon,
not to withdraw that confidence without just
cause. It is under a profound regard for this
mutual and sacred obligation that Isubmit the
whole affair (o your determination, conscious
that in this, as well as crerj other public trans
ition of my life, I have been actuated by a so-
nmn sense of duty lo you, uninfluenced by fear,
favor, or affection. I cannot but look forward
to your entire approbation.
I owe it to myself to state, that I come be
fore you under circumstances very painful to
me*; and a reluctance which nothing but a sente
“f duty to you and myself could overcome
Among these circumstances, is the necessity of
being instrumental in disclosing, in any decree,
what I deem so highly confidential as thepro-
ceedings of the Cabinet, and for which I feel
myself justified only by absolute necessity.—-
Acting under this impression, I have not felt
mysell at liberty logo, even in self defence, be
yond strict necessity, and have, accordingly
carefully avoided speaking of the course of my
associates in t he administration, and even of my
own, beyond what appeared to be indispensu-
tde ] have not put even Mr Crawford’s
statement of his course in the Cabinet, at issue,
except only incidentally, as bearing on his state
ment of mine. It is no concern of mine, except
in this incidental way, what repn 9 motion he
may choose to give of bis course, as to the
subject now or formerly, or whether his repre
sent at ion he currect or erroneous.
Before I conclude these prefatory observa
tions, I deem it proper to make a few addition
al remarks, as lo the commencement and mo
tive of tb s movement against me.
The origin goes far back, beyond the date of
the present correspondence, and had for its
object, not the advantage ot General Jackson,
but tny political destruction, with motives
which I leave you to interpret. Tiie enmity
of Mr. Crawford to nie. growing out of politic
al controversies long since passed, afforded a
ready and powerful instrument by which to
operate, and it was early directed against me
with the view of placing General Jackson and
myself in our present relations. With tha*
motive in the midst of the severe politico:
struggle which ended in elevating him
to the Presidential chair, and in which I
took a part so early and decided in his favor, a
correspondence wai opened at Nashville, un
suspected by me, in December, 1827, which
commenced that chain of artful operations,
that has terminated bv involving General Jack
**on and myself in the present correspondence
A copy of the letter which opened this opera
(ion has been placed in my possession. It was
written bv Mr. Crawford to Alfred Balch, E-sq
of Nashvdle. and is dated 14lh December,
1827 That 'he nature and objects of the op
erations against n.e may be fully understood
bv von, 1 hereto annex the’eony of Mr. Craw-
torn » icira «./~xj - .
from tbe Hon. Wilson Lumpkin, a representa
tive in Congress from the State of Georgia, to
me, dated the 27lh Jan. 1829, in which it wa-
enclosed, with an extract from the letter of
the lion Daniel Newnan, member of Congress
elect from the same Slate. I submit them
without comment.
The movement thus commenced did n<4 ter
minate with this letter. It wls followed by
■•♦her attacks from the same and other quar
*ers, some of which are indicated iu the cor
restiondence now laid before y->u.
It mav be proper to state, lhat 1 remained
ignorant and unsuspicious of these secret move
ments against me, 'ill the spring of 1828, when
viigiio rumors reached me that some attempts
were making at Nashville to injure me, hut 1
treated their, w th silent neglect reiving confi
dently for protection on the friendly relation
which had so long existed between General
Jackson and myself, and the uniform and de
cided course which I had taken in his favor, in
the political struggle then pending My sup
port of him rested on a principle that l believe
to be fundamental in our political systona. and
t*»e hope that his deep rooted popularity would
afford the most effectual means of arresting
'he course of events, which I couid not bu*
foresee, if not arrested, would bring the great
interest of the cotintrvPinto a deep and danger*
ous conflict. JOHN C. CALHOUN.
No. 1.
Copy of a letter from the lion. Wilson Lump
kin, enclosing extracts of a letter from Gen
eral D Newnan to him covering copy of
Wm. H Crawford's letter to Alfred fialch,
E^q. of Nashville, Tennessee.
Washington, Jan. 27, 1829.
Dear Sir: I herewith enclose you the copy
of a letter received from my friend G?n. Daniel
N»‘wnan, in whom I have great confidence.
I also give you an extract from mv friend’s
letter.
The great confidence and friendship which
I have long entertained, and still entertain, for
General Jackson, as well as yourself, induce me
to take the liberty of making this comtnuni
cation to von. I atn confident the best in*
terest of our common country requires, not on
ly the harmonious and patriotic union of the
two first officers of the Government but of
every patriotic citizen of the whole country, to
frown indignantly upon all intriguers, managers,
political jugglers, and selfish politicians, of
every description, who are disponed to divide
and conquer.
i feel the more at liberty and authorized to
make this communication, because 1 know, ot
my own knowledge, you and your friends are
misrepresented upon this subject However
General Jackson himself must see aud know
the objects of these shallow efforts.
[ do not know one conspicuous friend of
yours but what has constantly, zealously, and
uniformly supported Gen. Jackson, from the
day Pennsylvania declared in his favor to the
present time. How, then, can it be possible
that Gen. Jackson can suspect the friendship,
constancy, or sincerity of you or your friends!
No: be cannot—be will pot—he docs ooL 1
hare quittTtoo much confide V e In thefieferaiLneots and facts it presents being so d.ffrent
to believe such idle tales. . ' ' f
Nevertheless, it is proper for yon 'soul him
both to be apprt$ed of the machinatipoa of
the mischievous. «- -V
You »re*i TTOerfy to ffsVthis dbmmuhication
in any w#y you please. **
- * With respect and esteem,
Yoer obedient servant,
WILSON LUAJPKIN.
Hon. I. C. Calhoun.
. .
f No. 2.
Extract of a letter from th#Hon. Daniel New
nan to the Hon Wilson Lumpkin, dated
near Nashville, Tennessee, 8th January,
1829, enclosing a copy of a letter of Wil
liam H. Crawford to Alfred Batch.
W. H. O. has done Mr Calhoun a great
deal of injury, as well by his private machin
at ions as his extensive correspondence. In
addition to the letter which he wrote to Mr
Batch, a copy of which J now enclose you,
(and which has been seen bv Gen. Jackson) he
a Short time since wrote » letter lo G IV jebinet ceuecil, when, as i, known to yo«,”l
Campbell, proposmg that Tennessee sho.rld ) was but eaecoting the m«*es of the Govern,
vote for a third persua for the Vice Presidency,
and r* quested Mr. Campbell to show the letter
to General Jackson.
frota what I had heretofore understood to k
correct, requires that it should be brought t<
your consideration. They am different from
your letter to Governor Bibb, «f Alabama, oi
the 1 13th May, 1818, where you state “Gene
ral Jackson is vested with full power to con
duct the war in the manner he may judge best,”
and different, too, from your letters to me ar
that time, which breathe throughout a spirit of
approbation and friendship, and particularly
the one iu which you say, “1 have the honor to
acknowledge tbe receipt of your letter of the
20th ultimo, and to acquaint you with the en
tire approbation of the President of ail the
measures you have adopted to terminate the
rupture with the Indians.'* My object in ma
king this communication is to announce to vou
the great surprise which is felt, and to learn of
you wh> ther it be possible that the information
given is correct; whether it can be, under all
the circumstances ol which you and 1 are both
informed, that any attempt seriously to affect
me was moved and sustained by you in th^
"I hope Mr. Calhoun will take f/.e earliest
opportunity of seeing General J- and putting ail
t! ings straight: or I cannot believe lor one mo
ment the allegations of W. II. 0.”
No. 3
Copy of a Letter from William //. Crawford to
Alfred Balch Esq.
WOODLAWN, D c. 14, 1827
Mv Dear Sir—By the last mail I had the
pleasure ot receiving a letter from you If f
understand your letter, you appear to think a
public expression of my opinion on the ap
proaching election to be proper. I cannot
think -i measure of this nature necessary or
proper. In other word«, it appears to m
highly improper, and could hardly fail to stamp,
the charge of intolerable arrogance upon me
m indelible characters But few men can ev
er expect to arrive at that height lhat would
justify a step ot that kind, muck less an indi
vidual who lives iu th < most absolute retire
ment, and who has no ambition to emerge from
it. I am perfectly reconciled to my situation
and would not willingly exchange it with Mr
Adams. But my opinions upon (he next Pre
sidential election are generally known. When
Mr Van Buren anil Mr Cambreleng made tne
:» visit last April, I authorised <limn upon every
proper occasion to make those opinions known
The vote of the State ol Georgia will, as cer
taiuly as that of Tennessee, be given to Gene
ral Jackson, in opposition to Mr Adams. The
only difficulty that this Si«:e has upon (lie
subject, is that, if Jackson should be elected.
fibViW 'MJl.SWBfciuUtPQWer 1 confess Lain
• w rites to me ' Jai k-ori ought io know,
and. it' he does not, he shall know, that, at the
Calhoun caucus in Columbia the term “Mill
tary Chieftain” was bandied about more flip
pantly than by H. Clay aud that the family
friends of Mr. Calhoun were most active in
giving it currency;” and I know personally that
Mr Calhoun favored Mr Adams’ pretension-
until Mr. Clay declared for him.* He well
knew that Clay would not have declared for
Adams, without it was well understood that
he, Calhoun, was to be put down if Adams’ in
fluence could effect it If he was not friendly
to his election, why did he suff*r lii-t paper to
be purchased up by Adams’ printer, without
making some stipulation tn favor of Jackson?
If you can ascertain that Calhoun will not he
benefited by Jackson’s election, you will do
him a benefit by communicating the miurma
tion to me. Make wh 4 u>e you please of this
letter and show it io whom vou please.
I am, dear S r, your friend.
And mast obedient servant
WM. H. CRAWFORD.
Alfred Balch, E-q
A true and exact copy, (noted in the hand
writing of Gen New nan )
CORRESPONDENCE
Between General Andrew Jackson and John C
Calhoun President and Fice President of the
United Stales.
May 13. 1830.
Sir—That frankness, whiah, 1 irnst, basal
ways characterized tue through life, toward
those with whom I have been in the habits of
friendship, induces me to lay before you the
enclosed copy of a letter from William H
Crawford, E?>q which was placed in my hands
on yesterday. The submission, you will per
ceive, is authorised hv tbe writer T '• <»t- !e
* Mr. CraivfiriFs iiucdian, that he knew personally
what be here affirms, rt uders it proper lo make a fu>v re
marks. How be could hare had ary personal kn 'wl. <5ge
of what he states, I am at a loss lo uuderaiand. Our po
litical intercourse bad ceased for years. We had none
subsequent to the full of IS21, and in fact nunc of any
kind after that, beyond the mere ordinary civilities of life.
My course in relation to tbe point in question was »eiy
different from whet he stale*. When my name was with
drawn from the lut of presidential candidates, I n^uaud
a perfectly neutral position between General Jackson and
Mr. Adams. I was decidedly opposed to a Congi essimat
caucus; as both these gentlemen were also, and a61 oorr
very friendly personal and political relulions to both, I
would have been very well satisfied witk tbe election of
cither. When they were both returned to the House of
Representatives, 1 found myself placed in a new rela'ion
to them. I was elected V ice Presidentby the people, and
a sense of propriety forbade my interference in tbe election
in the House; yet 1 could not avoid forming an opinion
os to the principles that ought to govern the choice of the
Hou*e. This opinion was early furtned, long before 1 bad
the least intimation of the course of the prominent indivi
dual referrea to by Mr. Crawford, and was wholly inde
pen ’ent of what might be his course, of that of any other
individuaL What tbe principle is that in mj opinion
ought to govern tbe House of Representatives in the case
of a conh s ted election, I leave lo be inferred from my sub
sequent course. So completely did my opinion depend
on what I considered a sound principle in the abstract,
that, had the position of the two leading candidates before
the House been reversed, it would net have infi-teiiced
my course in the least degree.
As to tbe reason by which Mr. Crawford endeavors to.
sustain what he affirms lie permtntdly knew, 1 deem them
wholly unworthy of notice.
mem, and clothed with the authority to ‘'con
duct the war in the manner I might judge hes!.”
You can, it you please, take a cupy; the one
enclosed you will please return to me.
I am, sir, verv r -spectfully,
Your humble servant,
* ANDREW JACKSON.
The Hon. J. C. Calhoun. ^
Copy of Mr Crawford's letter to Mi; Forsyth,
enclosed in the above.
Woodlawn, April 30, 1830
My Dear Sir—Y~>ur letter of the I6ih was
received by Sunday’s mail, together with its
enclosure. 1 recollect having conversed with
you at the time and place, and upon tiid Stjh
ject, in that enclosure stated, but I have not
a disfitxt recoiled ion of what I said to you.
(»ut I am certain there is one error
statement of that conversation to Mr.
in your
Mr Calhoun to General Jackson.
Washington 13ih May. 1830
Sir Agreeably to your request, I here wills
return the copy of a letter signed William H.
Crawford, which I received tinder cover of
yoor note oi this instant, handed to tne this
morning by Mr. Donelson, of which 1 have re*
tamed a copy, in conformity with your permis
sion.
As soon as my leisure wifi permit, yon shall
receive a communication from me on the »ol»-
ject to -vhich it refers. In the mean time, I
cannot repress tbe expression of my indigna*
tion at the affair, while, at the' same tune, I
cannot but express my gratification that the
secret and mysterious attempts which have
been making, by false insinuations, for years,
lor political purposes, to injure my char*
acter, &fe at length brought to light.
_ , „ J C CALHOUN.
I o the President of the United States.
I recollect distinctly what passed in the cabinet
meeting, referred to :ri vour letter toMr. .
Mr Calhoun’s proposition in the cahtnel
iv.is, i hot General Jackson should be punished
*o i'ome form, or reprehended in some tbrm; I
am not positively certain which. As Mr. Cal
h- un did not propose to arrest General Jack
son. 1 feel confident that 1 could not have made
use of that word in my relation to you of tbe
circumstances which transpired in the cabinet,
as I have no recollection of ever having de
signedly misstated any transaction in my life,
and most sincerely believe 1 never did. My
apology tor having disclosed what pa* ed in a
cabinet meeting is this: In tho summer after
‘hat meeting, an exiract of a letter from Wash
ingfon was published ion Nashville paper, in
v-'h'.ch it was stated that 1 had proposed to ar
-tnOy~.!elenddb iA —l
This letter, I always believed, was written by
Mr. Calhoun, or by his directions. It had the
desired effect General Jackson tiecame ox
fromely inimical *o me, and friendly to Mr
Calhoun. In elating tlie arguments of Mr
Adams to induce Mr Monroe to support Gene
ral Jackson’s conduct throughout adverting
to Mr M *nroe’s apparent admission, that if a
voting officer had acted so he might be safely
-mnished. Mr. Adams said, that >f G .nernl
Jackson had acted *m, that if he was a subal-
; rn officer, shooting was loo good for him —
This, however, was said with a view of driving
Mr. Slonroe to an unlimited support \.f what
General Jackson haf done, and not with an un
friendly view to the General Indeed, my own
views on the subject had undergone a material
change after the cabinet had been convened
Mr O dhoun made some allusion to a letter
the General bad written to the President, who
had forgotten that he had received such a let
ter, but said, if he had received such an one,
iie could find it; and went direct iv (o his caoi-
inet, and brought he letter out In it General
J irks<>n approved of the determination of the
Government to break up Amebu Island and
Gaiveztown. and gave it also as hi9 opinion
ihat the Ftoridas ought to he taken by the
United Slates He added, it might be a deli
cate to liter for the Executive to decide; but
if tbe President approved of it, he had only to
< ve a hint to some confluential member of
Cor.gr. ss, say Johnny Ray, and lie would do it,
and take the responsibility upon himself I
asked the President if the letter had been an
swered. He replied, no* for that ho had no
recoSlec'ion of having received it. I then said
that I had no doubt that General Jackson, in
taking Pensacola, believed he was doing what
the Executive wished. After that letter was
produced, unanswered, I should have opposed
the infliction of punishment upon the General,
who had considered the silonce of the Presi*
dent as a tacit consent; yet it was alter this
letter was produced and read, that Mr. Cal
houn made bis proposition to the cabinet for
punishing the funeral. Y >u may show this
tetter to Mr. Gidhoon, if you please. With
the foregoing corrections of what passed in
the cabinet jour account of it to Mr. i*»
correct. Indeed, there is but one inaccuracy
iu it, ard one omission. What 1 have written
beyond them is a mere amplification of what
passed in the cabinet. I do not knew that I
ever hinted at the letter of the General to tbe
President; yet that letter had a most important
bearing upon the deliberations of the cabinet,
ar least in my mind, and possibly in the minds
of Mr Adams and the Presideut; bat neither
expressed any opinion upon the subject. It
seems it had hone upon the mind of Mr. Cal ,
hown, for it made no ch&nge in his conduct.
i am, dear Sir, your friend,
And most obedient servant,
WM. H. CRAWFORD :
Hon. John Forsyth.
A true copy from the original in my posses
,ion. JOHN FORSYTH.
May *2, 183ft.
Mr. Calhoun to General Jackson.
Washington 29th Mav, 1830.
Atr.'—In .-mswenng y our inter oft he 13 h in
stant, I wish to be distinctly understood, hat
however li.gh my respect is for your personal
character, aud the exulted station which veil
occupy, 1 CiDuut • ecoguiso (fit; right on vour
part fo call in question n y conduct on tbe
interesting occasion to which your letter refers,
f acted on that occasion, in the discharge
ol a high officKi! doty, and under f-sponsi-
bility fo my Conscience aod my country oiifv,
io replying then to your letter, I do not place
myself in the attitude of apolugi-ing for the
part I may have acted, or of palliating tny
conduct on the accusation of Mr. Crawford.
COHrse i I trust, requires no apology; and
if it did I have too much self-respect to make
it to any one in a case touching ihe discharge
ot my official conduct. I stand on very
difi'jient ground. I embrace the opportunity
which yoUi J-tlcr offers, not for the purpose
ot making excuses, hut as a suitable occasion
to place my conduct in relation to an interest-
nig public transaction io this proper light; and
I am gratified that Mr. Crawford, though far
trom extending me a kindness, has offered me
such an opportunity.
Io undertaking to place my conduct in its
proper light, I deem it proper to premise that
it is very fat from tny intention to defend mine
by impeaching yours Where we have dif
fered, I have no doubt that we differed hou-
estly; and in claiming to act on honorable aud
patriotic motives myself, I cheerfully accord
tbe same to you.
I know not that I correctly Understood
your meaning; but after a careVnl perusal, I
would infer from your letter that you bad
learn, d for the first time, by Mr. Crawford’s
letter, that you and I placed different construc
tions on (he orders under which you acted io
the Semmole war; and that you had been led
- V.I ■ .. - . . , . ■ a
„you n thinking that yoor orders were intended
o authorize your attack on the Spanish pi st
iu Florid.i. Under these impressions yi o
would seetn to impu'e io me some degree <i
duplicity, or at least concealment, which -
q .r -d on my part explanation. 1 hope that
mv conception of your meaning is erroneou ;
but if it be not, and year meaning be such ;s
I -uppose I mu t be pen i ted to express my
sur r>se at the misapprehension winch, I feel
Confident, it will be in my power'to correct by
the most decisive proof, drawn fr .-rn the public
documents * and the correspondence between
Mr. Monroe and yourself, growing oof oi the
decision of the cabinet on the Sr mirtnfe affair,
which passed through my bands at tbe time &
which i now have his permis-ioft Co use, a» ex-
plana* ory of my of iaion, as well as his, nr d t i e
other nu mbers of his administration. To sa- e
you the trouble of turning to the file of y< ur
correspondence, I have enclosed extracts from
the letters, which clearly prove (hat the decis
ion of the cabinet on the point that your orders
did not authorise the occupation of St M:*rks
and Pensacola, was early and fully made known
to you, and lhat I, in particular, concurred ia
the decision.
Mr Monroe’s letter of the 19tb July, 1819,
the first of the series, and written imtncu'ufe-
!y after the decision of the cabinet, aud from
which I have given a copious extract, enters
fully into the views taken by the Executive of
the whole subject. In your reply of the 19th
of August, 1818, you object to the coas<ruc-
tion which the administration had placed on
your orders, and you assign your reruns at
large, why you conceived that the orders un*
der which you acted authorized your opera
tions in Florida. Mr. Monro* replied on the
20th October, 1818; and, after expressing bis
regret that you had placed a const ruction os
your orders different from what was intended,
he invited yon to open a correspondence wjUi
tne, that your conception of the tneaningpof
your orders, and that of (he administration,
might be placed, with the reasons on both
sides, on the files of the War Department.
Your Liter of the 15th of November, in answer
agrees to fhe correspondence as proposed, hut
declines commencing it; to which Mr Monroe
replied by a letter of the 21st December, sta
ting his reasons for suggesting <he correspon
dence, aud why he thought that it ought to
commence wkh you To these, I have add
ed an extract from your letter of the 7th De
cember, approving of Mr. Monroe’s message
at the opening of Congress, which though not
constituting a part of the correspondence from
which I have extracted so copiously, is inti
mately connected with the subject under con
sideration.
But it was not by private correspondence,
only, that the view which tbe Executive took
>f your orders w«« road?* known In bis mes
sage to the House ef Representatives of the
25th March, 1818, long before information of
* See Appendix from A to F mclusw ; h*iag «n
traqt from a private correspondence between Mr. ftleutu
*04General Jackson ia tiwSMBUMiaqwepsige*
