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From the Genrct-i • '•institutionalist.
A BRIEF SKETCH
what we hoped to obiain
! southern labor was n(»t lost,
hereafter,
What did
Yet the
the inter-
By the act oi duly, 1832, according to a state-j mountains. Fnstead of stimulating at home con-
ment lately made from the Register’s Office at; viclion into prejudice, let us reason with our brelh-
presente >u1d well possess. Before a decision was J ^ssion of Congress there was a fair development
made on the two sets of resolutions, he Would J made of their scheme. It was to make the ncces-
coramunicatc it briefly to his fellow citizens, as . diminution of the public revenue, by the re-
it might have some influence on the judgment they
were about to pronounce. lie was in the House
of Representatives in Congress in 1S16, when the
present protective system began ; in 18-21, when
it was more boldly acted upon ; aqd for sonic time
past,since a changeofit had to-cn pressed. Hav
ing from its birth to the present hour professed and
displayed to the system, an uncompromising hos-
tilitv, he was both surprised and mortified at dis
covering in a portion of his fellow-citizens, an ap
parent eagerness to condemn him, and one of their
representatives, as surrendering their opinions, at
the late session of Congress, by voting for a reduc
tion of duties from twenty-one to fifteen millions
of dollars. This mortification arose from the de
plorable ignorance displayed by the censurors of
the course of their public men. For himself he
made no complaint of the injustice of this hasty
condemnation. Some time would nccossajilv elapse
before it would be necessary for him to ask the
people to renew to him their grant of power: the
interval was abundantly large to do himself jus
tice, by placing before all, a simple statement of
facts. It was somewhat different with his absent
friend, Mr. Wayne, who was now, under the cir
cumstances of peculiar character, asking to be
again confided in: A decision must be soon made,
and it was manifestly unjust to lay him, without
enquiry, under ban, for a single vote on the pas
sage of an important hill, lauding others who real
ly did not differ with him in opinion, and were not
more anxious than he was, thatthcircommon opinion 1
should prevail, n«*3«lin wiches of their oonetituentS
be triumphantly fulfilled. It was very probable
that this denunciation would reach masses of the
community, certainly many individuals, who would
know nothing of the vindication of Mr. Wayne,
which one of his colleagues, (Mr. Foster,) with his
occustomed liberality and spirit, had taken the first
occasion to make. That justice might be done, as
Lir as he could aid, Mr. Forsyth assured his fellow-
citizens who were present,and the assurance might
be repeated every where, that Mr. Wayne had
displayed during the last session of Congress, as
much honest zeal, as much unwearied industry,
had used as many and as efficient efforts, in oppo
sition to the principle and policy of the protective
system, as either of his cfl^agues, ami that his
zeal, ability, and efficiency, could be relied upon
hereafter., as safely as those of the most favored of
them, to neither ol whom, if governed by a pro
per feeling, could the distinciinn that had been
made, be either grateful or indifferent.
The tariff ot 1832, differed essentially from the
nets of 183-1 and 1828. The principle of all these
ac ' s was the same. All were founded upon the
right ot Congress to use the power to collect re-
v '.'iue to protect and tester a particular and favor-
' d ‘g inch ol the domestic labour of the nation.—
} judgment, Mr. Forsyth said, the act of 1832,
M-.v it • precursors, although in a different degree,
V-Jf ; . lie per version of a power granted for limited,
uefimt?, am! specified purposes, to another not con
templated by the framers of the constitution, and
was a measure of policy injurious to all sections of
tue Lniied States, heneficiafcftio where, except to
persons whose capital was invested in manufactur
ing establishments. lie was not surprised, while
deeply regretting it, that different opinions were
entertained on both those points, when lie recol-
. lee ted how ol ten the revenue power had been ex
ercised to effect other purposes than the collection
ol money fi»r public use. It had been used to dis
criminate between foreign nations, giving to one
advantages in our markets to the injury of others.
It had been used to foster, maintain, ami extend
our commcdeial marine, by discriminating duties
of tonnage on foreign vessels and on goods intro
duced in loreign bottoms. In the shape of boun
ties and drawbacks, it had been used for the bene
fit of pr>r<smc**ng«i«-cd in tlic itohct-lco. Alliln.^. uikA
Sures had been approved and supported by south
ern politicians. The protective power was believ
ed to he fairly given to Congress by some of the
framers of the constitution, tine of whom, its elo
quent and able defender, had administered the
government for many years, and‘enjoyed during
Jus whole political life, the undivided confidence of
the whole south, (Mr. Madison.) Mr. Forsyth
thought that it required no great exercise ofcha.r-
i-vto a hmf, that the constitutional opinion oppos
ed to his own, was honestly entertained by a great
majority of those who acted upon it. So with
regard to the policy of the system, misled bv plaus
ible reasonings and erroneous'assumptions of fact,
by the example and prosperity of other nations,
the sources of which were not well understood, it
was deeply to he deplored, but not to be wondered
a', that some highly gifted public men, nnd too
many patriotic citizens in all parts of the country,
considered the doctrines of free trade as Utopian
and delusive, and the protective policy as the onJv
wise, practical course for independent nations.—
'1 o those honest and patriotic citizens, were united
some who were governed by their pecuniary, and.
not a few, by their political interests.
The acts of 1821 and 1828 were passed by the
union ol all the persons thus described, without
regard to southern interests and fcel ngs, on the
a vowed assumption that the majority knew our in
terests better than we did ourselves, and wiili as
much indifference to our feelings as could be de-
e uiily displayed. The act oflS32 was founded
upon the admission that the former acts bore une
qually upon us, and upon the avowed determina
tion to modify them to satisfy the south, as far as
practicable, c insistently with the adherence to the
principle of protection. This determination was
honestly acted upon. The modifications made
’were not sufficient, fell short of our just demands,
but it was unfair to deny that the majority Con
gress intended to satisfy us far as they could safely
do it, without abandoning their principles. Could
we expect them—could we ask them, to abandon
duction of the duties on the unprotected articles
only.. On this ground the great champion took his
stand, (Mr. Clay:) The legislatures of the tariff’
States instructed their Senators and Representa
tives to maintain it. The public Journals, devot
ed to the cause, teemed with essays 1o prove that
any other course was ruin to the American sys
tem Mr. Clay pressed the subject upon the Sen
ate, until he was compelled to know that it was
the determination of that bodv to modify the du
ties upon protected articles. The bill of the com
mittee of manufactures, was then suffered to lie
quietly on the table—and that scheme failed. The
next was to appropriate immediately the proceeds
of the public lands among the States, creating the
necessity lor continuing to collect greater-duties in
proportion to the sums thus to be abstracted from
the public treasury. That scheme also failed : the
hill for that object although passed through the
Senate, failed in the House of Representatives.—
By this time the Secretary of the Treasury had
presented to the House of Representatives his bill
of compromise : such a bill as was to be expected
from an intrepid and instructed public officer, who
believed in the protective policy, and had support
ed in Congress the acts of 1824 and 1823. It was
acceptable neither to the southern members nor to
the protectionists, and was modified injuriously in
the committee of manufactures of the House of
Representatives, in a bill reported by Mr. Adams.
This modified bill was assailed by the hijjrli tariff
party, and various amendments, proposed by Mr.
Davis, of Massachusetts. It was said that Mr.
Adams liad lieen burnt in effigy bv Jiis constitu
ents, for abandoning the protective policy. Mr.
Forsyth did not know that such was the fact; cer
tain it was, that Mr. Adams deserted his own bill,
and advocated the amendments of his higher ton
ed colleague. These amendments did not succeed.
The bill of the committee of manufactures, not
substantially changed, yet injuriously modified,
was sent to the Senate. The high Tariff party
resorted to a new scheme, or rather a modification
of ihat first developed : It was to reduce still
farther the duties on unprotected articles, and to
make a corresponding increase on the duties o'
some of the protected. Woollens, cotton bag
ging* and sugar, were the particularly favored ob
jects of their care. After a vain effort to restore
the .minimum principle in the arrangement of the
duties on woollens, they succeeded in inducing the
Senate to increase the duties on woollens to 57
Some of the principal items Mr. Forsyth stated
On raw wool, there was a reduction of $22,091
On W oolien good, 554,775
On cotton goods, l,2f 0,000
On iron and steel, 123,211
On hats, 83,000
On sail duck, 71,343
On sugar, ' 415,591
On iron and steel wire, 205,<20
On hrmn, 30,782
On indigo, 97,990
On a variety of articles hr would not take the
time to enumerate, rising in ail to above three mil
lions of dollars.
In arranging these reductions, the burdens of the
south were intended to be relieved. For this pur
pose the duties upon plains, believed to be exclu
sively used by our blacks, there was a reduction of
$l3i.567. The present duty produced a gross re
venue of $144,870
The duty which will be paid next I
year, would be, supposing the> 13,303
same importation as in 1530, ;
from 50 per cent.; to restore the old duties upon
cotton bagging and sugar. The duties on unpro
tected articles were further diminished bv almost
unanimous vote. In Ihat form the bill was return
ed to the House of Representatives. . The House
agreed at once to the amendments reducing, and
rejected those increasing duties. Committees of
ol conference were appointed, and the last project
was defeated by the agreement of the conferees to
take the bill as it came the second time from the
representatives of the people. On the discussion
of the report of the conferees, Mr. Clay denounced
the arrangement as a sacrifice of the' woollen in
terests of the East; as an unwarrantable surren
der of the interests of Kentucky and of Louisiana,
as one with which he never would be satisfied.—
Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster united in reprobating
in strong terms the conduct of Mr. Dickerson and
Mr. ilkins, members of the committee of con
ference, who, the Senate were emphatically inform-
ed, represented the iron interest in Pennsylvania
and New Jersey. It is true, Mr. Clay, after the
Senate adopted the report, claimed, with his ac
customed adroitness, on the passage of the bill, the
credit of oucecsa, nnd that his newspaper advocates
sung notes of triumph on the great victory lie had
achieved. The motive could be easily understood.
It was not the first time that the vanquished claim
ed me honors of victory. It was obvious, irom
this short sketch of what occurred, that southern
efforts in Congress had not been useless. All had
not been accomplished, but something had been
done. Wha t had been done, Mr. Forsyth proceed
ed to show.
The year 1828 was the epoch of Tariff extrava
gance. In the interval of the last three years, it
has been losing ground. Taking the net duties ol'
1830, as the ground of calculation, there was a re
duction made hv the act of May, 1830, estimated
at * ' $3,463,000
pn Tea, 1,151,000
Coffee, 1,501,000
Molasses, 358,000
Salt, 32a, 000
Cocoa, 9,000
Repealed duties or. tonage, 119,000
3,403,000
$131,567
With the same object there was a reductim of
$80,193, on blankets—affecting principally the
coarser and cheaper articles, chiefly used in the
southern states.
The duty on cotton bagging was reduced from
5 to 3 1-2 cents the square yard, against tltf earn
est remonstrances of Mr. Clay, who co»sidered
Kentucky as sacrificed hy it, and the reduction of J
the duty on hemp, to what he termed the ground
less complaints of the south.
In the space of three yeais there had been then
a reduction of the duties on the protected articles,
of between three &. four millions of dollars, in a re
duction of little more than $10,000 of revenue de
rived from duties on importations.
Mr. Forsyth said it was not. designed by these
details, to reconcile his assmbled fellow-citizens, to
the principle of the aci of 1832, nr to its details.—
Fie was not, he repeated, satisfied with either. His
purpose was to show the disposition of the majority
of the last Congress, and to do justice to the inten
tions of those who being with us friendly to Gen.
Jackson’s administration, were yet determined to
sustain the manufacturing interest. He was most
anxious that no unfounded prejudice should be in
dulged in Georgia towards manv of the members
belonging to that majority, as they had on the
Of these, salt and molasses were of the protect
ed class.
TJic amount of net duties taken off the protect
ed class in 1830, were $68^,000.*
♦.Vote.—This estimate is made on the basis of the
treasury report to Congress, at the last se-sinn, of the
revenue received on customs, betwte uhe. 1-a of January,
1930,and the 1st of January, 1831. That reixirt. differ
ed from the Register’s Statement ltU ly publisiu d. The
statement relating to the period between 30:h Septem
ber, 1829, and 30ih September, l.S^O. The difference
in ihe duty on salt and molasses, under the acts of 1828
and 1830, calculated on die imnortations.betv.cin 30th
September, 1829, and 30rh September, 1930, is $9;,6,-
121; and the reduction on protected articles since 1828,
stand thus;
By the art of 1S20,
On salt,
On molasses
53/ ,40 *>
418,707
the principles? The
majority was against us.
-toil decided unwisely. In that decision,' however,
duties on protected articles were reduced, and
.some abandoned, because they were exclusively
used in the S rathern States. We ought not to be
satisfied with the reduction made, nor with the
principle ot the hill. Oar exertions to make new
changes, until the act laying duties upon imports
is framed tbr revenue alone, and its protection but
i icidental, should he, and, he trusted, would be un
remitting. Mr. F. saw nothing in the recent ses
sion of Congress, to induce him to despair of the
efficacy of the ordinary means of correcting errone
ous popular opinion, and of changing the course of
the General Government, by producing salutary
changes in the representation of the people and of
the state?; nothing to justify a resort to measures
1 iaug.it with danger to the country, or disgrace to
• ourselves. With a free and enlighteneif press;
with the force of reason and justice on our side’
and a virtuous people to decide, truth was omni
potent; and he was bent againt any movement
which menaced disunion; and which could not he
persisted in without ruin, or abandoned without
disgrace. Mr. F. might l*e deceived by his anx-
i »ih desire to see a revolution in pubiic opinion
gradually achieved, and believe, without sufficient
* vidjnee, that it would he speedily accomplished :
such, however, was his opinion. He saw strong
hdications of a moral revolution in those parts iff
the U. States which might he considered as the
Strongholds of the Ultra Tariff Party.
In the history of the tariff, at the late session of
Congress, favorable evidences of returning reason
were to I* seen. All present know that a major
ity of The late Congress and of their constituents,
were for protecting the manufactures. It was
usually supposed, ihat the efforts of southern mem
bers had been altogether, fruitless. How did that
HiJltcp stand ? v\ o did not gain what we ffesirctk,
By the act of 1832-,
On w oo’.
On woollens,
On cottons,
On wood and manufac- )
turscs of wood, j
On leather and manu- (
failures of do. j
On glass-ware,
; 112
22,051
534.755
1,260,291
tal question of our Indian relations stood by us in
Congress, and defended us at home, wlien those
who were eagar to press us “onward” to violent
measures against the tariff, showed us a cold
shoulder or a hostile face. There was another
class of our fellow-citizens who were in this mat
ter treated unfairly. The Eastern people were
abused as the authors of this new system, got up
to make us their tributaries. The tariff of 1816
was aided by distinguished southern politicians,
against the wishes of the East. The protective
clause which he, himself, proposed to strike from it,
was retained by a majority offour votes, five of the
persons forming that majority were from South of
the Potomac, and three of them from South Caro
lina.
In 18-24 all Massachusetts, with the exception of
Mr. Bavlies, opposed the system, led on by Mr.
Webster, who, in the discussion of the question,
made his most happy effort. Of Mr. Bay lies, it
was proper to say, that standing alone against us
on that question, ofall the representatives of Mas
sachusetts, he stood .-.lone also on another, that be
tween Georgia and the United States, about the
Creeks and Cherokees: and for his part it mli-ht.
he Put Mr. Forsyth never could recollect
Mr. Ba.vlies’ heresy on the tariff, without remem
bering his orthoxodv on the Indian question, to us
one of higher interest and then of pressing danger
Subsequently indeed all New England was fortto
protective paliev, because, as it. was alledged, large
capitals naci neen, on me government's anchoring
to it, vested in manufacttiaing establishments.—
There was another cause, not less powerful, al
though not acknowledged, in 1S28, &. at tins time,
the political hopes of the leading men in New Eng
land were indentinod with the maintenance of the
American system, and it would not be abandoned
by them while there was a chance of success for its
chief supporter. Annihilate these hopes ior their
restoration to power under the auspicies of Mr.
Clay, and you will go far to re-adjust their errone
ous opinions on the constitutionality &, hot bed sys
tem for raising manufactures. In the mean time,
let the New England opposition members have
justice for their early efforts to defeat the acts of
1816 and 1824, and he condemned only for their
conduct in 1828 and 1832. But in New England
itself there were since 1S28, manifest changes,
and ifthe wishes of the dominant party in Maine
and New Hampshire, could have been accom
plished, the recent alterations of the tariff would
have been more extensive and more satisfactory.
It was perhaps not known, three senators during
the late session, voted in violation of the wishes of
their state legislatures, for retaining the highest
duties upon protected articles, and that many of the
important questions in the Senate were decided a-
gainst the south, by a majority varying from one to
three.
The failure to adjust ihe tariff on correct prin-
it, or we abandon the Union we have tbrmed un
der the hope it would endure forever. This is nei
ther the language to tempt, to convince, nor to
persuade. Prove to tJiem that the policy is inju
rious to them as it is to us; that we detest it lie-
cause it is ruinous not to the south only but to our
country, our common country, our whole country;
that there is nothing in the condition of the north
or south, east nr west, that renders this policy ru
inous to one, and wholesome to all or either of the
others. It is ruinous every where, those only ex
cepted who, engaged in manufacturing, have by
the industrious use of a monopolized press, deluded
their fellow citizens, into the belief that it is good
lor them to he taxed, that manufacturing profits
might be enlarged.
Shall we indulge angry and resentful feelings,
use harsh &, menacing language towards those who
are taxed like ourselves, burthened as we arc. and
differing with us only in this, that they are only
taxed and deluded into the belief that it is a public
good? We are taxed, and know that it is a public
evil. Was ii ever yet found difficult to satisfy a
reasoning and reasonable people, that taxes were
burdensome, and should he so levied as to press
least upon the labour, and lake least from the profi-
itsoftheir industry? When the experiment, to car
ry conviction home to the bosoms of our bretheren
in the western, in the middle, and in the eastern
states, by direct, powerful!’, frequent appeals to the
people themselves, has been fairly made and failed,
we may despair of redress from Congress. Until
then, to urge that there is no hope from Congress,
is unworthy of our cause, a confession that it can
not be sustained at the great tribunal of public <>-
pinion. How little lias been done, may be known
from til*? statement of a single fact, not at all cred
itable to our southern liberality. A public Journal
established in the heart of the infected districts,
and conducted with great ability, devoted exclu
sively to the cause offr- e trade, has been once or
twice on the eve of being abandoned for want of
patronage, alums’ starved out bv neglect. Estab
lish it on firm foundations, give life and vigour to
others of a similar character, spread them gratui-
tiously far and wide for the benefit of those whose
immediate representatives never favor them with a
hue or statement in favour of southern doctrines.
Translate them into nil the languages spoken in
our country, lor the benefit of every citizen who
is ignorant of the English tongue. Make the truth
be known every where, and leave it to atchieve its
own victory.
There were many southern politicians who lonk-
ked finvard to the late session of Congress, and
taught their constituents to do so, as a peculiarly
favorable period for an adjustment of the Tariff on
jastprinciples. Mr. Forsyth said lu#had never
considered the time as favorable to tbe re-establish-
ment of the true svsiem. Tiie extinguishment
the public debt being near at hand, a diminution
of duties was inevitable; but liovv did the extin
guishment of the pubiic debt affect the principle
upon which the duties were to he diminished?
The acts of 1821 and 1823, were not passed to in
crease public revenue more speedily to pay off the
public debt. They were passed to protect manu
factures. Public opinion on those acts was indeed
changing, but not changed. The pendency of
FEDERAL UNION.
HILLE9GET1LLE, 8IIPT. 13, 1839.
FOR PRESIDENT,
ANDREW JACKSON.
CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS.
FOR JACKSON AND THE UNION.
JOHN COFFEE, of Cherokee,
THOMAS W. HARRIS, ©f Walton,
GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham,
WILLIAM SCHLEY, of Richmond,
DANIEL M. STEWART, of Glynn,
JAMES C. TERRELL, of Franklin,
JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee.
DANIEL NEWNAN, of Henry,
Tltorr TICKKT.
HENRY BRANHAM, of Putnam,
AUGUSTIN S. CLAYTON, of Clark,
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of G reene,
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe,
CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock,
SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee,
JAMES M. WAYNE, of Chatham,
RICHARD II. WILDE, of Richmond.
TO PATRONS AND CORRESPONDENTS.
A number of advertisements and communica
tions nave been unavoidably postponed. Some of
the advertisements came to hand too late. We
have delayed such as Will not suffer by delay.—
Some already in type have been squeezed out.
THE TRUE SPIRIT Ur
N laLm,
MON.—We gave a brief notice of the
meeting in Columbus, in our last pane,-'
refer our readers to the article from the'
crat, for an account of the disgraceful Cl
evinced on that occasion.
The nuiiifiers pretend that they arc tj lf
friends of the Constitution and the Unicp
they are for a liberal adherence to it—that
CHOLERA.—The Boards ofllealthof New.
^ ork, Philadelphia & Norfolk have suspended
their daily reports, as the pestilence has subsi
ded. There are some cases in Baltimore and
Washington. We have not heard of its pro
gressing further south than Norfolk.
ciples, at tbe last session of Congress, was spoken
8,964
11,999
5,177
On iron and steel manufac
tures.
On clothing ready made,
On bats ^
On wire Or umbrellas.
On cyphering slate.--,
f >n quills,
On. lead pencils,
On brushes,
-2,822,339
On haircloth and Imirscating,
On bolting clotlis,
On brass in plates,
On carpets,
On floor-cloths,
On oil cloths,
On furniture oil cloth.
212,205
On lluor watting, Acc.
11,140
On sail duck,
71,343
()n cotton bii^ijin^,
10,320
()n taijrar-',
413,594
(,)n indigo,
97,990
On iron and steel, wire,
fucks, brads fvc.
| 205,720
(>n window-ulass,
On roofing slate,«,
On japanned and tin ware,
1,458
12,150
Q.
11,781
SO,
and lend ware, )
On lend, bar, sheet and pi*r, 7,130
( 'it hemp unmanufactured, 30,78-2
On II ix, ditto, 13.16-2
On marble, 433
On copper, vessels, bottom?, See. CCO
On paper hangings, 2,381
On earthen and stoneware, 23,370
<Jn arid .k j i:ot enumerate J, 05,960
! 37,633
. S!,GS9t60(j
of by many as conclusive evidence that there was
no hope from Congress. No hope from Congress'
Mr. F. had all bis hopes fixed on Congress^; not
the Congriss whose term of service expires on tbe
4th of March next—from them all had been that
probably could be obtained. On the 4th of March
next, a new house of representatives begins its
term, apportioned under the last census. ° There
has been a new adjustment of political power. Bv
the 4th of March next, one third of the Senate of
the United States would have to 0$ elected Are
these events to produce no change on the charac
ter of Congress? Who will venture to assert thrt
there is in these events no ground for hope? Ifis
own confident expectations were founded upon Jiis
personal knowledge of the condition of parties in
the Senate of the United States, at present the
strong hold ol the manufacturing interest.
In the west actual changes had been made.—
Many of those who still adhered to the system, did
so, more from a deference to the supposed opinion of
their states, than from any settled conviction of
their own of the policy of adhering to it. Tie
East was misrepresented by some of the senators
from that quarter, and many of those senators for
merly confided in implicitly when against the sys
tem, are now its advocates, from what would prove
to be temporary causes. Have any of those who
are giving «p Congress in despair, calculated how
small a change in the representations in the two
houses, would put down forever the delusive sys
tem? Cannot this change be wrought? Have the
just, natural and rational means been used to en
sure success? Who has gone to the high tariff dis
tricts to make converts lo the true political creed :
The great southern champions make statements,
prepare pamphlets, circulate inflammatory speech
es, in the south, where public opinion is already
right, neglect the benighted districts, or leave them
to the exclusive care of their own agitators. With
half of the time that had been employed, half of the
industry and talent that had been exercised in pro
ducing and maintaining the excitement South of
the Potomac, a revolution might be accomplished in
New-York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Ohio,
without whose aid the high tariff party was in a
hopeless minority in the Union and in Confess.
The admirable memorial of Mr. Gallatin, the de
tailed statements prepared bv Mr. Lee in Boston,
had already produced a sensible effect, although
confined in circulation. They should lie scattered
over the whole country, be sent to even* cottage in
the middle States, to every log house bevon if tbe
another matter, the Presidential election protruded
itself into every political question; o where more
intensely than in Congress, were the hopes nru
fears it engendered deeply felt; no where was it so
essentially an element in the adjustment of every
disturbing interest. On the tariff its command m
influexce was visible at every turn. The protective
eystnn was the ground upon which one party Im
pel to succeed. To increase their chances, the
t<tme was to stigmatize their oponents as the des
troyers of the manufacturing interests. The
friends of the administration residing in the states
t-irurable to tbe protective system, yet tirmlv ad
hering to the present administration, were no doubt
deterred Irom large concessions, ov me apprehen
sion that the administration would he deemed in
their neighborhoods the enemies of the favored
policy, and they themselves as sacrificing the
known wishes of their constituents, to secure south
ern vote for the present chief magistral. Fiom
the south one party could gain nothing without
sacrificing the hope of success in the eastern, mid
dle, and western states. The other could lose no
thing by adhering to their former policy, which
was approved at home. Under such untoward
circumstances, what had been done might be claim
ed, if not as a signal triumph, yet as an earnest of
future success. New adjustments of the system
would inevitably soon occur. The act of 1832
would bring larger revenues than would he wan
ted tor the public use. Every occasion might and
would he seized,peaceably to accomplish the great
purpose. Mr. Forsyth said he w as ready, alone,
in conjuction with a portion of his fellow-citizens,
with the w hole state, or with the southern states, to
execute any and every measure, honorable in it-
self, to ensure success in this most righteous cause.
No measure was honorable, that put in jeopardy
the integrity of the Union ; and had little patience
with those whose minatory denunciations seemed
to increase as the burdens of the system diminish
ed.
Mr. Forsyth concluded by saying, that de did not
intend to discuss the merits of the two sets ofreso-
lutions before the meeting. lie came to express
his opinion upon them by his vote as a citizen of
Richmond county. In voting for the first, he must
deny the justice of the suggestion that had been
made, that they displayed a spirit of proscription.
Among the class of persons who were called nul-
liners, were many for whose character, talent, and
information, he had unfeigned respect. Yet be
would not consider them at this juncture, as safe
depositories of legislative power. Beyond this,
the obnoxious resolution did not go. Upon the
doctrine of nullification he would not enler; his
opinion had been long since formed, frequently ex
pressed, and doubtlessly was well known to his
constituents.
THE CROPS.—There is great disparity in
the crops throughout the up country. In some
places, an abundance of corn will be made—in
others it has been very much curtailed. We
hope however, from all that we see and hear,
that there will he a plenty of grain made to sup
port all clases at living prices.
COTTON.—This impartant staple has been
subjected to a new disease—the rust. We have
undoubted information, that in many places this
disease has almost entirely ruined the prospects
of the planters. Between Flint River and Chat-
tahoochic in the direction of Talbot, Haris Ac,
we learn that whole fields are totally destroyed
—and that they look as desolate as in mid win
ter. In many other sections, the crop is injur
ed by rust—and very backward and unpromis
ing, where there is no rust. In 'the region of
Twiggs count}- arc the best cotton prospects we
have seen, or heard from. Pease, potatoes,
turnips and the like, will probably be abundant,
as the latter rains have visited us.
doctrine is the only “ conservative prir.e -i
♦he Constitution—that it is peaceable an!;
On the other hand we have said, that tt
trine is disorganizing—that its tendency 'C
union and civil war—that w-e believe s< ir
their leaders looked to the destruction of t!
ernment, and the organization of another ",
us see on which side the proof lies. **
The nuiiifiers of Columbus obtruded
selves into the Union meeting, and voted ;
what they profess to lie their own doctor
They opposed ond voted down the followin'. :'
olution: ‘ c “
“Resolvei, That a strict adherrer.ce to
constitution and the Union of these Statesto
only palladium of our safety as a nation.’’ 5
So it seems the nuiiifiers neither wn-
Constitution, nor our Union. If they .
all content with the constitution, they won
content with a “strict adherence'' to'it—t,^
opposing the foregoing resolution, it seems','
even a literal adherence to the Cousti*
will not satisfy them. It follows, that thp v .
entirely opposed to the Constitution, y'
will the people of Georgia say to this ? \\
will they think of men who profess so much C
for the Constituton, while by their votes •
say, we will not have it ?—But these agitators'
so pretend that they are the only friends
Union, as well as the Constitution—hf,'
have opposed and voted down the Union
Now in the name of republicanism, v.hat dot!,,'
men want ? What do they aim at l They v
have neither our glorious' constitution, nor«
happy Union.!!
But we can say no more. The subject U\
painful for reflection—and the English larigu-
too weak, to place such conduct, and sucliY
ciples in their proper deformity before the j •'
Let the people write condemnation upon th-:
that produces fruit so corrupt and poisonuj.-.
THE UNION.—If any man could but take,
a peep into our editorial desk, he would say with
friend Bartlett, of the Telegraph—“ The Union
is too firmly rooted m the anections of the peo
ple to be easily shaken.” We have filled our
large sheet with nothing but good union matters
—and we have yet enough on hand for a week
or two to come. V» e rejoice at publishing these
things— but our friends must have patience." They
shall all come out in time. It is duo to the his
tory of the times and the patriotism of Georgia,
that these tilings should go abroad. The Un
ion is safe in Georgia, and nullification dead and
buried.
NOTICE TO MECHANICS.
(SJE A.LED proposals will be received till the first Tues-
day in October next, for building a Jail house at
9aundersvil’e, Washington county, Georgia, on the fol
lowing plati, &c. Of good heart pine timber, two su-
rys high, the first nine feet between the floors, and second
eight feet between the floors.
The lower room lo have three walls, the outside wall
eighteen feet square (in length) and it as well as the in
side wall timbers, nine Ly ten inches, and the intermedi
ate wall to consist of timbers six inches square, let down
on an end, so loose as to drop. The upper story tohave
hut one or outside wall, (of timbers as before described,
9 by 19 inches) the first floor of double legs, and second
:f one set of logs of similar dimentions (9 by 10 inches)
each covered with plank inch and a half thick, six or
stven inches wide, as also over head in second story seil-
cuv ith similar plank, all well spiked with three inch
spices. The door in second story to have a decent plat-
foru before it, nnd steps to ascend.
T'ue shutter to said door to be double, and well cover
'd with sheet iron, and a good stock lock to each, also a
substantial trap door in the centre of second floor pre
pared for secure fastening. v
To have two small windows in the lower .or m, anti
three in the upper, w ell secured with grates or bars of
iron. Well raftered and sheeted and covered with heart
pine shingles eighteen inches in length—One fourth t i
the money paid in advance, and the balance as the work
progresses. The work to be executed in a workman
like manner.
Bidders tire requested to state particularly the shortest
time they can accomplish the work, also accompany -heir
proposals with the names of their securities and dirce
them to the Inferior Court of said comity.
T. J. WAIITHEN, j. 1. c.
FLOYD, j. 1. c.
8. HARR EL, j. i. c.
A. IRWIN, j. 1 c.
S. ROBBESON, j. 1. c.
Font. 13. 10—3t
THE NEXT LEGISLATURE.—It i> a mat
ter of the very first importance, that the friends of
the Union in every county, should look well to
tbe candidates for the next Legislature. While
the good man slumbers and sleep's, the enemy mnv.
sow tares among the wheat. While we are guard
ing against disunion in Congress and in the anti-
tariff Convention, let us beware that nullification
should not slip into the legislative balls. From the
demonstrations of public opinion already given, we
sec but litt; prospect of a full representation of
the whole people of Georgia in the proposed Con
vention. The Convention game was intended to
be a deep one. Wehave never thought that it was
originally designed for good. It came from the
wrong quarter. We have no doubt if was planned
at Washington City—that the whole State was
immediately to be carried by storm. We have
seen Georgians turn out as voluntary Missionaries
to propagate the Carolina faith. But our good
people were too well established in their patriotic
creed, to be carried back into political infidelity.
It will be remembered that we fell into the plan
of a Convention, that we might meet the cnemv in
is own field. But weobserve a irreat reluctance
in many strong and enlightened portions of the
people to giving in to the views even of a Con
vention. Ii is said, and with much force, that
when the Convention shall have assembled, public
curiosity will look with interest to their proceed
ings. Something great will be expected, and from
the very expectation of it, the members might tro
lengths to which the people are opposed^—and
thus an excitemsnt might gradually grow up to a
dangerous point. Several intelligent and strong
counties have opposed the Convention. Richmond*,
Hall, Chatham, Jones, Coweta, Liberty, and (we
understand) Talbot have all opposed'it. Bald
win only acquiesed, because it had been favored in
other quarters. Other counties will oppose it.—
They believed a convention ill-timed and inexpe
dient, as tending to create an undue excitement.
We have before exptessedour opposition to any
separate State action, as well as to action upon
the acts of any convention, not representing the
whole people of ihe State. We see no prospect of
a full representation. And the agitators must have
made the same observation.
The enemy, repulsed from the door, may attempt
to climb in at the window. Be ready to push
him back. While we are routing his ranks and
breaking his forces, before us, in every direction,
let us not sutler his reserved corps to come up in
the rear and give us a galling fire. Compel every
man to pledge himself to the cause of the Union.
Chatham and Richmond have driven Daniel and
Longstreet from the fie.d. Let other counties fid-
low the example. As there is an immense majori
ty of Union men throughout the State, let the
voice of these men be heard through our Legisla
tive proceedings. 0
Should the Convention fail, the tariff question
may be urged upon the Legislature. Hence it is
of the utmost importance to have sound heads an 1
pure hearts in that body. We urge this precau
tion upon our readers as one of the very first con
sequence.
We deem the above suggestion more important
since we have seen the proceedings of a meetim.
at Hillsboro’, in Jasper county—which came to
hand after wc had written this article.
GENERAL NEWNAN.—Thisdistingy
ed gentleman has spread his opinions or:
“Carolina doctrines” before his eonstitu
It is with deep regret that we see in them a.
recognition of the dangerous heresy of rv
cation—a doctrine which we have condena
from the first moment it was advocated. (\
sistency and honesty compel us still to ootidm
it, though advocated by General Newnan.
is well known, that we have adhered to the (I -
eral through good and through evil report. V
had seen him treated with great i:f;y
And we, together with till his old political fid
had exerted every nerve, upon every eery;
that offered, to promote airJ to .sustain him.
was therefore with the most unfeigned rr:
that we witnessed his departure from the
trines we and his friends have always prized -
highly, and so warmly sap no: ted—just attl
nient when their untiring efforts had pk-ec
beyond the reach of persecution. We st
turning his back upon us with great reluctuu
But we should consider ourselves unwortliv'
gans of the Union party, could we consult-,
approve in one man what we condemn anil®
nouncc in others. We should then be supp
ing men and not principjes. Wc should her.
nir, g vju.suives and our press the more sc;;
organs of a party, while we should cense to:
the independent and fearless advocates off
doctrines, of that party. We have attack
ourselves to the party to which we belong, h
cause, in our conscientious opinions, their ds-
trines will preserve the Union and secure tod
States their reserved and constitutional rig!:;.
Whenever we cease to be honest in these a;,
tachments, wc shall lose respect for ourself'•
and cannot expect that we, or our press, willi
respected by others. Before we could con?:
to he placed in such a predicament, we slice,
cheerfully retire from our editorial labor's tot-
peaceable pursuit of an honorable profession.
It is with great pain that we learn, from sou
ces entitled to the fullest credit, that Gtrier
Newman has uttered unmeasured dcnuncinty
ol ourselves, our press, and many of the Ic
ing men of our party-—that he has said to a
litical opponent, (who announced it in a pul-
speech in Miliedgeville) that the Federal Ur.:
was a paper inimical to the interests of the Sou:
We consider this a stroke levelled at the wh
party, for w-e represent them according to c'-
limited abilities. We regret most sincere
that General Newnan should have placed hm-
self in this hostile attitude against those W
have stood by him through all his trials and it
Acuities, and who have had no agency in plac::-
lum in his present unpleasant predicament. £■'
let it be remembered, that when gentle®*'
choose to turn their backs upon their part}'
when they- denounce the presses of that part'
and the leading men of that party-, and the leac-
ing doctrines that characterize that party—ri’
they abandon us—We do not abandon then.
JUDGE CLAYTON, in his let !cr to the
gusta committee, tells the people, if they wis '
have the Tariff nullified, they- must send nullif
to Congress. It is very unfortunate for the Ju4'-
tiiat he has been tried already,and found want#
He had a chance of nullifying a part of the tir-
in July, but he did not do it. It seems thntnu
erswill not nullify the tariff, when they caof’
peaceably and by a simple vote. And this is*'
of the strongest reasons why the Judge should :
be sent to Congress.
A subscriber has requested us to publish
.* .1 * . . * IV
Clayton s letter to the Augusta committee,
have not room for it at present—Its length f
eludes it. Should we find it convenient hereJl-
we mav do so.
CORRECTION CORRECTED.—The $
con Messenger has attempted to correct an 1
roneous statement respecting the course p urs fi
by Judge Lamar at the Miliedgeville Meeting'
by stating that “ the resolutions offered and^'
cated by the Judge were essentially thesnfU
those adopted at the Athens meetm**.” ^ ur f;
the Messenger has seen Judge Lamars Prea®,,
and Resolutions—Surely it must be known _
Col Rockwell’s substitute comprised the Attj^
Resolutions which Judge Lamar o PP 0S .£j!'
there be no more errors on this subject.
that Judge Lamar highly disapproves the A.
Resolutions, or he would not have submitted o> U
And any one who will lake the pains to rea
resolutions, will see, at onte, that they are tP
sentially the same as the Athens resolutions "
very essentially different. m
At the suggestion of a friend or two, w e »
publish in our next the embodied resoluti (
assed in Milledireville. They are crow
this week. ~ . -
edr