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POLITICAL.
Answers received by the Richmond Committee <tf
Correspondence on the subject of Nullification.
Albemarle County, Virginia, Sept. 4; 1832.
Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your circular of the 2Dth ait. bearing the
Augusta post mark of the 24th. You ask me at the
instance of a public meeting of my felipw citizens
of Richmond County, to communicate to foem,
through you, my sentiments in regard to «A uUifi-
cationl and forward me the proceedings of the mee
ting, as the best explanation of the nets and motives
of those who composed it. Such a request, so urg
ed, demands, for mv own credit, an immediate und
explicit answer. The election is rapidly approach
ing, and any intentional delay or disguise, would
bef inconsistent with my habits, aud unworthy of
your Representatives.
I consider nullification, as a proposed rerredv for
the evils ofthc Tariff,,unsound in theory, and un
safe in practice. This opinion, probably of little
consequence to any one but myself, though uttered
frankly, is I hope without any thinge of arrogance
or dogmatism.
Having answered the question put to me, as one
in the catalogue of candidates, I might, if this
were an ordinary occasion, be permitted to con
clude, with the approved formula, of gratitude and
devotion to my generous constituents, and to the
personal friends, thro* whom their communication
has been made. But the time—the circumstance
—the great interests at stake—the danger of the
crisis to our country and the cause of freedom—all
admonish me not to deal in the common places of
holiday ceremony, nr to shelter myself behind -dry
and barren generalities.
My sentiments are not demanded, on account of
any personal suspicion, or the apprehension of pe
culiar danger from nullification in Congress. They
have becivrequ'Ted most probably from a flatter
ing but mistaken estimate of their possible influence
with the public: aud as in our day and land, every
■man judges, well, or ill, for himself, you look not
for opinions only, but some reasons to support
them.
Though usually regarding the insignificance o!
mere party controversies with contempt, and their
intolerance and malignity with disgust; every per
sonal wish, and taste and feeling, is lost in a ques
tion like the present. Its intrinsic magnitude aud
enduring effects no one will deny; aud my views of
it, although neither novel or profound, are due to
the solicitation of a community among whom the
best and longest part of my life has past, in the in
terchange of mutual good will, and to you thecom-
pa nions of my youth or boyhood. In such an inter
course concealments would be pitiful—professions
misplaced. Thoughts opened without reserve—
emotions the deeper for suppression, may be safe
ly commended to the favorable interpretation of
men, whose experience of the world, must ere this
have taught them, there is always least Heart where
there is most tongue.
ft is impossible for me to defend, palliate or deny
the evils of a protective tariff. At every stage of
my political life I have borne testimony against
them. But I cannot—dare not say, they are un-
induraole—irremediable—or entirely to he imput
ed to the grasping avarice ot any portion of our
country^. Writing within view ol Monticello,
once the home and now the grave of Jefferson,
I may not profane the air f breathe with the lan
guage of submission. Neither must I bear false
witness against my neighbour, for His name re
minds me, that some five and twenty years-ago, the
Patriarch of American FreeJom, assisted by South
ern politicians, laid in the exclusion of all com
merce with foreign nations, the foundation of pro
tection to domestic manufactures. “ We must
bring our works!ops from Europe'."—“ Wc must
not consume the ■productions of those who injure
and insult us.”—“ Perish Commerce/ let our con
stitution live!”—Sncli was the language which for
years found an echo in every southern besom, from
the Potomac to the Mississippi. Such was the fee
ling that bore us through Embargo—Non-Impor
tation—War. Need I tell you, gentlemen, that it
was southern votes which, in eighteen hundred
and sixteen, carried a tariff partly for revenue part
ly protective, against the strenuous opposition of
the navigating interest ? And must I protest,even
t > you, that this recapitulation, is not made to de
fend or accuse, the past or the present—to incul
pate or exculpate, any man, or party, or people—
but .simply because it is the truth. “ The thorns
we reap, are .of the tree we planted;” they may
not wound us the less; but surely we have no right
to impute all the injury to others. I do not say
we ought to bear them patiently—or at ail. I will
not presume to tell a whole commonwealth what it
can o*r cannot bear. But I will recall to the recol
lection of ray countrymen, even at the rhkofsorae
odium to myself, that the manufacturing states
were made such by our legislation. We destroyed
their shipping and they turned to manufactures.—
Must we 4rstroy their manufactures that they may
return to their shipping?
It is natural enough that we should seek to re
move rsstrictions which are hurtful toour industry:
but it is equally natural they should strive to retain
what they imagine beneficial to theirs.
Considering when—hy whom—aud under what
circumstances they were imposed, it is asking too
much ofhaman nature, to expect they will be rea
dily abandoned. A part of the population on which
they were forced, once spoke of seceding from the
Union if they were persisted in. But the union
has survived their discontent. They converted
our lolly to their benefit; and now we meditate se
cession unless they will instantly relinquish iheir
advantage. Perhaps they have enjoyed it long
enough. Perhaps they have more than indemnifi
ed themselves for the losses which we made them
suffer. Certainly our injustice, if we committed
any, cannot justify theirs. Most undoubtedly the
interchange of wrong for wrong is impolitic—in
human.-—unchristian. Still the practical question
r- curs: Must we not suffer something from our
■ wn imprudence? Can wc expect instant conces
sion? Shall we not be satisfied to win back again
step by -step, aud with the arms of truth and rea
son, the groutd which we lost by an abandonment
ofboth?
But are we to endure forever? What right
have we to expect relief from those who are inter
ested to oppress us? This is ray answer. Either
the theory of free trade is not true; or if time, it
must ultimately triumph.
If we assume that man cannot distinguish right
from wrong, truth from error—is incapable of seif
government—will not pursue his own happiness
—or can promote it by injustice, onr institutions are
a lie, and a federal representative republic, the
very midsummer madness of drivelling imbecility
Teii tr.e not of constitutional restrictions and con
curring majorities! Man’s universel, eternal laws,
are those of Reason, or Habit, or Force. All
the checks and balances of government, practical
ly resolve themselves into these; and every oilier
device for bending the will of the greater, to that
of the smaller number, however subtle and ingen
, ions, is too delicate to be useful. Had habit estab
lished nullification as a remedy for federal usur
pations, it might be submitted to. just as long as
the constitution could remain unaltered, but no lon
ger. If it is so hard for a minority to submit,
would the hardship be diminished if a* majority had
.to bear it? From habit however, nullification has
no sanction. Is it an appeal to the Reason of the
Tariffs tales? After the obnoxious law has been
solemnly annuled as unconstitutional by one mem-
ber'of theconfederacy—in an assembly of the whole
Collected ^people, unanimous, if you please—and
tionalitv of the statute, which yet remains confes- | shaken as much perhaps, by imunal as by
edly subjudice, and liable to be confirmed by the ! real injuries. Sharp sayings, at all times, leave
requisite majority of slates. Nothing short of an- t behind them bitter recollections; but they are es
cient usage or the most explicit sonstitutional pro- pceialiy unseasonable at a crisis like the present,
‘visions, could prevail on the majority, to acquiesce Indulge me with a remark or two on the tone of
in such a state of things : and every dispassionate this reply'. It may be thought too mild for the
observer will perceive, that in the abscence of temper of the times. Anger will not bear, that his
such usage or provisions, attempts would be— antagonist should be only gentiy censured, and ex-
must be made, by those administering the govern- hortations to moderate counsels, grate harshly on
eminent, to execute in the dissenting state, the same the ears of injured men. Y-et, after all, when delu
law which prevailed in all the others. However sions, not heads, raust^ bo broken, the best words
conducted, and liovvever opposed, this must end for service, sound the‘least like blows. I admit,
in Force—force used to uphold the law, and force it is not enough, that he whom you honor with
employed to resist it. I 3'our confidence, should faithfully represent your
' Long then, before the complicated post nullify- rights, your wishes, your interests. There should
ing process of revision couldpnss through its laby- be chords in his bosom, responsive to vour every
ninth of tribunals—its maze of forms—before three! passion.- But their echoes need riot reach you, to
and twenty legislatures could assemble, deliberate, j swell the notes of discord. He who would appease,
and decide, the sword, that keen and clear interpre- j if he cannot reconcile, contending parties, must be
ter of right and just, would have solved the con-j careful not to augment their mutual prejudices.—
stitutional difficulty, and when the snail-paced res-1 He should rather strive to abate their^ respective
cript came, it would come to men, clad in energy claims arid animosities. Too many will be found
steel, to be burned in derision, by the torch of civil in every country, to flatter and inflame the indig-
war> * nations of the Sovereign—whether people or des-
Nullification, However qualified, disguised, or pot: Comparativelyfew to argue with the masters
explained, has then this attribute of an evil spirit. I of votes or legions. As the apostles of political
It is swift of foot only on bad errands. It flies to toleration are scarce, if one should chance to gam
scatter discord: it limps to bring peace. Let me the public ear, he ought to improve the occasion,
not be misunderstood. In speaking freely, of what to beat down in whatever party may be his hear-
I feel strongly, the dangers of the doctrine : it is far ers, that self sufficient obstinacy, which will allow
from my intention to imneach the motives ofjts ad- nothing to be fir, or rfoty, or bearable, but what we
vocalcs. I have heard it maintained with nrgu- ourselves approve. For the reason then, that if I
mentsthe most plausible, and eloquence the most were the representative of a manufacturing state,
seductive, bv men whose talents may receive mv addressing at this crisis, implicit believers m.the
humble admiration, but to whose unquestionable benificent magic of the restrictive policy, I should
patriotism I cannot, without insolence, even offer to attempt to mitigate their fire and confidence—for
bear witness. the same reason, appealing to those wfio are con-
Inlhe heat of conflict—in the exasperation of vinced of its malignant influence, it is my duty to
defeat—the sense of southern wrongs has often soothe if possible their just indignation. Unless
overcome my own habitual calmness. And is it this course of conduct is pursued by all who aspire
possible for me to deny indulgence to the words or j to be thought honest and patriotic, must not alie-
projeef s of fellow combatants embarked in the same Illation spread and become incurable ?
cause—contending with the same adversary—men If an opportunity were afforded tne to confine the
ouen spiiTiis are liever liiat in an uuwui iuj — —,— --—,
If it becomes so, the blame must rest with a por- j not run the risk of being quoted any where, as the
tfonof their followers. Nor is it hard to draw the I apologist of Restriction or, Nullification j of era-
line. The envious, desperate, or interested are ven acquiescence or frantic opposition. The con-
soon knswn. They court every party and betray sequences are obvious, and I am not insensible to
all. As for those amiable enthusiasts, bearing in them. No navigator, however skilful, can turn his
their veins the blood of liberty’s martyrs, who are sails to every wind at once. I have but one con-
indiffereut counsellors, it may be, at the commence- | solation. I have not sought to catch any. Mv
ment of a difficulty, but excellent companions to notions being probably in many respects disrelished
stand by you in the end, tliev are not. more to be by all parties, will, at least, not draw down on me
checked than cherished. Thai they have failed to the suspicion of seeking popularity, the last worst
convert me to their favourite faith,'may perhaps ridicule that can befall oue, whose honest ambition
be owing to mv phlegm or dullness. Certainly I is much more to ^serve his countrymen than to
not to any want ofabilTtvin them, or any prejudice I please them. . ■
in me. Far from reproaching what I believe to I have thus, gentlemen, endeavoured to perform
be their errors, Ido not even think it. wonderful, what it is presumed was expected of me,
that in honesty seeking n remedy for the disorders communications, it is hard to avoid speaking more
of the republick, many should entangle themselves J of otie s self, than is either pleasant or graceful,
in refinements that confuse when they do not. con-1 You, I am sure, will be the first to pardon the cgp-
Ycttheverv subtlety of the* argument is tism into which you have betrayed me: for tew
its great defect. When logic is too acute, the edge know better, hotv humbly I estimate myself and
turns. If we want it for common use it must be my opinions. It is useless to wish that more time
coarse and stronger. Shall I be cited to shew that I had been allowed me; and vain to regret that. I
the tariff is unjust—be told that if unjust we ought cauld not mingle in your deliberations. Could I
to resist it—and if resisted, according to my own I have anticipated the state of public feeling in Geor-
arguiueut, that resistance must lie effectual. ‘ What gia, the honorable employment which detains me,
I said concerns appeals to reason only. When | accepted as it was, not_ merely on the score ol
force becomes the arbiter, it is not justice or even
courage that decides. My proof is in one word—
Poland 1 Were it otherwise, trial by ordeal and
judicial combat should be restored,and the victor
it* battle would oucc more become right by the
judgment of God.
Rut what hope have we of redress, if not in
nullification ? How can we expect to convince
men, rendered deaf hy interest to every remon
strance' 1 I answer, the interest against us, is less
real than apparent. The gatn of th«r -firmrirTg
states by il.« tariff is imaginary. A. European
war would, in all probability, dissipate their illusion
at once. A constitutional amendment in favor of
roads and canals misht dissolve the combination of
health, but for the gatification of my colleagues
and constituents, must have been refused. Were
I now able to support a long journey, I should still
feel myself bound to return. But the hope of reach
ing home in a condition to engage in an active du
ty, is yet more feeble than that of being servicea
ble by my presence. Nothing remains tor me then
but to recommend vou and our common country,
to'the protection of that power without whose aid
ail wisdom is but follv 1*' *h a o* i,~- * ; r -
u. no wise pass away, her destiny, is my des^
tiny, for good or for evil. „
I am, gentlemen, with great respect, and sincere
esteem, vour friend and fellow-citizen,
RICHARD HENRY WILDE.
To Col. Wm. Cumming, Hon. John P. King, Au-
the East and West. It is not impoysable, that in .
the disposition of the public lands, means might he I gustin Slaughter, Esq. Augusta, Geo,
found, to restore the harmony of out country.— J
Even the necessity of exporting an immense and! Greenesboro’, lOih Sept. J8o2.
annually increasing surplus of domestic products, | Gentlemen,—On my return home two days ago
and of importing lawfully, or illicity, in goods or after an absence of several weeks, I received your
in specie, the corresponning millions for which it- is j letter ot 20th ult. in which, as a Commi ttee ap-
exchaged must at no distant dav occasion new rc- I pointed by a meeting of the citizens of-Richmond
Auctions of our imposts. But before, and above all, J County, you enquire what are my/‘sentiments in
regard to nullification.” Recognizing the right of
every citizen, to know the opinions of candidates
for public office, on all subjects connected with tb
stations to which they aspire, I have no hesitation
in an answering your equiry,
There has never beeen, p> Fays, a political doc
trine advanced which has been so variously under
stood as nullification. Even those who advocate
it most zealously do not agree in their expositions
of it. Without examining into the various modi
fications under Which this doctrine has been held
forth. I regard it, in general terms, as the action
of a single state in resisting and arresting the op
eration of an act of Congress within its limits,
which such state may determine to be uneonstitu
tional and oppressive.
I cannot more plainly and concisely express ray
opinion as to this right, of a shite thus to arrest the
if we are right, we have the weapons which sel
dom fail. Am I asked when did reason and justise
conquer interest and prejudice ? I point to all the
triumphs of Truth and Time. To a reform in
the English reformation restoring civil privileges
to a persecuted sect—to such an extension of the
elective franchise, as Chatham dareJ not medi
tate, and Fox could not accomplish. To revolu
tions less bloody, and codes less barbarous—to the
liberty of the press—to our own institutions, the
hope and admiration of all that is liberal in Chris
tendom—in-a wurd, to the extended and exten
ding empire of opinion.
We have heard to be sure, that a total, immedi
ate, unconditional abandonment of the principle of
protection is our right: that we ask nothing more;
will take nothiug less, and must not stoop to buy
justice. These are lofty and captivating senti- . _
ments; yet a doubt may be indulged, whether they operation of a law of Congress, than by repealing
are practical. Justice is a rare commodity, even 1 the views presented in an humble effort which *
among friends and neighbors; and though forbid- deemed it my du’y to make, during the late ses
den to be sold, he is thought lucky who pa vs dearlvjsion of Congress, in vindication of the course pur-
and gets it a Hast, after enduring the oppressors sued by the authorities of Georgia in the enact
wrong, the proud man’s contumely, the law’s dc- ment and enforcement of certainlaws for the gov
lay, the insolence—and what to some, is worse, the I ernment of that part of the ..state occupied by the
fees of office. I Churokees. On that occasion I maintained, “ that
If indeed wc aresesolved to yield no pretension— j the federal constitution is a compact between the
brook no compromise—if the tariff is really insup- J different states oft his Union as sovereign states;
portable, and a nostrum must be found to cure it I that as no common arbiter hap been appointed,
now—at once—and forever—secession and not nul- } each state, in the exercise of its inherent aovereign-
Ujication, is the melancholy, but appropriate rerae-1 ty, has a right to'judge tor itselfof the infractions
dy. I no more approve one than I justify the oth- I of the constitution, and of the mode and measure
. er. If heaven hears my prayers, both will be of redress’—and consequently the right to resistor
spared me. My life though short, and more for- defend itself against unconstitutional or arbitrary
tunate than happy, will be far too long, should I power by the federal government or any of its de-
survive to bear part in a civil war, or to witness a partments. That this right is to he exercised un-
dissulution of the Union. Yet the last I am per- i der the deepand solemn responsibility of producing
suaded would be the least evil. It may be effected disunion or civi! war-that wheti a state has deter-
without the guilt of home-shed blood; which is to mined to resist the treasures of the federal govern-
me, of itself, a sufficient ground of preference. It is ment (whether it be a law of Congress or a decis-
probable that if Georgia or South Carolina, or both I j°n of the supreme Court,) the federal government,
should think prope to withdraw, do attempt would [ if it resolves to enforce its measures, acts under the
be made to prevent them. They may be allowed to same deep responsibility, in which the people of
depart into obscure independence, if they can main- the. other states will participate, unless they instruct
tain it; to settle quietly as a petty principality; or their agents (their representatives in Congress) to
sink into an appanage of European power, t can- J repeal or desist from the obnoxious measures.—
not believe that the secession of the whole South J And finally that if the States assuming this attitude
would be seen with equalindifference. Of this our j will not yield, and the federa 1 government per-
antagonists suppose there is no danger: and they I sists, there must be a dissolution o? the Union or an
hug themselves with the belief, that unless all appeal to the sword.” From this extract jfou will
made common cause,the new govermentwillhardly J perceive that in asserting the right, I have adopted
be formidable enough for freedom. Without the foe doctrinesalmost the precise language of the
Chesapeake it would scarcely have a port into I Virginia and Kentucky resolutions. It is from
which a frigate cuuld enter; & New Orleaus would these, and the masterly report of Mr. Madison, in
be wanted as an outlet for Mississippi, and the I support of the former, that my opinions, on this
until the requisite majority of the other states de
cide whether jt is constitutional or not, is the offen
sive statute to ifce operative or inoperative on the
state Which hasVuiiulled iff To concede its opera
tion, would be a Solecism reducing the proposed
remedy, to a tnoreVormal method of remonstrance.
To suspend its execution, is giving to the dissent
of one state, a veto <ni the common legislation of
jf»k a- veto assuming jp\ts excreta, the tyicoastitu
imaging.
questions so serious aril afflicting can be agitated
Rights
so well defined and so ably defended as in three
know the intensity ot our feelings and our suffer- considei a very different question
in resis-
collection
imposes, I
I am Opposed
ings; our deep; settled; unanimous hostility to to a proceeding of that kind by our state, because
the protective system. It mayhe worfla reflecting, I apprehend that it would‘produce a collision
nevertheless, how far, at this time, unfounded sus- I with the general government, and perhaps eventu-
picions may be thrown upon our motives, by the I ate in civil war and ultimately in disunion con-
pendency of a Presidential election—the pledgee sequences which I should feel unwilling to hazard,
contemporaneously given to certain candidates, and at least until all other efforts to relieve ourselves
the eager discussion of even contingent pretensions, I are exhausted. That the Tariff system is unequal,
which four years vet, are wanting to mature. j unjust, unconstitutional, and extremely opftpregs-
Iu this allusion however, as in all I liave said or I ive upon the southern states, I have no doubt,—
omitted, it is ray earnest desire 1o estrange no ally, I tliat it ought to be resisted by. the people of the
to provoke no opponent. More than enough off south, I have uniformly declared; and as the op-
>f scoffing ^nd reproach has already past between the I pression is common to the southern people, they
- mecibtrs of this Union, its integrity has been I ought, it seems to »*»*» to unite in a comn>..n
tance. In what way that resistance should be
made would, I conceive, be best determined by
united councils—and.therefore I am decidedly in
favor of a Convention of the Southern States.—
Thisjexpedient I have urged to my fellow citizers
on all convenient and proper occasions, and addi
tional reflection has but confirmed my convictioris
ol its importance. I have no doubt that our adver
saries are presuming upon our differences and di
visions. The state of parties at the south is as well
known to them as to ourselves; and from ihe an
gry spirit that marks some of our party contests,
they are satisfied that the people of the southern
states—nay even of a single state, cannot be united
in any effort which may be made for our relief.—
If we could undeceive them in. this particular—if
we conld but convince them that however divided
on other subjects, and however variant our views
and opinions on other political matters, that on that
of our oppressions and a determination not to sub
mit to them, there was but one mind and one spir
it, we might flatter ourselves with the hope of
producing’an impression on the people of the Tar
iff states, which would soon result in a satisfacto
ry modification of this odious system. It is for the
purpose ofprodiicingthis union and concert among
the citizens of our own state, and with the hope
ol procuring a southern convention, that I have
advocated the contemplated state convention.—
And it is in view of the great importance of har
mony and zealous co-operation among ourselves,
that I have constantly implored mv fellow citizens
to“ let our strifes cease”—to discard all bitter and
selfish feeling, and to deliberate calmly and dis
passionately on this great subject so vitally impor
tant to themselves and their posterity. If under
the influence of such a spirit all the counties of the
state should elect delegates to the proposed con
vention, we should obtain a full and fair expression
of the views anil feelings of the peolple; and ip
whatever measures a majority might determine
oh, all would acquiesce.
I am aware gentlemen, that l have gone heyonif
the scope of your enquiry; but I cannot regard the
remarks which I have made as inappropriate; and
feeling most sensibly the deep interest which the
people of Georgia have in the great subject which
for years has agitated thisAvhole country; standing
too in the relation to them which I do, I could not
forego the opportunity of makingsome suggestions
as to the course which we ought to pursue at this
interesting crisis. But while I make these sugges
tions, I beg leave to repeat what I have frequently
stated-, that I am not wedded to my opinions: and
that if any meanscan be devised more likely to ef
fect the object so desirable to all, and more in ac
cordance with the views and feelings of our fellow-
citizens, I will most cheerfully yield my opinions,
and cordially contribute my feeble efforts to render
those means effectual.
Yery respectfully yours.
THOMAS f. foster.
Messrs. Cumming, King and Slaughter.
Telfair, Sept. 3, 183-2.
Gentlemen r- In reply to your enquiry respec
ting my opinions on the doctrine of Nullification,
I have the pleasure to state to you, that I recog
nize at ail times, the right of the people to be made
acquainted with the sentiments of those who are
before them lor promotion, especially on so mo
mentous a question as that which is the subject of
your enquiry.
I cheerfully therefore reply to you, that I am de
cidedly oppose^ to a Protective Tariff—but am as
decidedly opposed to Nullification, or any other
Xash measure, that would endanger the Govern
ment, or the existence of the Union. I need not
eruer info any argument upon the subject.:—These
have always been my opinions, and I. hnpo tiioy
w ;tl o—j me 03 my grave. If the best and
happiest Government, ever yet devised for man,
should be subverted, WKere’is the hope of the
American? I am, Gentlemen, very respectfully,
Your-Fellow Citizen. JNO. COFFEE.*
To Col. William Cumming, Jadge J. P. King
and Aug. Slaughter, Esq. Committee.—Augusta
Georgia. ~
FEDERAL* UNION.
MILLEDGEVILLE, SEPT. 87, 1833.
POR PRESIDENT,
ANDREW JACKSON.
CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS.
FOR JACKSON AND THE UNION.
JOHN COFFEE, of Cherokee,
THOMAS W. HARRIS, of Walton,
GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham,
WILLIAM SCHLEY, of Richmond,
DANIEL M. STEWART, of Glywi,
JAMES C. TERRELL, of Franklin,
JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee.
DANIEL NEWNAN, of Henry,
03r JOHN MILTON, Esq. of Columbus ;
we are requested to say, is a candidate for Con
gress at the election in October next.
TKOUP TICKET.
HENRY BRANHAM, ef Putnam,
AUGUSTIN S. CLAYTON, of Clark,
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Greene,
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe,
CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock,
SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee,
JAMES M. WAYNE, of Chatham,
RICHARD H. WILDE, of Richmond.
(Kr MIRABEAU B. LAMAR, Esq. we are
authorized to say, is a candidate for Congress at
the ensuing election.
CANDIDATES POR BALDWIN COUNTY.
UNION TICKET—opposed to Nullification.
FOR 3EXATE.
WILLIAM JD. JARRATT.
represf.ntati ybr
WILLIAM SEARCY,
4SE0RGE W. MURRAY.
NULLIFICATION TICKET.
JOHN J3. HOWARD,
JAMES S. CALHOUN.
Wc know H Sc • ,—...
ed to this decision—He has said it-—-he hasT
it—he has officially,'sworn (o it—and itutrT
hazard nothing in the assertion—and this *
erous attack—this evil-timed persecution U
mends him more strongly to the voters of
We hope to see him triumphantly supportd
Since w riting the above, we have receive
C M ri «K C ^ tailun 4 a from?,
Schley to Mr. Shockley. We regret
that it is too late to republish it. The drift -
Judge’s ideas is somewhat similar to our cir'
directly contradicts Mr. Hobby's statement JT
expected he would do. He adds the cen \
of Mr. Boisclair, Gen. Clascock, Win. # ?
ranee. Esq. and Col. Zdchariah Williax*?
tyhich prove that Judge Schley is, and i Q
opposed to the decision.
Wo are requested to say that the friends of
the Union wall support the' name of Benjamin
S. Jburdan, or General Mitchell, to run together
with Jno. A. Cuthbert for the anti-tariff Con
vention.
Dt3" We are requested to announce Samuel
Rockwell and Wm. H. Ton range E.sq’rs. as
candidates before the people of Baldwin for the
Anti-tariff Convention.
LOTTERY LISTS
Wc shall commence publishing the drawings
in a Register so soon as the Lottery goes into op
eration.—Price FIVE DOLLARS in advance,
POLHILL & CUTHBERT,
>hoiis
WfLL BE SOLD. "
© N the fi-at Tuesday in December next., at ths court
house door in the town of Milledgcviile, between
the usual hours of-sale—Two hundred two and a half
acres of land, lying- on the waters of Fishing Creek, in
the county of Baldwin—Also, four negroes to-wit:
Mourning, a negro woman, and her three children, Ann,
LAND AND GOLD LOTTERIES.—By
reference to our advertising columns, it will be
seen, that our energetic Governor has issued his
proclamation, informing the good people
Georgia, that the drawing will commence on the
92nd of October.
ELECTION RETURNS.—We request our
friends tojgive us the earliest authentic accounts of
the returns from the various counties.
EXECUTOR’S SALE.
G eorgia, Baldwin county.—win h c
sold bet ween the usual hours of sale, on the first
Tuesday in December next, at the Court house door in
Mi!ledgevilie, that well known plantation, the property
of the estate of John H. Smith, dec’d., lying 8 miles
trom Milledgcvdle on the Macon road, including be
tween 8 and 900 acres of land, adjoining Bevins, Smith,
and others—Sold for a division among the heirs.
BENJAMIN L. LESTER, Ex’r.
Sept 27 ‘ 12—tds
HOT1CB.
A MHE Officeof the Piedmont Stage Line, isnowkep
at ROBERT McCOMB’9. Hotel, on the West
comer of the State House Square, MilledgeViljc. This
removal has been occasioned by the refusal of the daily-
line, to stop at the same house with the Piedmont line
it being considered by the daily line a dangerous and for
midable rival.
idp" The Stage will call for passenger? at any house
in town.
Culpepper C. H. 17th May, 1832.
Sept 27—12 W ILLIAM SMITH.
GEOROIA, Wilkinson county.
^iHADRACH Peason of Capt. Peace’s district, tolls
before Shadrach Adams, one of the magistrates in
and for said county, one yellow bay horse. Appraised
by Peter Pearson and Thomas Bozeman to be worth
Twelve dollars. A true extract from the minutes.
Foh 94 I9T9
- ‘ ’ VALENTINE A. BRAZZILL, c. i. c.
GEORGIA, Wilkinson county.
T OIIN BLACBURN of Capt. Smith’s district, tolls
before Absalom Jackson, one small bay horse, about
four years old, black main and tail, star in his forehead,
small snip on on his nose, about 14 hands high. Ap
praised by William Jackson, and William Chaonian, to
be worth fbrty-five dollars. A true extract from the
minutes. January 30th, 1832.
* VALENTINE A. BRAZZILL, c. i. c,
. SOT1CE.
A BOND given to ivlr. Thomas Connally by Daniel
Stone, administrator of the estate of John Adams,
for one ten acre lot of land whereon the academy spring
is of this county. And the subscriber having been the
purchaser, when sold at public outcry. And since which
time, haying sold said lot of land to Thomas J. Connal
1) , and caused the bond to be made to said Connally,
who has since failed and refused to comply with the bar
gain between him and myself. This is to notify and for
bid all persons from trading for said bond.. And also
for said administrator not to execute titles therefor.
Decatur county, Ga. Sept. 15, 1832.
12—2t L. J. HILtSURN.
4 DaiXlSTHATOR’S 8UB«Wil! be sold
,-rn Friday the sixteenth day of November next., a'
the late residence of Henry Parrish, dec’d. in Lowndes
county, a part of the personal property belonging to the
estate of said dec’d.—consisting of hogs, sheep, goat?,
hqrses, cart, and many other article^ not herein enumera
ted. Sold for the benefit of the lieirs and creditors of
said dec’d. Term* of sale on the day.
NANCY PARRISH, Adm’x.
MALCOM McCRANlE, Adm’r.
Sept. 27 12—tds
GEORGIA, WALTON COUNTY.*
W1LLIAM MILTON of the 4I5th district Geor-
^ ” gia Militia, tolls before Berrien Williams^ Esq.
one estray yellow bay horse Mule, about 4 feet high,
very small—no brands—appraised by Robert H. Wes
ton and James Brewer, to thirty five dollars.
A true extract from the estray book, 18th Sept. 1832.
J. P. LUC'ASpB. Clerk,
" c ‘ r 12—3t
The Superior Court of Baldwin county is ad
journed to the/i/IAmonday in October. \Ve made
a typographical error in our former notice of it
At a more leisure hour we shall pay our most
nts to the pompous .pomposity
iloquence and rhapsodical non
Macon Messenger.
JUDGE SCHLEY.—Some few weeks ago, a
Mr. Shockley, of Columbia county, published* an
article in the Recorder, under the signature of
Walton, charging Judge Schley with supporting
the opinion ot the Supreme Court of the United
States in the case of Worcester against the State
of Georgia.✓ On the 6th of this month, we pub
lished an extract from a letter written by Jud<re
Schley, on the 28th of May last, to Mr. Polhill,Tn
which the Judge shews clearly and unequivocally
that he considers that- decision erroneous in every
respedt.
Now, just on tire eve of the election, when Mr,
Shockley knows it is too late for Judge Schley to
reply to his certificates in time to reach through
half the State, he comes out with what he seems
to think, conclusive evidence to disprove Judge
Schley’s letter. But the poisoned arrow has no
point to pie-ce the Judge’s coat of mail. “ He is
armed too strong in honesty.” A short story will
show that it carries no wound with it.
Mr. Shockley’s certificates relate to conversa
tions that occurred six months ago, in the bustle of
a Superior Court in Columbia. Five certificates
from highly respectable gentlemen, state, that they
had received vague and indifferent impressions,
from conversation, that Judge Schley had enter
tained an opinion favorable to that decision. None
of them give any words or expressions used by
the Judge, and several of them say, that in after
conversations with Schley, they found they had
misunderstood him. Col. Andrews’ certificate con
curs with Judge Schley’s letter to Mr. Polhill, that
more time yvas necessary to make up a foil opinion.
The decision had just then been published; and
after returning home from Columbia court, Judge
Schley read it attentively, and entirely condemned
it as unsound historically, legally, and constitution
allip
The only certificate which pretends to make any
positive statement of what Judge Schley did say at
Columbia, is Mr. Wensley Hobby’s. He is a very
zealous and respectable young gentleman ; and it
seems he attempted to give the Judge a lecture
about his opinion. Every thing the Judge said is
as fresh in his recollection, as his charge ^against
Col. Williams, of having forced himself upon a
meeting in Columbia as its Chairman, contrary to
the will of the meeting—which said serious charge
is positively and directly disproved by the unequi
vocal certificates of ten respectable gentlemen, with
some of whom we are personally acquainted.—
Making therefore all due allowances for the frailties
of our nature and the slipperiness of our memory*
we are justified.in the conclusion, that the bewilder
ing dreams of Calhounism, and the splendid reve
ries of a Southern Confederacy, have nullified
Squire Hobby's memory, as much in the charge
against Schley, as in that against Col. WiUiams.—
In fact, we should sooner lake Judge Schley’s de
liberate, written assertions of his own opinions,
than the recollection of Mr. Hobby, or any other
gentleman, upon this, or any other subject.
Judge Schlqy studied this subject maturely in
1830—when taidrew up a solemn and deliberate
opinion, and submitted it, under the sanction of
his oath of office, to the Legislature of that year.
In that report, he says, that Georgia has foil juris
diction over all persons within her chartered limits,
“ whether white men or red men, or black men.”—
Judge Schley is incapable of lying or prevaricating,
if doing so would even make him President of the
United States,
GENERAL NEWNAN.—At the req*.
Gen. Newnan, we publish his address to ifo
pie of Georgia which we have seen eiieula-.
hand bills. Though it seems to he designed
thrust at us for having dared to be hone
publish it for two reasons—First, that the
may not complain of injustice from us—secGmj
cause he has been pleased to furnish us with the!
best vindication of ourselves. We call
tention to a few of the prominent points m hi,
dress. ‘
1st. The General charges ns with “hath,*
moved his name from the list of Candidates for f.
gress. This is an error. We did not, as edit
put the General up, and therefore had no rii
take him down. His name is still in our cofuc
as a candidate. Bnt if the General mean, il^
have distinguished between himself and the
son and Union cand dates on our ticket, he;
rect. After having been informed under his
signature, that he was a nulhfier, we could nJ
ther consistently ur honestly, say to our reaJt-
General Newnan is among the Jackson and la
men. Surely gentlemen, as independent as
General, would not wish to sail under false colors,
W T e therefore struck a line, and placed his
below the others, where we thought it ought
be. Under the same circumstances, we sho
treat Genl. Clark, or even Genl. Jackson, in
same way.
In the 2d. place, he says, “on his return fc
Washington, le found many of his old fc
alienated from him, and determined to oppose
unless he would adopt the creed of the Fed
Union.” If a man travel from MitleSgevilk
cannot say that Miiledgevifle leaves Atm—Net
can Genl. Newnan, with more propriety, sav
ins old friends have abandoned him, when it s.
that has abandoned them. He therefore has ut
himself to complain of on this score. If his d
friends cannot conscientiously follow him into
ror, if is a high compliment to their honesty,
to their requiring him to adopt our creed, it is
ground of complaint against either them, ori
selves. The do not love our creed, because tb
take our paper—but they take our paper, been
they love our creed. It is natural that they si
regret to see so old and cherished a friend, as
Genera!, deserting that creed—and honest to
pose him for it.
3J. He says, that “ when he discovered £
state of things, he was disposed to withdraw a
mentioned it to General Coffce-’'&.c. fee.— 1 This *
a lofty sentiment, and it is to he regretted th:
General had not acted upon ii, while the lit of n:i :
nafiimity was on him. He could not expect
associate candidates to advise his withdraw.
This‘was a delicate matter, and peculiarly m
himself. He is wrong in his recollection, that i
mentioned this inclination to our junior Editoi
We both think it would have been much ihe r.
and more noble course—and would so have aihv
had we been consulted—as it would have saved:
and the General, and his old friends, much pain.
The General mistook entirely the object of:
invitation by one of us to call at our office, br
an ordinary act of -unceremonious courtesy::
friendship and designed for nothing eke. T;
uncourteous indifference manifested fotnud*
shewed the state of his feelings towards o«. \VL
he was in constant interview's with our own, as
his old opponents, he did not come near’-s,::;
treated our politeness with silent contempt.
4th. He'speaks of our “denotiTtcinghim indini■
ly (if not directly) as a disunionist.” We presiia
that he means, that we have denounced xuUijh
tion, which he has laterly espoused, we have d.
nounccd it—still denounce it—and shall comi.-;
to denounce it, till we shall discover that it is ti-
true faith—which will probably never be. But
is unfortunate for the General, that we hudi?
nounced the doctrine long, long hrfore he embrs:ri
if. We have not charged—but he has—We h
pursued our old course—The General has strati
off in a dark and dangerous left hand road. 1
have not seen his ignis fatuus, and therefore Ha
not followed him. If this be denunciation—bt
so—but it has proceeded from the General, an
shall shew directly.
5th. The General supposes that we hod hoar-
of his abuse-of us, ourparty and our press,
he left Milledgeville. This is another mistake--
We heard of it soon after he arrived in Georb-
It was founded partly on a letter from one of lit
upper counties dated 31st Augt. in which wehafs
the following information—“ Against yoursfl-'S
individually, the paper, Dr. Fort, and tnanyotte
of-our friends he is exceedingly bitter. I barec !
seen a solitary individual with whom he has tc-
versed, but what informs me that he is vnmeam
in his abuse of you.” So far by information, h*
us hear the General’s own acknowledgments.
6th. The General confesses, that he has been i -
nouncing our press and some of our party y,
more than a year past.” as the worst enefflits'
the south. He has not only been doing this mo-
than a year past, but while at Mr. Buffingtons.'
private with “ a number of” our political op!#’
nents, (Troup men and nullifies) denounced
principles and those of some of his old friends'’
worse than those of Niles Register—the vilest®,'
ponent of southern rights. Was this generot
friendly, consistent, magnanimous, or honoraw
Was it such treatment as we had a right to exp
from a private and political friend, lor such "
were to General Newnan ? After such o broads
knowledgment of his inimical feelings and cofldc-
towards us, so long continued, how can theGffT
al complain that we have indirectly denounced Hit
Could he desire and expect the support of tne’H
odious to him and so dangerous to the State ?
he violated tiie duty-of a friend m not shewing 1 '
those gross errors, which he was revealing
enemies ?—Let the General answer these
to his insulted constituents, who can now seep
has uttered denunciation, he, or they, or otksel^
7th. The General speaks of the “Clark P-
abandoning him at our bidding.” ■ We have bid'
man to abandon him—we have advised no J 3 ',
abandon him. We do not now reccommend up
to do so. They are independent voters, vlw
and will do as they please. On this point wj-
sure the General and our friends, that we r *.
now on hand, several communications u°®. ..
warmest of his old friends, the object of
to create a direct opposition against him. u ■
them is signed by fifteen of our subscribers r T
war ’43 to drop his name, or come out agatf
Such were our feelings, that we have de<x .
publishing any of them. And when we
lew words on the subject, we only went so
to vindicate ourselves from a charge of ineon® ^
cy and political dishonesty, under which
determined not to labor knowingly. .
The 8th and last point that we shall w .jj
the very grave charge that we have $
great and efficient co-operation in efleejung ^
justment of our Cherokee relations. J o 1 :
can only say that *"lhe General did not c<> n $
to put us in possession of his arduous w
that important subject. He held n°p®
dence with us oh this, or any other subjt'■» ^
at Washington, except one fetter very ea ..