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COXGSESS.
IN SENATE,
March 10, 1836.
SPECIAL ORDER.
The unfinished business was then taken up,
beiug the petition of tiie Society of Friends, to
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia—
tire question being on Mr. Clayton’s motion to
amend the motion of Mr. Buchanan, to reject
the prayer of the petition.
Mr. Po rter moved yesterday, to lay the mo-
tioa of the senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay)
on the table, in order that he might have time
for reflection. While that motion was pending,
on motion of the senator from Ohio, (Mr. Mor
ris,) the senate adjourned, which fully embraced
the object of his (Mr. P.’s) motion. He was
anxious to pursue that course best calculated to
accomplish the object. He had reflected last
Right upon the matter, anti had come to the con
clusion tliat^t was better hr the southern sena
tors to vote for the naked proposition of the
senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Buchanan.)—j fore conjured the senator from Virginia, (Mr. |
Without additional reasons being assigned, be | Leigh) to withdraw his amendment also. The
thought it better not to go for the proposition o 1 vote on the motion of the senator from Pennsvl- !
power by the clause in the constitution providing ; amendment was under consideration he had a
that private property shall not be taken for j curiosity to know whether the President desired
public use, without just compensation, showing ; the appropriation or not, that he conversed
that to abolish property was not for “public j with a colleague sitting near him, and neither
use.” Mr. L. deprecated the doctrines ad-j of them knowing, he asked another ofhiscol-
vanccd bv Mr. Clay as to the evils of slavery,! leagues, then Chairman of the Committee of
t
rancec. ^
denying that slavery as it now existed was an ' ways and means, who told him the President
evil, Such sentiments as the senator from did wish it, and added that he must say nothing
Kentucky had avowed, were calculated to im- al/out if lie did say nothing about it till since
pose, most grievously impose, on all those who i this discussion commenced during the present
did not understand the subject. Mr. L., alter j session. With the motives for this request to
sonic remarks at length, said he would be j to conceal I am not acquainted, therefore can
willing to delay the question, so as to give 1 say nothing. - ’
further time for the consideration of the subject; j 5!
but if the gentlemen would press it, bn must
press his motion to call for the yeas and nays. 1 —
Mr. Cuthborlsaid,the senator from Kentucky MR. VAN BL’REN.—The following is the
lmd, in the plenitude of his frankness, yielded .correspondence published in the Richmond En-
iiis amendment, for the purpose of enabling ! quirer to which we adverted in our last number,
the senate to come to a final and united vote: ' No man is more decidedly opposed to the wicked
and now, when by universal consent, the mo-1 designs of the abolitionists, than the vice-prcsi.
ment was about to arrive to take that vote,! dent; and no other man is able to accomplish as
another amendment was interposed.
POLITICAL.
propos
the senator front Kentucky, (Mr. Clay.) There
was such a contrariety of opinion in the senate
as to the proper mode of disposing of tins ex
citing subject, that the proposition of the senator
from Pennsylvania (Mr. Buchanan) was the
only one on which they could hope to get any
thing like a united vote; and as the subject had
been discussed so long, and the minds of sena
tors made up, he believed the best thing they
could now do, was to vote for the motion of the
senator from Pennsylvania to reject the prayer
of tie petition.
Mr. Leigh moved to amend the amendment
of Mr. Clay, by striking out all after the first
word, and inserting the words “that in the
opinion of the senate, congress has not the
power to abolish slavery in the District of Co.
iumbia.”
Mr. Cuthbert said he thought that the sena
tor from Kentucky would now perceive the
danger of opening the discussion still more ex
tensively by the motion he had made. If the
gentleman, said Mr. C., will withdraw that mo
tion, and allow us to take the question on the
proposition of the senator from Pennsylvania,
they would have an opportunity of giving a
decisive vote, in which every member could
unite. The gentleman from Kentucky must
see that there was groat difference of oj inion
with regard to his motion, and that it must draw
with it the propositions equally calculated to
bring on debate.
Mr. Leigh observed that he had no desire to
press the subject at present, much less a desire
to produce agitation. He had directed every
word and expression of his from the very com
mencement, with the view of avoiding excite-
ment; and it was with unspeakable pain that he
felt himself constrained to offer the amendment,
not so much on account of the proposition of
liie senator from Kentucky, as of the argument
by which it was accompanied. lie was willing
that the whole subject should be laid over; he
wished it particularly, as it was desirable that
the most deliberate consideration should be given
to it. If gentlemen would persist in now
pressing the subject, he would persist in his
amendment.
Mr. Leigh inquired of the chair, (it having
vania (Mr. Buchanan) would not preclude him
(Mr. L.) from offering his amendment at any
time after this vote was taken, if lie should feel
it his duty to offer it.
Mr. Leigh replied that he was called on to
acton tins subject without.a moment’s delibera
tion. He had warned the senate of the course
he should bo compelled to lake, if this subject
was pressed. If the senate would give him
time to deliberate, he would pursue that course j
which then seemed to him to he the best. Mr.
L. then moved to lay the subject on the table,
and called lor (he years and nays, but withdrew
the motion at the request of
Mr. Crittenden, who anticipated with confi
dence that the senate would come to some
unanimous vote. lie had reluctantly voted to
receive this petition yesterday, with a view at
all times of giving it tiie most decided rejection;
and in doing so, he would desire to conform to
the desires of the southern gentlemen. Ho
hoped, however, that tho senator from Virginia
(Mr. Leigh) would find it consistent with ins
feelings and the interests of his constituents not
to press the question of the constitutionality of
this measure at this time.
Mr. Brown was not willing, bv anv vote of
his, to procrastinate this subject, and demanded
the yeas and nays.
Mr. King oi Alabama felt very desirous of
giving the senator from Virginia an opportuni
ty of giving as much time as might he necessa
ry, to enable him to determine whether an im
perious duty required him to press his motion.
It was not his desire to hasten him into a de
cision. lie suggested to ihe senator from
\ irginia, that there were resolutions among the
orders ol the senate, which had been proposed
by his late colleague, (Mr. Tyler,) involving
the very question proposed in his amendment.—
These resolutions must come up before the
He there- j much in strengthening and directing public sen
timent against these miscreants. So fur from
seeking the support of the abolitionists, as tho
uullifiers prelend, this letter shows a settled, un
compromising hostility to them.
Richmond, March 5th, 1R3G.
j Six—Your opinion on the slave question, in
j relation to tiie States, is distinctly understood in
j tho south, and perfectly satisfactory. But, rna-
j ny of your friends are in doubt as to your real
j sentiments on the District question. 1 take the
i liberty, therefore, of requesting a candid avow-
I al of your opinion on the constitutional rights
of the inhabitants of the District of Columbia,
i Do you mean to say, when you say that you
i are “against the propriety of agitating theques-
ion in the Disirict,” that congress has no pow
er under the federal constitution to interfere
with the slave question? Any reply which you
may think proper to make, will find me here for
tho next ten days. I am an administration
, mail and a delegate from the county of Bruns
wick.
1 have the honor to be, with great respect,
your obedient servant,
J. B. MALLORY.
The Hen. Marlin Van Buren, Vice-Presi-
• dent of the Uni fed States.
'Washington, filarch 11/A, 1830.
Sir—I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter of the 5th instant, asking
. my opinion as to the constitutional power of
! congress to interfere with tho subject of slave-
i ry in the District of Columbia, and to send you
j herewith, in reply thereto, a copy of a rorres-
! pop.denee between certain citizensof North Caro-
; iina and myself, on the same point.
As some time may intervene before its pub-
iication*there, you have my permission to hand
the correspondence, forthwith, to ihe Editor of
1 the Enquirer, for publication in his paper. In
! the event of its being so published, l desire that
1 your letter tome, with this answer thereto, may
| appear at the same time.
j I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient
senate, and the whole subject relating to the
powers ol congress with regard to slavery in this ; servant,
Dist rict, would hr* a fair matter for discussion.
[Mr. King here read Mr. Tyler’s resolutions
affirming that congress did not possess the power
to abolish slavery in the District, and that the
assumption of it would bo a breach of faith to- o. . - r ,,
oir—A portion oi your fellow-citizens in
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
James Pt. Mallory, Esq.
NORTH CAROLINA CORRESPONDENCE
Ills Excellency Marlin Van Buren.
been suggested that Mr. Clay, by withdrawing J ceded the ten miles square, and a violation of
liis amendment eould defeat his substitute,) ifl the rights of private property.] T‘
this could bo done; and being answered in the from Virginia, Mr. K. said, voulc
affirmative, said that he would, in that case, feel
it his duty to offer his amendment as a new pro-
wards the States of Virginia and Maryland, who I . . r ,
t^.i .u„ . „ :J ° _/»; tins section, feeling a deep anxiety as to your
views on a topic which most vitally affects our
; immediate welfare and happiness, have thought
proper to propound to you, the following inter-
Thc senator ;
1 therefore
perceive that delay was not desireable either' - ... . , ...
a r rogatory, to which we wish an explicit answer
to errablo him to carry out the instructions ot g-. J
position.
Mr. Clay said the amendment submitted by
him, was offered with the best motives. lie
could not assent that congress had no constitu
tional power to legislate on the prayer of the
petition. [Tc was ready to express his opinion j
on that, as he was on all subjects. Tho first
clause of his amendment was in reference to j
feelings as it went against abolition, without i
affirming any opinion as to tho constitutionality :
of tho measure. The next, in the absence of;
its constitutionality, recognised the inexpediency j
of if.
In the reasons assigned, the first was, that j
the people of the District of Columbia bad not [
petitioned, and that, lie said, did not imply, that j
if they had petitioned, their prayer would be I
granted. Tho next reason offbrcJ, he thought, I
ought to have been received by the senators!
from the south with a very different feeling than i
was evinced, which was, that the States of j
his legislature, or to get the constitutional ques- , ^ ^
tion before the senate, as tho subject must come 1 '
up in the resolutions of his late colleague.
Mr. Leigh renewed his motion to lay the sub
ject on the table, and
The question was taken, and decided as
follows:
A eas—Messrs. Black, Calhoun, Clay, Clay
ton, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Davis, Ewing of
Ohio, Goldsboroagh, King of Alabama, Knight,
Leigh, M‘Kpan, Moore, Naudain, Nicholas,
Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Southard,
Swift, Tomlinson, and White—24.
Nays—Messrs. Ber.ton, Brown, Buchanan,
Ewing of Illinois, Grundy, Ilili, Hubbard,
King of Georgia, Linn, Morris, Niles, Robison,
Haggles, Shcplcy, Talhnage, Tipton, Walker,
Wall, and Wright—20.
l)o you, or d > you not believe that congress
constitutional power, to interfere with
or abolish slavery in the District of Columbia?
The conspicuous situation in which your are
i placed and the importance of a thorough kuowl-
j edge of your views on this interesting topic,
will, we hope, he sufficient apology for the li-
i bertv wc have taken.
JUNIUS AMIS,
ISAAC HALL,
JOHN WALL,
C. YELLOWBY.
SAML. P>. SPIRRILL.
JAS. W. PUIZLNN.
, Jackson, February 23, 1B3G.
MARTIN VAN BUREN’S REPLY.
Washington March Gth. 1830.
Gkxtiaoiex—I have tho honor to acknowl-
' edge the receipt of your letter apprizing me of
the deep anxiety which is felt by a portion of
From the Richmond Enquirer.
The Whig Candidate.—Judge White rarely your felloe-citizens, as to my views upon a to
Maryland and Virginia would be injuriously j honors the Senate with a speech—and when he 1 j«c vitally affecting their immediate welfare and
affected by it; and if they had anticipated it j does take the field, his eloquence ismisorably me- j happiness, and of the importance of their being
they would not have jnade the cession. In that i diocre. We have published one speech of liis on possessed of a thorough knowledge of them;
he had asserted a principle of faith coeval with the Curry subject. We have another before us, and asking me to say, whether I do or do not
the cession itself.
on the Three Million Bill.
The third reason was, the degree wiib which ; which have been delivered on this subject, the
the injury would bo inflicted, would far exceed • Judge’s seems the most tame, flat, and unprofit
able. We give the following Elegant Extracts,
which i as specimens o! the spirit of the whole Oration:
“I was what I professed to be, and overbad
been a friend to tho Administratin. I had
received no information that the president desired
any practical benefits resulting to the govern
ment. This was a substantial reason
must exist as long :ts the government.
These views would suppress abolition in the
north, and in, moments when the minds of the
south were calm and unagitated, would quiet
their alarms. But as they Lad not been received
in the spirit in which he expected they would be,
he was willing to withdraw his amendment.
Ho had listened attentively to the arguments
of the senator from Virginia, (Mr. Leigh) and
if any one could have convinced him that it was
unconstitutional, that gentleman could. But he
hr..d heard no argument that had changed his
opinion. Ho contended, that as neither Virginia
or Maryland, or both combined, could abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia, tho power
without limitation or restriction existed only in
congress. Ho had intended to say but little, and
that litile in tho spirit of kindness. He had
risen for the purpose of withdrawing liis amend-
merit.
Mr. Leigh, i.-j assigning the reasons which
induced him to press his amendment, referred to
the resolutionsof the General Assembly of the
State’*of Virginia, lately presented by him, ex
pressly declaring that congress had not the
power to abolish slavery in the District of Co
lumbia. lie did not expect, when he presented
these resolutions, that there would have been
an occasion so soon to submit a proposition on I because such is the truth, that if upon review
Of ail the speeches j believe that congress has the constitutional pow
er to interfere with, or abolish slavery in, the
District of Columbia?
I am not only willing, but desirous, gentle
men, that you should have the most thorough
knowledge of my views and feelings upon the
delicate and interesting subject with which vour
question is connected; and I shall endeavor to
the appropriation; and I saw tho section was j acquaint you with them in the fullest manner in
so worded as to throw upon him a responsibility
which he ought not to bear. The proviso left
it discretionary with him whether ihe money
should be used or not. I thought all the interest
of the army, the navy, tho large cities, and those
who had ordnance to dispose of, would be
brought to bear on him, to induce him to use the
money, if he dIJ order it to be used, and should
there be no war, as I hoped and believed would
be the case, lie would be censured fur wasting
this large sum. If lie resisted all importunities
and did not use the money, aiTd war did come, he
would be censured for not providing for the
defences of the country,” ixc.
“I sincerely believed he did not; but in that
it seems I was mistaken; and tho first notice j
l had of my mistake was in his answer to a
company of gentlemen in Now York, who after !
the rise of Congress, made him a tender of their |
service to defend the country. Whether I would j
have voted for the amendment in this loose !
my power.
Not having, heretofore, had the honor of be
ing in political communication with you, I am
not advised whether the sentiments relating to
it, which have been avowed by myself and by
my authority, within the last two years, have
come to your knowledge. I deem it therefore
proper, to furnish you w ith the substance of
them, before I reply to your more specific in
quiry. The avowals to which I refer, were—
1st. An opinion that congress has no right
to interfere in any manner, or to any extent,
with the subject of slavery in the States.
2d. Against tho propriety of their doing so
in the District of Columbia; and
3rdiy. The statement of my full concurrence
in the sentiments expressed by the citizens of
Albany, in public meeting, the most important
of whicli arc as follows, viz: “That the con
stitution of the United States carries with it an
adjustment of J .. nsmv.kod mihedeii.
them; but as the senator from Kentucky took
the ground, when ho submitted his amendment,
that congress did possess this power, lie felt that
it was a fit occasion to bring the views of his
legislature distinctly before the senate. Mr.
L. entered into a lengthy argument to refute
the position of Mr. Clay, that congress possessed
under tho constitution, unlimited sovereign
power with regard to this District, under the
elau.se of that instrument giving congress*ex
clusive legislation over it; drawing the distinction
between exclusive legislation and exclsive
sovereignty, and further ho contended that con
gress wrrs prohibited from the exorcise of this
shape, if I had known it comported with the \ berations which led to us adoption, and that the
views of the President, I do not pretend to say.— compromise of interests in which it was found-
I think I ought not, but am willing to state, 1 cd, is binding in honor and good faith, independ.
cully of the force of agreement, on all who live
under its protection and participa’e in the bene-
fils of which it is the source.”—“That the re
lation of roaster and slave is a matter exclusive
ly belonging to the people of each State within j
its own boundary, and that any attempt by the j
government or people of any other State, or by j
the general government, to interfere with, or;
disturb it, would violate the spirit of that com-j
promise which lies at the basis of the federal j
compact.”—“That we can only hope to main
ing my whole vote?, since honored with a seat
in this chamber,any votes could be found which l
would wish had not been given, the error is more
attributable to my unbounded confidence in the
Executive and anxious desire to maintain him
as far as I conscientiously could, than to any
other cause whatever.”
“To all this I answer, I did not hear of this
notice. Jf any members with w hom l associ
ated heard this notice, they never mentioned
it in my presence. So far from it, one of my i tain the Union of the States by abstaining fi oreU
colleagues of the other House, probably as at- j all interference with the laws, domestic policy
tenlivc as any member there, assures me, he ! and peculiar interests of every other State.”—
did nut hear any such nt.ti’ee, and when the ■ “That all such interference, which tends to a-
licnate one portion of our countrymen from the
rest, deserves to be frowned upon with indigna
tion by all who cherish the principles of our re
volutionary fathers, and who desire to preserve
the constitution by the exercise of that spirit of
amity which animated its framers.”—“That
they deprecate the conduct of those who are at
tempting to coerce their brethren in other States
into the abolition of slavery, by appeals to the
fears of the master and to the passions of the
slave; and that they could not but consider them
as disturbers of tiie public peace, and would,
by all constitutional means, exert tin ir influ
ence to arrest the progress of sucii measures.”
j —“That whilst they would maintain inviolate
the liberty of speech and tiie freedom of the
press, they considered discussions, which, from
their nature, tend to inflame the public mind
and put in jeopardy the lives and property of
their fellow-citizens, at war with every rule of
moral duty, and every suggestion of humanity,
and would be constrained, moreover, to regard
those who, with a full knowledge of their perni
cious tendency, persist in carrying them on, as
disloyal to the Union.”—“That ti’.e people of
the south would do great injustice if they allow
I themselves to believe, that the few who are in-
| terfering with the question of slavery, are act-
i ing in accordance with the sentiments of the
i noith upon the subject;” and finally, “that they
made these declarations to their southern breth
ren in the same spirit of amity which bound to
gether their fathers and ours, during a long and
eventful struggle for independence; and that
they did, in full remembrance of that common
association, plight to them their faith to maintain
in practice, as far as lies in their power, what
they had thus solemnly declared.”
These views, thus expressed and sanctioned
by myself, appear tome to cover the whole
ground, save the abstract, question to which you
, have been pleased to call mv attention, and I
5 cheerfully embrace tho opportunity you have
felt it your duty to afford me, to explain myself
fully on that also. As anxious as you can pos-
| siblv bn. to arrest all agitation upon this disturb
ing subject. I have considered the question you
have propounded to me, with a sincere desire to
arrive at the conclusion, that the subject, in re
spect to the Pistrh t of Golumbin, can be safely
placed on tho same ground on which it stands
1 in regard to the States, viz: the want ofeonsti-
, tutional power in congress to interfere in the
matter. I owe if, however, to candor, to say to
you, that I have not been able to satisfv myself
that the grant to congress, in the constitution,
of the power of “exclusive legislation in all
cases whatsoever” over the federal district, does
not confer on that body the same authority over
the subject that would otherwise have been pos
sessed by ihe States of Maryland and Virginia;
or that congress nrrght not, in virtue thereof,
take such steps upon the subject in this District,
as those States might themselves take within
their own limits, and consistently with their
rights of sovereignty.
j Thus viewing the matter, I would not, from
the lights now* before me, feel myself safe in
pronouncing that congress does not possess the
power of interfering with or abolishing slavery
j in the District of Columbia. But, whilst such
| are mv present impressions upon the abstract
! Question of the legal power of congress—im
pressions which 1 shall at all times be not only
ready, but disposed, to surrender upon convie
tion of error—1 do not hesitate to give it to von
as my deliberate and well-considered opinion,
J that there are objections to the exercise of this
I power, against the wishes of the slave-holding
| States, as imperative in their nature and obliga
tions, m regulating the conduct of public men,
as the most palpable want of constitutional power
would le.
j You have alluded in your letter to the con-
j spieuous situation in which I have been placed
j before the public; and I take it for granted, that
! it is to that circumstance, rather than to an\
other, that I am to ascribe the solicitude felt bv
yourselves and your fellow-citizens in inspect
i to my views on this subject. [ recognize, to
; the fullest extent, the propriety of this desire on
i your part; and although there is nothing in your
I letter making tho avowal necessary, 1 prefer
i that not only you, but all tho people of the U-
nite l States shall now understand, that if ihe
I desire of that portion of them which is favora
I ble to my elevation to the Chief Magistracy,
I should bo gratifb d, I must go into the presiden-,
I tial chair the infl**x'ble and uncompromising op-
j pon< nt of any attempt on the part of congress
to abolish slavery in the Distiiet of Columbia,
against the wishes of tho slave-holding Slates;
and also with the determination equally derided,
to resist the slightest interference with the sub
ject in the States where it exists. In saying
this. I tender neither to them nor to you, any
pledges, but declare only settled opinions and
convictions of duty. Those who doubt that they
will be carried into full and fair effect, are un
der no obligations to trust me. An opportunity
is afforded them to exercise their free choice in
the matter, and they may be assured, that there
is no one less likely to complain of its exorcise
than myself.
The peculiar importance of the Subject, ai.d
a desire (which you will allow me to feel) that
my views of it should be correctly understood,
make it proper that I should explain the grounds
of the opinions above expressed. They are
founded, amongst others, on the following con-
siJerulions, viz:
Iri. f believe, that if it had been foreseen, at
the time of the* adoption ot the constitution,
that the seat of t.be federal government would
be fixed in a slaveh.o'ding region, and that the
subject of slavery would be there agitated to the
prejudice of those holding this species of proper
ty, the right to do so, would, w ith the assent of
the non slaveholding Stales, have been made
an exception to the unrest! ictcd legislative pow
er given to congress over the District to be ce
ded.
2dly. I cannot but regret the agitation of this
subject in the District ofCo unibin, as a surprize
upon ;h<- people oi Maryland and Virginia, be
ing very confithnt that if the state of things
which now exists, had been at all "apprehended
by those States, tf e cession ofth.e Distiiet would
not have been made except upon the express
condilion that congress should exercise no such
power; and that with such a condition the ces
sion would, in the then state of public opinion,
have been readily accepted.
3dlv. I do therefore believe, that the aboli
tion of slavery iu the District of Columbia, a
gainst tho Wishes of the •slaveholding States
(assuming that congress has the power to effect
it) would violate the spirit of that compromise
of interests which lies at the basis of our social
compact; and I am thoroughly convinced, that
it could not be so done, w ithout imminent peril,
if not certain destruction, to the Union of the
States. Viewing the matter in this light, it is ;
a - ’ l
my clear and settled opinion, that the federal
government ought to abstain from doing so,
and that it is the sacred duty of those whom
the people of the United States entrust with the
control of its action, so to use the constitutional
power with which they are invested, as to pre
vent it.
1 think it due to the occasion, and only a sim
ple act of justice to my fellow-citizens of the
north, of all political parties, to add the expres
sion of mv full belief, that the opinions above
expressed, accord in substance, with those en
tertained by a larger majority of the people of
tiro non-slaveholding States than has ever be
fore existed in those States on a public question
of equal magnitude. It is also due to them to
say, that their sentiments on this subject spring
out of considerations of too high a character,
and look to consequences of too solemn an im
port, to be shaken by slight causes. With only
a generous confiJ<'iice on ihe part of the south
in their brethren of the north, and a firm de
termination on the part of each, to visit with
their severest displeasure any attempt to con
nect the subject with party politics, those senti
ments cannot bo overthrown. All future at
tempts on the part of the abolitionists io do so,
will then only servo to accumulate and concen
trate public odium on themselves. Thar there
are persons at the north who are far from con
curring in the prevailing sentiment 1 have do-
scribed, is certainly true; but their numbers,
when compared with the rest of the community,
are very inconsiderable; and if the condition of
things be not greatly aggravated by imprudence,
many of them, I have no doubt, will ultimately
adopt sounder views of the subject; and the ef
forts of those w ho may persist in the work of
agitation, may be overcome by reason, or ren
dered inoperative by constitutional remedies.
To one class of those who have hitherto peti
tioned congress for the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, 1 cannot forbear to re
fer: I allude to the society of friends, or the
people usually denominated Quakers. The u-
niforinity of their course upon this subject, the
temperate manner in which it has been mani
fested, and the marked excellence of their con-
^duct'and character, appear to have conciliated
respect for their motive-, even from those who
differ with them in opinion. As far as my ob
servation has enabled me to judge, it is due to
them to say, that as there has been no indica
tion of any change of opinion upon their part
during the present excitement, so has there
been no evidence of a disposition to lend them
selves to tho undue agitations of the public mind
attempted by others. There is certainly no
class of people in this country, who have a deep
er interest in the preservation of the Union and
ol tho happy system of government which it
upholds, than they; and it lias now become very
apparent to all reflecting and observing minds,
that the question of slavery in the District of
Columbia cannot be pressed to the result they
desire, with safety to those paramount objects.
Do not these considerations justify tho hope,
that from them, at least, we may reasonably ex
pect for the future a mode of dealing with the
subject, which, whilst it does no injustice to their
principles, shall repress instead of increasing
agitation, and not endanger the great interests
to which i have referred? To doubt it, would
b • to distrust the influence whicli industry, mo
rality, intelligence and tepub ican habits—qual-
ties which all admit them to possess in a high
degree—are calculated, in great emergencies,
to exert upon the conduct of their possessors.
And for the like reason, it may certainly be ex
peeled, ihat well-disposed persons of other reli
gious denominations, who, without a full consi
deration of die difficulties which surround this
subject, and of the dangerous consequences to
which tho efforts of the abolitionists so evident
ly tend, have lent to these-efforts the influence
of their names and character, will be careful
hereafter to avoid the repitition of an error so
unfortunate and mischievous.
In every view of the subject, therefore, it
docs appear to me, that, although there certain
ly is, in the present condition of the country
in relation to it, sufficient to excite the most
serious attention, there is nothing in the state
of public opinion in the United States, to justify
that panic in the public mind which invariably
di.-.qua!:fies those who partake of it, from dea
ling wisely or successfully with the circum
stances by which it is produced. From abroad
we have, I think, some n.ht io expert loss
interference than heretofore. We shall, I am
confident, for some time at least, have no more
foreign agents to enlighten us on the subject.—
Recent results here, and the discussions with
which they have been attended, cannot fail to
attract the attention of the reading and reflecting
portion of the Foreign Public. By these means
they will be made to understand our real condi
tion in this respect, and they will know that
the unchangeable law of that condition is, that
the slave question must be left to the control ol
the slave-holding States themselves, without mo-
lestation or interference from any quarter; that
foreign interference of every description, can
only be injurious to the slave, without benefit to
any interest, and will not be endured by any
section of our country; and that any interference,
coming from even the non-slave-holding portions
ofour own terifory, is calculated to endanger
the perpetuity, and if sanctioned by the General
Government, would inevitably occasion the diss-
olutionof, our happy Union. Seeing the subject
in this, its true aspect, and concious as they must
be, that the downfall of this Republic would
be the severest blow that the cause oflihertvand
self-government could receive, and from which
its recovery would be hopeless, the wise and
the good amongst them—those who are really
guided by the principles of justice and human
ity— will pause and ackuow ledge,that they have
misapprehended the true bearings of this ques
tion. Instead of accusing our countrymen who
hold property in slaves, with disregarding the
general principles of liberty and the dictates ofa
pure religion, they will recognize, in this class of
our citizens, as sincere friends to the happiness
of mankind as anv others, .and "ill become
sensibh that this species of property, the result
of causes over which they had no control, is
an inheritance which they only know how to
dispose of. Instead of charging the people of the
non slave holdingStates, as has often been done,
with hypocrisy in professingan ardent love of
freedom, they will find that the free citizens
ol tiie North are only acting upon the principles
of fidelity to tneir most s**leinn engagements;
that ifthey were to attempt the accomplishment
of what is desired of them by those who regard
slavery as inconsistent w ith the equal rights on
which our institutions are founded, tliev will
involve themselves in the odium, either of seek
ing to evade a compact which was the means
and the pledge of our national existence, or of
availing themselves of their present power and
unexampled prosperity, to dissolve a connection
with their Southern brethren, formed at a peri,
od of mutual adversity, for a cause which was
then not only known toexist, but the continuance
of which was expressly recognized in the bond
of their Union.
! have thus, gentlemen,been compelled toex-
tend my remarks considerably further than I
intended, when I commenced to answer your
enquiry. As. how ever, the subject was delicate
and important, i feel that I have not trespassed
farther upon your time in its examination than
was proper to enable you to comprehend U>c
views I entertain of it, or than was respectful
to the considerations which justified your call
for those views. And I feel assured, whatever
may be the ditforence of opinion, if any, vvnich
exists between my self and any other portions of
my fellow-citizens, that the issue of this matter,
as «>f all preceding questions which have agi
tated the public mind, and have been thought to
be pregnant with danger, will, in their hands,
be such ns to strengthen the bonds of their
Union, and to increase those fraternal and
patriotic affections, which our past national his
tory basso often and so honorably illustrated.
I am, very respectfully, vour obedient servant,
' M. VAN BUREN.
Messrs. Junius Amis, Isaac Hall, John Wall,
C. Yellotcby, Samuel II. Spirri/l, and James
W. Puizinn, Jackson, North Carolina.
“’Tisthestar-spanjiled banner,oh, loner may it wave
“O’er the land of the free and the home of the brave.**
FEDEIUL UNION.
MILLEDGEVILLE, APRIL 1, I83C.
MARTIN VAN El
FOR PRES IDE A T.
R. NI. JOHNSON,
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
MR. VAN BUREN, THE CHOICE OF
THE UNION PARTY.—In our last number,
we noticed the lib'-lions charges preferred by
the Republican Herald, against those members
of the Union party, who are denominated
“Troup Union men.” We will now expose
their statement, that Mr. Van Buren has been
forced on the Union party, by the dictation ofa
few of its leaders. The meaning of this charge
is too plain to admit of doubt. It is, that a few
individuals of the party have chosen Mr. Van
Buren, and have arbitrarily declared him to be
the candidate of the party, and have required
the party, against its wish, to submit to their
choice. The charge is utterly destitute of
foundation. In the early part of the year 1835,
it was evident that in the Union partv there
was some difference of opinion on this most im
portant and exciting subject, the choice of the
candidate whom they would support for tho
presidency. It was apprehended, that if this
difference should be continued through the
presidential canvass, the portions of tho party
differing in their choice of a candidate, and
contending against each other with those strong
feelings which this great question usually ex
cites, would gradually contract reciprocal
hatred and resentment; and that a lasting breach
would thus be made in the body of the party.—
Men who loved the party were alarmed at the
danger which threatened its very existence.—
Bui the remedy was obvious. Tiie Union par
ty has always adhered to the great democratic
principle, that a majority ought to govern, and
that the minority ought to acquiesce in lie *dii
of the majority. In this principle the . r.*
sought its safety; and it then proved, and wi 1
always be found our sheet anchor. How was
this principle to be applied? How was the will
of the majority to be ascertained? It at once
occurred, that the members of the party in the
different counties might choose delegates, who
could represent them, and be authorized to aet
for them; and that the delegates thus chosen
and empowered, should convene at some central
place. Tiiis plan was proposed in the Federal
Union of the 5th ot May, 1835; and it was im
mediately approved and supported by the Union
press throughout the State. Theobject sought to
be accomplished by this movement wa so desira
ble, and the mode proposed for its accomplish-
mi nt was so fair and just, that not a voice was
raised in opposition to the plan; and it was cor
dially approved by a very largo majority of the
parry. If the conductors of ihe Herald did not
deem it right to prevent fatal divisions in tho
party, why did they not then boldly step for
ward as the advocates of dissention, and strife,
and hatred, and resentment in our ranks? Why
did they not then proclaim themselves enemies
to the union and integrity ot the party? Or if
they believed that a convention of delegates,
freclv cho-en by the members of the party, was
not the best instrument for ascertaining the will
of tho majority, and for preserving the union
and integrity of the party, whv was their voice
not heard in that eventful crisis, proposing and
urging a better plan? Not a word was then
heard from those men, who are now so clamor- -
ous. The subject was kept before the people
for several weeks; and in due time the members
of the party chose one hundred and fifty-four
delegates, who assembled in Milledgeville, on
the 1st of July, 1835, the day which had been
proposed for the meeting.
A very large proportion of ihe delegates had
been members of the old Clark party. But
there are no jealousies among true-hearted
Union men, whatever may have been their
former designations; and this was a most har
monious assemblage. With a unanimity that
lmd not been expected, with but three dissenting
voices, they agreed in their choice ofa candid
ate fi>r the presidency; and Mr. Van Buren was
the candidate thus freely, and almost unanimous
ly chosen by the representatives of the party.—
We affirm, that this extraordinary agreement in
opinion was not produced by any aitifice, or
management, or effort, or argument, or elo
quence, on the part of any of the friends of Mr.
Van Buren. If was the matured fruit of the
calm and deliberate judgment which the dele
gates had formed, previous to their arrival at
Milledgeville Tim nomination of Mr. Van
Buren was the act, not of a fin* leaders, but of
the rcpiesentntives of the party, duly authoriz
ed. Ii was not made on the dictation of a
few men, supposed to be leaders; it wasthefrep
