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TEXAS. | POLITICAL.
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
Tho unanimous declaration of independence, made l>y the _ T _ T DI1D r'V’Q a vn rvtT
delegates ofthepeoplc of Tenia in general convention, | 311.. \-\Z\ GUKtoiN o A ,\ IJ UvJJ i.
nrtde attlie town of Washington, on the 2d day ol March, SON’S LETTER’S.
JOHN.
I.S3G.
When a g .vernrnent has ceased to protect lit" lives, liber
ty and properly, of the people from whom its legitimate
powers are derived, and for liie advancement of whose hap
piness it ivns insiilnted, nnd so for from being a guarantee
for the enjoyment of those inestimable nnd unalienable
rights, becomes pn instrument in the hands of evil rulers for
their oppression; wlteu tlio federal republican constitution
•»f their country, which they have sworn to support, no
longer has it substantial existence, and the whole nature of
their government has been forcibly changed, without their
mnsent, from a restricted federative republic, composed of
sovereign states, to a consolidated central military despo
tism, in which every interest is disregarded, hut that oft he
nrmy arid iIip priesthood—both theeternal enemies of ci\il
h'.tcrty, the ever ready minions of power, and iho usual in
struments of tyrants.’ When, lung after the spirit of the
constitution has departed, moderation, at length, Is so far lost,
by those in (>ower, that even the semblance of freedom is
removed, and the framers themselves, of the constitution,
discontinued, andso far from their petitions and remonstran-
<** being regarded, the agents \\ho bear them, are thrown
into dungeons—and mercenary armies sent forth, to force a
new government upon them at the point of the bayonet:
When, in consequence of such acts of malfeasance, and ab
dication, on the part of the government, monarchy prevails,
and civil society is dissolved into its original elements: In
such n crisis, the first law of nature, the right of self-pre
servation, the inherent and inalienable tight ol the people
to appeal to first principles, and talio their political affairs
into their own bauds, in extretno cases, enjoins it as a right
towards themselves, and a sac red obligation to their posteri
ty, to abolish such government, and crento another in its
steail calculated to rescue theta from impending dangers, and
to secure llic-ir future wtllfarc and happiness.
Nutions, as well as individuals, are amenable for their acts
to the public opinion of mankind. A statement of apart of
our grievances, is therefore submitted loan impartial world,
in justification ol the hazardous, hut unavoidable Mop, tiuw
taken, oi severing our political connection:, with the Mexi
can people, and assuming an independent attitude among the
nations of ihcea.tb.
The Mexican government, by its colonization law ., in\ it-
ed and induced the Anglo-American population of Texas
to colonize tho wilderness, under the pledged faith ol a
written constitution, that they should continue to enjoy that
constitutional lilieriy and republican government to which
they bad been habituated in the land of their birth, the 1 -
nited States of America. In this expectation they have
been cruelly disappointed—as the Mexican nation has ac
quiesced in tli j late changes made in the government by gen
eral Antonio Lopezdc 5>nnta Anna—who having overturn
ed the constitution of this country, now odors us the cruel
alternative, either to abandon our own houses, acquired bv
so many privations, or submit to the most intolerable of all
tyranny, the combined despotism of the sword and the
priesthood.
It has sacrificed onr welfare to the state of Coahttila, b v
which our interests have been continually depressed throng
a jealous and partial eottrse of legislation, carried on at a
for distant seat of government, by a hostile majority in an
unknown tongue; and this too notwithstanding we have pe
titioned in the humblest terms for the establishment ol u
separate state government, and have in accordance w ith the
provisions of the national constitution presented to the gen
eral congress a republican constitution, v\ hie It was, u itliout
jttsl cause, contemptuously' rejected.
It incarcerated in a dungeon for a long time one ofnurci
tizena, for no other cause but a zealous endeavor to procure
tiio acceptance of our constitution and the establishment ol
a state government.
It has failed ami refused to sceiiro on a firm basis, lb
right of trial by jury; that palladium ol" civil liberty’, and
only safe guarantee for life, liberty and property of the ci
tizen.
It has failed to establish any public system of education,
although possessed of means almost boundless, 'the public
domain) and although it is an axiom in political science,
that unless a people are educated and enlightened, it is idle
to expect the continuance of civil liberty or the capacity for
tr.h-government.
It has suffered the military commandant stationed n-
niongst us to exercise arbitrary acts of oppression and ty
ranny; thus trampling upon the most sacred rights ol tho
citiz n,and rendering the military superior to tho civil power.
It has dissolved by force of arms tho stato congress of
Coahttila and Texas, and obliged our representatives to lly
for their lives from the seat of government; thus depriving
us of tho fundamental political right of representation.
It has demanded the surrender of a number of our citi
zens, and ordered military detachments to secure and car
ry them into the interior for tyini; in contempt of the civii
authority and in defiance of the laws anti the constitution.
It has mads piratical attacks upon our commerce, by com
missioning foreign desperadoes-and authorizing them to seize
our vessels, and convey the property oi’ our citizens to tar
distant ports for confiscation.
It denies us the riirbt of worshipping the Almighty ac
cording to tho dictates of our conscience—by the support
of a national religion, calculated to promote the temporal
interests cf its human functionaries, rather ihuti the glory
of the true and living God.
It has demanded us to deliver ftp our arms, which arc es
sentia! to our defence, the rightful property of freemen, and
formidable only to tyrannical governments.
It has invaded our country, both by sea and Rind, uTth
fnrent to lay waste -our territory, and drive u» from our
homes—and has now it large mercenary nrmy advancing to
carry on against us, a war of extermination.
It has, through its emmissaries, incited tho merciless
savage, with the tomahawk and scalping knife, to massacre
the inhabitants of our defenceless frontiers.
It hath been, during the whole time of otir connexion
with it, theronieniptihlespurt and victim of suocassivO mili
tary revolutions; and hath continually exhibited every char
acteristic of a weak, corrupt and tyrannical government.
Tleno ami oth.tr grievances were patiently borne by the
people of Texas, until they reached that point nt which for
bearance ceases to be o virtue. We then took tip arms ill
defence of the national constitution. We nppenled to oitr
Mexican brethren for assistance. Our appeal has born
m tdein vaiu: though mouths have elaps.nl; no sympathetic
response has yet been heard from tin interior. ^ o are
therefore forced to the melancholy conclusion,that the Mexi
can people have acquiesced in the destruction of their liber
ty,nnd the substitution lliereforof a military government:
that they are unfit to be free, and incapable of self gove n-
ntent.
Tho necessity of self-preservation therefore now* decrees
our eternal political separation. We therefore, the dele
gates with plenary powers of tho people of Texas, in sol
emn convention assembled, appealing to a candid world for
the necessities of our condition, do hereby resolve nnd de
clare that our political connexion with the Mexican Nation,
has forever ended, nnd that tho proplo of Texas do now
constitute a free, sovereign, nnd independent republic, and
urtt fully invested with all the rights and attributes which
properly belong to independent nations.
SIGNERS NAMES.
RICHARD ELLIS, Present.
Muincipolilif of Austin.—C. H. Stewart, Thus. Barret.—
Brazoria—Edwin Waller, James Collingsworth, J. S. By-
rum, Asa Arighum. Bexar—Francisco Umiis, Antonio Na
varro, J. B. Budget. Colorado—W. 1). Lacy, William
Mum foe. Gonzalez—J. Fisher, 31. Caldwell. Goliad—
WiIlium Morley. Harrisburg—Lorenzo DeZavala. Jas
per—s. H. Kveritt, Geo. W. Smith. Jackson—Elijah
Stepp. Jefferson—Clailrorn West, Win. 11. Seales, M.
Menard, A. B. Hardin. Mina—J. W. Benton, E. J. Gaz-
l.ty, U. M. Coleman. Matagorda—B. Hardman. Milam
-L. C. Robertson, Geo. C. Childeni. Nacogdoches— Robt.
Toner, Tims. J. Rush. Peacon Point—Rob. Hamilton,
< ulliti M. King, Albert II. I-nimore. Refugio—James
Power, Sam. Houston, David Thoms. Edward Conrad.—
San Augustin—15. O. Degatul, Martin Farme, S. 31. Blount.
Sabino—James Gaines, JWin. Clarke, jr. Shelby—Sydney
C. Pennington, Wm. C. Crawford San Patricio—John
Turner, B. B. Goodrich, Jesse Grimes, J. G. Swisher, G.
W. Barnett.
Washington, Texas, March 2.
To Colonel Millard:
Dkar Sin.—The convention was organized yesterday,
and during the first day, matters looked squally, and disa
greeable. That body was intent on making a Declaration
,.f Independence to burl into the teeth of Santa Anna, and
bis myrmidons. They accordingly appointed a committee
lo report a Declaration of Independence. And ibis morn-
mg after the convention assembled, the committee reported
a very able one. Its adoption w as moved by Gen. Houston,
and seconded by Col. Palmer, of the Bayun—ant! after a
splendid speech from the general, it wasunanimously adopt-
ed. Not one dissenting voice.
But the citizens will have to maintain it, by their brave
ry, a3 the Mexicans are in large forces on the frontiers; and
are already in the towns of San Antonio; but the Alemo is
bravely defended by Cols. James Rowre and Travis, and
numbers are marching to their relief.
The condition of the nrmy is yet undecided. The con
vention will I think, act upon it tomorrow. Audi will
transmit to you the earliest intelligence. Gen. Houston
will not leave liere until tho constitution is adopted—and
a recognizuijon of the army made. The matters relating
to the governor and council are yet undisturbed.
I hope for the best, and 1 know that the indejicndcnce of
Texas will he sustained by the energies of her citizens and
ft tends—as tlie struggle will he a severe one. And uil will
have to buckle on their armor in its defence.
JOHN FORBES.
Washington, Texas, Mttnh 2.
ARMY ORDERS.
War is rating on the frontiers. Rejttr is lieseigeif iiy two
thousand of tho enemy, under the command of Gen. Sizraa.
Reinforcements are on their march to unite with thehe-
sciging artny. By the la*l report, otir force in Bejar, was
ily one hundred and fifty strong. Tf ’’
The expression ol the opinions entertained by
these gentlemen in regard to tho new bank of
the United States, called forth by the Cincinnati
invitation, acquires great importance front the . ., a ^ .
attitudo they hold at this lime before the public. ! any one man, and yet I am fully convince
Fourth of March celebration.—The following do no more than simple justice. Such was the
sentiment for the occasion, my mind is necessa
rily turned to him, who, during the stormy period
to which your attention is directed, was em
phatically the helmsman of the ship, without
whose quick eye and strong arm, she must have
yielded to the tempest. I know well that where
so many did their duty firmly and fearlessly,
this is saying a great deal for the services of
opinion formed from my own observation, with
die best possible means of coming lo a correct
conclusion. Such I believe to be tho iindis-
pulcd opinion of bis contemporaries; sticlt must
be the judgment of posterity. I therefore give
you, gentlemen:
Andrew Jackson—No one ha9 done more i
°f , , ,
are tho letters ot AIr. A an Huron and colonel
ll. M. Johnson, m reply to invitations for their
attendance at the “fourth of March celebration”
at Cincinnati.
Washington, February 22, 1836.
Gentlemen:—I have the honor to acknowl-
edge the receipt of your letter, inviting tno in
behalf of the friends of free principles in (’in-. than lie, to advance tho great principle of self-
cinnati, Hamilton county, lo attend their pro. i government, expounded by Jefferson, and es-
posed celebration of the deliverance of our . tabiished on the battle-field by Washington,
country from the thraldom of the bank of the j j, nV o the honor to bo, gentlemen, very re-
United States and asking Horn me, in case it I spcctfully yours,
should not be convenient for mo to attend, a| ‘ MARTIN VAN BUREN.
sentiment appropriate to the occasion. ; 'j' 0 Moses Dam son*, chairman.
There have been, in my opinion, low incidents ! Messrs. E. S. Haines, XV. S. Hatch, L.
in our political history more worthy of notice,; j) tni , J. IS. Warren, C. 11. Ramsey, Pulaski
by means of a public celebration, than tho oik; Smith, William Parry—committee.
}’ou arc about tints to distinguish. The suc
cessful resistance to tho Herculean efforts j CdyoJ Washington, February 6, 183G,
brought to bear upon the bank question, was a Gentlemen:—A our Iriendly invitation to
result most honorable to those by whose immedi. ■ unite with the friends oi free principles in the
ate agency it was effected, and certainly not j first congressional district of Ohio, in celebrating
less so to a virtuous and patriotic people by with joy the expiration ot the charter oi the
whom their faithful representatives were cheer-' United States bank, lias been received,
cd mid sustained. ' j For the honor which you do me, please to
However plausible the speculations, or sue-] accept mv thanks. The distinguished services
ccssful the concealments of the day, the design ) rendered to our country by general Jackson,
of the bank to extort a renewal oi* its charter j w ill be deeply felt and highly appreciated till
from the apprehensions nnd distresses of the liberty shall lose its charms and independence
From the Washington Globe.
CALHOUN’S IMPEACAMENT OF THE
PRESIDENT.
Mr. Calhoun, in his speech upon the rcsolu-
lion of colonel Benton, to apply the surplus
revenue to the national defences, took occasion
ing policy, which he said could not but prove , introduced a bill, making it hinhlv
fatal to the government; and now ho reconi- j postmasters to circulate any of**the
mends it ns one of the necessary results of j papers themselves through the mails" u
the judicious tarifT, the offspring of his coni, has obtained the aid of opposition L, I e
promise with Mr. Clay. J the Senate, to help in his panic making
F rem this retrospect, we recur to the flagrant- I Swift and Prentiss of Vermont like S? i
to give vent to his ^malignant feelings towards ly unfounded charge brought by Mr. Calhoun J the same State, in the other House ha-
against the president, of having grossly deceived taken to vouch for the great nmi ^
the south, by his course on the tariff. : respectability of the abolitionists nmonJ
la 1824, in a letter to Dr. Coleman, of North 1 constituents, and upon their testimonvT>
although entirely destitute of truth, was not j Carolina, on the tariff, general Jackson said he j raised theory of havoc and horro ' '
met and exposed as it might have been,. was “m favor of a judicious examination and dismay in the southern people in re^aH
the president. IIo was well answered by
general Wall, of New Jersey, but the assertion
which he made the front of his accusation,
MHC corue,u wuo cceuu „o u juu.,e,uuo ironai uejence ana inaepenaence. And he j with their rights, and assertd that therr
tariff man, and although we of the south doubted | closed his remarks upon the subject, by saying, j cure for the grief, but that a disolutio,.
him, we were compelled to take him rather than i that a tariff is “wanted to pay our national ! Union was inevitable. YVhv the d. 'r
take a tariff man. We elected him, believing he
would oppose the tariff, but he deceived us most
grossly.”
This charge contains in itself a trait perfectly
characteristic of its author. How* could Mr.
debt, and afford us the means of national i the constitution, which is the" palladium nr.t
nwi.'s-’v.-s- « lT.irv n.m.m^.1) J.MUMUIUIU 01^
■esers
defence w ithin ourselves.” j rights, was necessary as a nicans to pn
When called on by Indiana in 1828, he gave - them, the Senator from South Carolina did
that State this identical letter, (which was his * explain.
. answer to the south,) as his reply to the north. I When we Jeft the S *nate vesterdar I
Culhoun expeet t hat a functionary, “selected as j And has he changed, in the slightest degree, j White was holding forth. lie "takes Ca!!, H -
a judicious tariff man,” “would oppose the , the position then taken? The n.tlional debt be
country, Inis been rendered loo clear by time to
be any longer contested. To speak of the
mighty means which this aristocratic institution
called to its aid in the great struggle through
which we have passed, would be to suppose,
what is scarcely possible, that the dark traces ol
that gloomy period can ever he obliterated from
tho public reinombrancc. But the bank mis
took the character of that people whose stubborn
necks it proposed to bend to its selfish interests
and sinister designs. It was rebuked aud dis
comfited—but by no means discouraged. The
people triumphed in that open contest; but be
fore time had been allowed for seasonable eele-
its votaries. In him patriotism is personified;
ns a hero, as a statesman, I admire him; as a
citizen and a friend, l esteem him; and the hum
ble support which i have given to the leading
measures of his administration, has been no less
consonant to my individual feelings, than to a
sense of public duty.
\\ hen ! came into public life, a United States
bank was m existence. In 1811 the proposition
came before congress to revive its charter. It
then became my duty to investigate the subject
in all its bearings, and the conclusion to which
I then arrived has never undergone any change.
Great monied monopolies, controlled by persons
brations of that triumph—even since your irresponsible to the people, are liable to exercise
festival has been appointed tint! betbre the day I a dangerous influence; und corporate bodies
has arrived for the expression oT your joy—the ! generally, especially when they have power to
satno power, fighting under the same panoply, j aflbet the circulating medium of the country
but changing altogether the chnraclcrof its ap-! do not well comport with the genius or a re
preach, has again entered the field and gained a public. Their bearing is always likely to be
victory over the popular will, which it doubtless j favorable lo aristocracy, and prejudicial to liber
considers brilliant and resistless. But how j tv and equality: they constitute an influence in
changed the mode of warfare in this last effort? j which tho voice of the people is not heard; a
Instead of commercial distress, public and pri- power in which the weight of a majority of
vatc embarrassment, and till the concomitants
of an uncontrollable panic in tho public minJ,
plenty and even prolusion pervaded tho city of
the bank, while its noiseless approach to the
legislative power was characterised by a de
spatch altogether unprecedented, in so impor-
thoso who achieved, and who still sustain ou
independence, is never felt. Nor would I ro
gard that bank by congress nor any other bank
which has ever been proposed as the exercise
of a constitutional act. The powers of the
general government are delegated, and con
tant a matter, in the history of legislation. Be- ' stmotive powers are dangerous. With these
fore even the movement is known in the remote ! views 1 gave my voto against the recharter of
quarters of the Union, the publiemind isastouud-
cd by the acquisition of a charter from the go
vernment of a single State, the apprehended
grant of which by congress had filled tho minds
of a vast majority of the American people with
dismay; and for the attainment of which from
that body all the powers of earth bad boon in
voked In vain.
You will do right not lo suffer this event, un
toward as it is, to dolor you from rejoicing a!
the victory which the whole people have won.
Leaving the partial successor the bank and its
consequences to the consideration and disposi
tion ofa virtuous and justly offended public, ii is
tho old bank, and I rejoiced for my country
when it expired. Before the conclusion of the
late war, when another national bank was re
commended as a necessary alternative of that
critical period, I was still unable to change my
opinion, nnd with all my dovolion to the ad
ministration at that time, I was compelled by a
sense of paramount duty, to vote against the
measure.
Under the influence of the same sentiments I
voted against the establishment of the present
bank, and against the renewal of its charter,
and though I apprehended it would become per
manent, my fears appear to have been ground-
a matter of the highest congratulation that the j less
advances ol this presumptuous institution upon ; The charter is expiring, and I believe there
the federal government, nt least, have been . is neither hope nor fear that it will be resttsci-
sttccessfnlly arrested. In that quarter our
victory is, fo all appearances, complete; but
whether or not it is to bo permanent, must de
pend in a great degreo upon the States.—
Nothing short of the madness ofStatc legislation
can prevent its being so. It was in the iue.xcu-
sable improvidence of State legislation that the
present bank found its origin, and it is to the
samo source doubtless that it looks for a re
suscitation. Time will soon determine whether
the well disposed men of the present day are
wiser than were their predecessors; or whether
the lights of a most severe experience have
been shed upon this subject to no good purpose.
As far as your growing and patriotic State
is concorned, tho prospect is cheering iudeed.—
From tho bottom of my heart do I congratulate
you upon the noble stand which Ohio appears to
talcd. The event which you celebrate will be
equally propitious to many thousands of our
fellow-citizens who cannot be present to partici
pato in your festivities.
Public duties forbid my compliance with your
invitation. Please permit me to offer the follow-
ing sentiment:
The basis of our free Institutions: no privi
leged orders—liberty of speech—freedom of
tho press—the rights of conscience—a strict
construction of the federal constitution—uni
versal suffrage—responsibility to the people—
no imprisonment for debt—and a general diffti
sion of knowledge among all classes of the pco
pie. With great respect,
RICHARD M. JOHNSON.
M. Dawson and others, committee.
have taken, at this critical moment upon the „ » , , - ^ „ TT
subject of banks. Her course is deserving of j Eslroct from thc s P eech of Mr : Sladk of Vcr
oil commendation, and may well be looked to ; tnont, an abolitionist.
by her older sisters in the confederacy, not only
with admiration but with profit. Who can
have forgotten tlio intense anxiety aud warmly
cherished hopo with which Mr. Jefferson looked
to bis favorite west, to the hardy yeomanry of
thc now States for tho preservation of the sim
plicity and purity of our republican institutions
against the seductive influences and artificial
diatinctiops in society, to which the Atlantic
States were peculiarly exposed? Who can for
get the deep tone of regret with which lie con
templated a disappointment? May we not safely
look upon the noble example which the largest,
and certainly not tho least patriotic of the new
States is now offering to her confederates, as the
sure promise of a new aud brighter day than
that foreboded by this great and good man?—
May we not further hope, that those who by
their position, Ly their pursuits, and by their
every interest, have the greatest stake in the
greatest cause of equal rights, will also make
it the object of their highest ambition to be
among the foremost to uphold tho constitution
in iho letter and spirit of that sacred instrument;
and to preserve in its entire purity the simple
but happy sy stem of government, under which
we have hitherto so securely lived and so great
ly flourished?
To have been first Selected by vour State as
a candidate for the presidency, 1 shall ever re
gard as one of the most gratifying incidents of Capulcts!
“Thc great purpose, said Mr. Slade, of most
of those who have hitherto spoken upon this
subject seems to bo to get rid of the petitions.—
Tho gentleman from New York (Mr. Beards
ley) wishes to have them all laid on the table,
as fast as presented, and “nailed” there; and yet
lie i» exceedingly regardful of tho “sacred right
of petitioning,” which must on no account what
ever, be impaired! The gentlemen from South
Carolina (Messrs. Hammond, Pickens, and
Thompson) are most consistent. They profess to
regard the petitioners as nflicious meddlers with
that which docs not concern them They,
therefore, would have the petitions rejected.—
There is, iu this, the merit at least, of consis
tency, and the gentlemen have my thanks for
evincing adisposition to meet the question fairly.
Another gentleman, my honorable friend from
Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) would have the
petitions committed to thc committee on the
District of Columbia; in other words, to use his
own significant, and, in this enso appropriate
language—to have them consigned “to the fam
ily vault of all the Capulets,” and yet he too, is
jealous of the “sacred right” ol petition! The
sacred right of petition—that is to say, the “sa
cred right” of being “nailed to the table,” by
thc gentleman from New-York, or the“ sacred
right” of being gathered by the gentleman from
Massachusetts, into thc “.amily vault of all the
mv public life; yet I cannot adequately express
to you how much this distinction, so well calcu
lated in itself to command my unceasing grati-
- „ . . lie citizens of Texas j tudo, is enhanced in my estimation bv the con-
inust rally to tho aid of our army, or it »vill perish. Lei ! 4 ,. ; _ ,
Tho enemy
fiction that Ohio will maintain this high stand
the citizens of the cost march to the eombat. ,
must he driven from our soil—or desolation will aeenmpauy ! upon this all-importnilt subject,
thvie march upon u& INDEPENDENCE IS DEC LA It- j Nothin" would "ive me
LD—it must he tnniaiained. Immediate action, united 1 lxoul,,, n ' vuu,u
\\ it h valor alone, ran achieve the great work. The ser\ icon
of all are forthwith required in the field.
SAMCT.L HOUSTON,
cumrnandrr■ in-Cliicf.tf the Armu.
It is staled that in one of tl.o experimental trips on ihc
Greenwich Bull way in England, the train of siv carrier*
went ni the rate of a mile a irtinute/jr »ixty Wifcs an liutlr
more unfeigned
pleasure than to assist in person in your com
mendable effort to rivet upon the public mind
the vast importance of the great event you
commemorate, were it in my power to do so;
but 1 regret that it is not in my power.
In complying with your roquet to furnish a the hope ofa resurrection.”
Sir, the petitioners well understand the na-
ture of both these rights, the last they have long
enjoyed, and desire to enjoy it longer. They
want the action of Congress on the subject',
which, judging from tlio past, they arc sure not accomplishment,
to have, if it is to depend upon the decisive action
of the Committee on thc District of Columbia.—
I intend no disrespect to that committee. To
continue to do what has been done—that is to do
nothing, would follow of course a commitment
to them with an express understanding that
the petitions were consigned to thc tomb, without
tariff?” How could be be “grossly deceived” in
the president’s maintaining a judicious tariff,
against total nullification, unless he had supposed
thc president capable of doing as be has done
himself?—avow the principles of a tariff man to
gain one section of the Union, {hen endeavor to
drive it into his support bv putting the tariff in
jeopardy, and finally seek to annihilate the tariff
to obtain favor in another quarter?
Mr. Calhoun, as we have shown by the jou
nals of congress and his printed speeches, was
the advocate ofa protective tariff from 1816 nn
til 1828. He oven had a resolution passed bv
bis friends in the South Carolina legislature.de
daring, that although the tariff was peculiarly
onerous to thc south, yet that they would con
tinue to bear it because it was for the general
good. This vote was carried to supplant a roso
lution offered by Judge Smith, condemning thp
tariff as violative of the rights, and injurious to
the interests of the south. In 1828, when Mr,
Calhoun, in consequence of (he greater populnri
ty of Mr. Clay among the American System
party’’, despaired of purchasing the northern
support by the sacrifice of ihe south, sud
denly turned bis Sotit-h Carolina batteries
(all the while acting invisibly himself,) and in
dneed bis friends to proclaim nullification, and
endeavor to drive the north, bv its fears, to look
to him as n mediator to save its interests, and
make a compensation to the south fora continu
ed endurance of the tariff, in elevating its lend
ing statesman, and one of the founders of the
protective system, to the presidency. This
scheme failed Mr. Calhoun, and he then came
out openly in person a nullifier. and put to work
in earnest to dismember the Union, as the means
of reaching the supreme power as the head ofa
southern confederacy. Tie carried his conspira
cv so far, that he got his head into a halter
and, rather than run the risk of its falling in the
grasp ofa public officer in the grand struggle
which he proposed, he put it in the hand of Mr.
Clay, that he might lead him out of the difficul
ty, upon any conditions he might choose »n im
pose. Mr. Clay accepted the offer—they com-
pounded matters. Mr. Clav required that Mr
Calhoun and his friorvls should unite with him
and save the tariff from a reduction to the wants
of the government, as proposed bv the president
in his message. Mr. Calhoun consented, in the
face of thc explicit declaration of Mr. Clay,
that he made the compromise expressly to save
the tariff* from the reduction contemplated bv
the president, which he pronounced inevitable
from the power which the president had obtain
ed in the recent elections, nnd that certainly
anticipated from those opproaching. Mr. Clav
said in thc senate, at the moment of joining
hands with Mr. Calhoun—
“Mr. President: I want to be perfectly under
stood as to the motives which have prompted
me to offer this measure. I repeat what I have
said on the introduction of it, that they are first
to preserve the manufacturing interests, nnd
secondly to quiet the country. I believe the
American System to be in the greatest danger,
and I believe it can be placed on a better nnd
safer foundation at this session than at the next.
I heard, with surprise, my friend from Massa
chusetts say that nothing had occurred within
the last six months to increase its hazard. I
entreat him to review that opinion. Is it cor
rect? Is the issue of numerous elections, in
cluding that of the highest officer of the go
vernment, nothing? Is his declaration in his
proclamation, that the burdens of the south
ought to be relieved, nothing? [s the introduc-
tionof a bill into the house of representatives,
during this session, sanctioned by the head of
the treasury and the administration, prostrating
thc greater part of the manufactures of the coun-
try, nothing? Let us not deceive ourselves.—
Now is the time to adjust thc question in a man-
nersalisfacfory to both parties. Put it ofTuntilJthe
next session, and the alternative may, nnd pro
bably then would be a speedy reduction of the
tariff or a civil war with the entire south.—
Now, let us look at the composition of thc two
branches of congress at the next sessiop. in
this body wo lose three friends of the protective
policy without being sure of gaining one. Then,
judging from thc present appearances, we shall
at the next session be in the minority. In the
house, it is notorious that there is a considerable
accession to the number of the dominant party.
How, then, I ask, is the system to be sustained
against numbers, against the whole weight of
the administration, against the united south, and
against thc increased impending dangers ofa
civil war?”
This brought about thc present injudicious
tariff, which leaves an immense surplus revenue,
against the policy which the president had re
commended—policy, it is admitted by Mr. Clay
himself, he would have been ablo to carry out
but for thc arrangement made with Calhoun.—
YVe forewarned the country of this result at the
time of the Clay and Calhoun coalition in these
words;
“The Clay and Calhoun bill will not reduce
thc duties of ihe revenue standard. And, in
despite to their attempt to lie up the hands of the
future congress, a greater reduction must be made
on the unprotected articles to avoid ihe curse of
an immense surplus which the aspirants have
sought to produce at the expense of the people's
hard earning, for the purpose of being appropri
ated to political log-rolling.”
This was our prediction. Now observe the
Mr. Calhoun has introduced
a measure, having lor its object, to bribe him
self into the favor of tho States, by a distri
bution of the surplus; and Mr. Clay has pro
posed to divide the public lands for thc same
ing paid, he proposed, m his message, n reduc
tion to the wants of the government, keeping
steadily in view, among the wants of the govern
ment, a provision for the national defence and
independence, nnd a discrimination and protec
tion favorable to thc creation of the means with
in ourselves.
Who then has been faithless to the south?—
Mr. Calhoun, who by his arrangement with Mr.
Clay, arrested the efforts of the president to re
duce the tariff to the wants of the government,
or the chief magistrate, whom Mr. Clay ac
knowledged at tlie time would certainly accom
plish the object, but for thc arrangement then
proposed?
Mr. Preston, perceiving the melancholy case
in which the true state of facts would leave his
colleague, had the hardihood to draw upon his
invention for circumstances to support the ac
cusation. He asserted that the president sanc
tioned and signed the tariff’ of 1828. This all
the world, but sucli of the benighted nullifiersas
read only nullifying speeches and prints, knew
to be untrue. The tariff of 1828 was signed
by Mr. Adams. General Jackson was not
president when the tariff of 1828 was signed.
It is pa in fid to see a man of Mr. Preston’s
reputable connexions, high talents, and many
high qualifications for usefulness, sacrifice all,
in wretched servitude to such a man as John
C. Calhoun—to a man, devoured by the worm
of an envenomed ambition—lost to all sense of
patriotism, and sinking under a load of obloquy,
the peine forte and dure the certain punishment
which public opinion gradually enforces upon
every man who is found wanting in good faith
in his private and public relations.
From the Washington City Glole.
“HUNG BE THE HEAVENS WITH
BLACK.”
The periodical crisis lor another panic to ope
rate upon the Virginia elections has come round.
Last year the French war panic was attempted
—the year before it was the bank deposite pan.
ic, and now we have the abolition panic just in
time to revive the experiment of frightening
th«* “unterrified commonwealth” into the arms
of the nullifiers. If they can ever carry off
the noble Old Dominion, they look upon the
scheme of a southern confederacy ns quite a
practicable project, and since the failure to drag
her into the toils of the disunionists upon the
tariff excitement, there is no dissention whieh
promises so well to serve the purposes of the
nullifiers and the northern enemies of the Union,
as thc agitation of abolition. Calhoun, M‘I)uf
fie, and Duff Green settled upon this plan of
bringing the whole south to unite in the con
spiracy engendered in South Carolina, immedi.
ately on the prostration of the first attempt,
which was defeated through the union of the
strength of the republican States of the south
with those of the north in supporting the admin,
istration in its measures to crush the ordinance
of the nullifying convention.
The moment after the ordinance wns surren
dered for the want of southern support out of
South Carolina, the shout was raised through
the Telegraph that the proclamation had open,
d the way to abolition. The Telegraph of
the 22d of March, 1833. announced “THE OR-
DINANCE rescinding the ordin.
ANCE OF NULLIFICATION.” “It was
BLACK AND YVIUTE.
“The late votes on the nominations afford a
striking instance of the meeting of extremes —
Ever since Black gave his pledge in black and
ichite, to the Mississippi legislature, that he
would support the president, and especially up-
on thc bank question, he has uniformly been
the most notorious malignant opposition man in
the senate. He has voted against the adminis-
tion, not only upon the precise point upon which
he was pledged, but against measures upon
which even the phalanx of the most invetcrute
enemies of the president was broken. Black
voted to show his contempt for his constituents,
and thc declarations they had extorted under tlio
duress of a pending election.
“During all this time, YY’hite was thc very
contrast of Black. Poindexter (facetiously
nicknamed the Devil’s darning needle, from the
odd points in his person and character) was his
colleague’s polar needle; but he was the anti
pode to the senator from Tennessee; being his
whig rival for the honors of the vice-president’s
chair. But no sooner has Judge White given
his pledge in white and black, to the Tennessee
carried (adds the article in the Telegraph) iy . ,e g islnture , n f y er to desert the president unless
ground, that he will not receive the petilu
although he knows and acknowledges that
Union members of the north are laboring to-
down the abolitionists, and yet cannot unite*
this, because they believe thc const it uG
guaranties that every citizen’s petition shall'
received, and because they think thut to refus
it would be to strengthen the fanatics at the nor:
by giving them at least a specious ground to ii
voke sympathy and support, as persons who*
constitutional rights were denied them. ]]„;
Messrs. White and Calhoun’s scheme, whilen
affords this pretext for thc abolitionists to create
agitation in the States, does not in I he least serve
to allay it in Congress. On the contrary,
whenever a petition is presented, the objection
to receive it authorizes a debate—and it is on
such a motion of Mr. Calhoun that the present
panic discussion is set afoot, which is urged, u> '
we have already hinted, with a view to alarm
Virginia, and, if [tossible, fright her from the
maintenance of her principles at thc approach,
ing elections.
The disposition of thc sincere friends of th«
Union, at the commencement of the present ses.
sion, was to treat the abolition petitions •with
sdent contempt and neglect; to bury them in
oblivion thc moment they were offered; and
not suffer the ynqestionable rights of the South
to become even the subject of argument, flu:
as debate lias been purposely provoked by the
Nullifiers, and the taunt thrown out that the
northern men dare not meet the question direct,
ly and openly, we hope our northern friends will
show the supporters of the Union in the south,
that their only objection to give consideration to
the subject was, that they believed the agitation
of it forbidden by thc wishes of their republican
friends in the south. YVe hope, as that end
cannot be attained, in consequence of the courso
of Mr. Calhoun and his friends,in opening the dis.
cus ion at large on the question of not receiving,
that they will now decide fully upon the merits
ofnbolition by a solemn report, which slial!
speak the fiat of both branches ol the National
Legislature, and in such a tone as will subdue
the spirit of fanaticism, as effectually in thiN
instance as it was in thc case of the Sunday
mails.
the States' Right party only
In the next paper, ofthe 23d March, we have
an article announcing “The Emancipator—the
he deserted his principles, (which thc Judge will
not pretend have undergone any change since
he gave the pledge,) than he is found, in all par-
first number of a paper published in this city.” Oculars, the yoke-fcllow of Black, as Poindexter
This notice is copied by Green; and he has a once was, in the senate.
longeommmentary beginning thus: T* 10 public will ooserve that the opposi-
“The above, from the New York Gazette, may tion vote against Mr. Taney as chief justice is
be mstly considered as another of thc blessed tipped off with Black at one end, and W hite at
fruits of the Proclamation. Without ihe pro-: ^ ie ot her.
mu/gation of its doctrines, we should probably -^ ie vo ^° of seven against Mr. IvendaL,
never have seen the Emancipator$c. A also begins with Black and ends with White,
strain of excitement is then struck up, which is “**• The effort to adjourn over and delay the
kept up until the meeting of congress approach
cd, when it was determined to make thc bank
or money panic, upon the removal of the de-
posites. It was not until the bank panic was
vote on Mr. Kendall’s appointment for the purpose
of getting a full senate, after the great body of
the opposition had quitted the chamber on pur
pose to avoid voting in his case, shows Black
fairly conquered, and tho session providing for ! heading the yeas and \Y hite finishing the tnd.
the French war panic was passed, (making two
whole years) that the abolition agitation wns
resumed. Judge White was then announced
as the sectional candidate of thc southern op
position: “a southern party” was proclaimed in
thc toasts and dinner speeches of Judge White’s
They could not muster a forco of moro than
seven against this most abused man, although
the friends of the administration proposed to
send thc sergeant-at-arms after them, if insisted
upon.
4. Upon the question to take up the nomi-
purpose.
But to return to Mr. Calhoun.
YVhat did lie
once say of this division ofthe surplus? A few
partisans, in North Carolina, Tennessee, and j na t' on °f Barbour, the opposition .mustered
elsewhere; and the work of making abolition j Lventy strong, in the hope to defeat it by the
excitement was begun simultaneously again, j bill changing the circuits, and here again wo
north and south. We received notice by letters j bad Black nnd White—-Black leading < • the
from friends in Pennsylvania and other States • na > ?s » and White bringing up thc rear,
to the north, that individuals ofthe opposition j “5. In the vote upon the confirmation <n Mr.
were busied in circulating petitions among their j Stevenson, as minister to England, whici; »c
friends for signature, and wexe thus cncourag-/ give below, it will be seen that the nays are
ing the little knots of fanatics to renew their pu-1 Black at one end, and White at the other,
ny efforts through publications. We gave no-j “This is a marvellous coincidence for such
tiec in the Globe of these premeditated prepara- once absolutely repugnant men in tho color ol
tions for an abolition panic in congress. And ! their politics. YVhite was late as pure as his
now we have the fuel in full blaze by ihe puff, j name in his devotion to thc president. He says
ing and blowing of the two branches of the op-1 himself, in some of his letters for southern use,
position in both ends of the capitol. j if he ever voted wrong, it was attributable to
We have notified the public from time to time his personal leaning to his old friend, the prcsi-
ofthe skilful manner in which the game was dent. He would have it believed that he was
forced to vote for thc force bill, from this in
superable influence. And now Black is his file-
leader on all occasions, and be even turns a-
gainst Taney, Kendall, and Stevenson, to whom
lie stand pledged by his own former votes, to
follow Black, who is thc president’s enemy ol
the darkest hue.
“VVe must, however, correct our notice oi
yesterday, in justice to Judge White, in ono
game
played in the House: the abolitionists, Slade,
Heister, and other opposition men, flinging in
petitions, exaggerating the numbers, and extol
ling the cause of the abolitionists in incendiary
harangues. This they were enabled to do by
Pickens, Waddy Thomson, Hammond, and Wise,
interposing objections to their being nailed to the
table, or referred to be reported against and
rejected without debate. In the Senate, tho
progress ofthe agitation has been pressed along particular. He did not support. Mr. '1 aney at
by Calhoun, who has become godfather for the last session as chief justice. It was only as
abolition publications, reading the most violent a judge of the supreme court—thc chief judge s
of them to the Senate, and embodyingthem for not being vacant. But he supported Mr. Stevcti
years since; he denounced it as a most corrupt- circulation ia speeches, notwithstanding ho has son as minister to England—Mr. Kendo!! fts