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v X K TEXAS. | POLITICAL. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. Tho unanimous declaration of independence, made l>y the _ T _ T DI1D r'V’Q a vn rvtT delegates ofthepeoplc of Tenia in general convention, | 311.. \-\Z\ GUKtoiN o A ,\ IJ UvJJ i. nrtde attlie town of Washington, on the 2d day ol March, SON’S LETTER’S. JOHN. I.S3G. When a g .vernrnent has ceased to protect lit" lives, liber ty and properly, of the people from whom its legitimate powers are derived, and for liie advancement of whose hap piness it ivns insiilnted, nnd so for from being a guarantee for the enjoyment of those inestimable nnd unalienable rights, becomes pn instrument in the hands of evil rulers for their oppression; wlteu tlio federal republican constitution •»f their country, which they have sworn to support, no longer has it substantial existence, and the whole nature of their government has been forcibly changed, without their mnsent, from a restricted federative republic, composed of sovereign states, to a consolidated central military despo tism, in which every interest is disregarded, hut that oft he nrmy arid iIip priesthood—both theeternal enemies of ci\il h'.tcrty, the ever ready minions of power, and iho usual in struments of tyrants.’ When, lung after the spirit of the constitution has departed, moderation, at length, Is so far lost, by those in (>ower, that even the semblance of freedom is removed, and the framers themselves, of the constitution, discontinued, andso far from their petitions and remonstran- <** being regarded, the agents \\ho bear them, are thrown into dungeons—and mercenary armies sent forth, to force a new government upon them at the point of the bayonet: When, in consequence of such acts of malfeasance, and ab dication, on the part of the government, monarchy prevails, and civil society is dissolved into its original elements: In such n crisis, the first law of nature, the right of self-pre servation, the inherent and inalienable tight ol the people to appeal to first principles, and talio their political affairs into their own bauds, in extretno cases, enjoins it as a right towards themselves, and a sac red obligation to their posteri ty, to abolish such government, and crento another in its steail calculated to rescue theta from impending dangers, and to secure llic-ir future wtllfarc and happiness. Nutions, as well as individuals, are amenable for their acts to the public opinion of mankind. A statement of apart of our grievances, is therefore submitted loan impartial world, in justification ol the hazardous, hut unavoidable Mop, tiuw taken, oi severing our political connection:, with the Mexi can people, and assuming an independent attitude among the nations of ihcea.tb. The Mexican government, by its colonization law ., in\ it- ed and induced the Anglo-American population of Texas to colonize tho wilderness, under the pledged faith ol a written constitution, that they should continue to enjoy that constitutional lilieriy and republican government to which they bad been habituated in the land of their birth, the 1 - nited States of America. In this expectation they have been cruelly disappointed—as the Mexican nation has ac quiesced in tli j late changes made in the government by gen eral Antonio Lopezdc 5>nnta Anna—who having overturn ed the constitution of this country, now odors us the cruel alternative, either to abandon our own houses, acquired bv so many privations, or submit to the most intolerable of all tyranny, the combined despotism of the sword and the priesthood. It has sacrificed onr welfare to the state of Coahttila, b v which our interests have been continually depressed throng a jealous and partial eottrse of legislation, carried on at a for distant seat of government, by a hostile majority in an unknown tongue; and this too notwithstanding we have pe titioned in the humblest terms for the establishment ol u separate state government, and have in accordance w ith the provisions of the national constitution presented to the gen eral congress a republican constitution, v\ hie It was, u itliout jttsl cause, contemptuously' rejected. It incarcerated in a dungeon for a long time one ofnurci tizena, for no other cause but a zealous endeavor to procure tiio acceptance of our constitution and the establishment ol a state government. It has failed ami refused to sceiiro on a firm basis, lb right of trial by jury; that palladium ol" civil liberty’, and only safe guarantee for life, liberty and property of the ci tizen. It has failed to establish any public system of education, although possessed of means almost boundless, 'the public domain) and although it is an axiom in political science, that unless a people are educated and enlightened, it is idle to expect the continuance of civil liberty or the capacity for tr.h-government. It has suffered the military commandant stationed n- niongst us to exercise arbitrary acts of oppression and ty ranny; thus trampling upon the most sacred rights ol tho citiz n,and rendering the military superior to tho civil power. It has dissolved by force of arms tho stato congress of Coahttila and Texas, and obliged our representatives to lly for their lives from the seat of government; thus depriving us of tho fundamental political right of representation. It has demanded the surrender of a number of our citi zens, and ordered military detachments to secure and car ry them into the interior for tyini; in contempt of the civii authority and in defiance of the laws anti the constitution. It has mads piratical attacks upon our commerce, by com missioning foreign desperadoes-and authorizing them to seize our vessels, and convey the property oi’ our citizens to tar distant ports for confiscation. It denies us the riirbt of worshipping the Almighty ac cording to tho dictates of our conscience—by the support of a national religion, calculated to promote the temporal interests cf its human functionaries, rather ihuti the glory of the true and living God. It has demanded us to deliver ftp our arms, which arc es sentia! to our defence, the rightful property of freemen, and formidable only to tyrannical governments. It has invaded our country, both by sea and Rind, uTth fnrent to lay waste -our territory, and drive u» from our homes—and has now it large mercenary nrmy advancing to carry on against us, a war of extermination. It has, through its emmissaries, incited tho merciless savage, with the tomahawk and scalping knife, to massacre the inhabitants of our defenceless frontiers. It hath been, during the whole time of otir connexion with it, theronieniptihlespurt and victim of suocassivO mili tary revolutions; and hath continually exhibited every char acteristic of a weak, corrupt and tyrannical government. Tleno ami oth.tr grievances were patiently borne by the people of Texas, until they reached that point nt which for bearance ceases to be o virtue. We then took tip arms ill defence of the national constitution. We nppenled to oitr Mexican brethren for assistance. Our appeal has born m tdein vaiu: though mouths have elaps.nl; no sympathetic response has yet been heard from tin interior. ^ o are therefore forced to the melancholy conclusion,that the Mexi can people have acquiesced in the destruction of their liber ty,nnd the substitution lliereforof a military government: that they are unfit to be free, and incapable of self gove n- ntent. Tho necessity of self-preservation therefore now* decrees our eternal political separation. We therefore, the dele gates with plenary powers of tho people of Texas, in sol emn convention assembled, appealing to a candid world for the necessities of our condition, do hereby resolve nnd de clare that our political connexion with the Mexican Nation, has forever ended, nnd that tho proplo of Texas do now constitute a free, sovereign, nnd independent republic, and urtt fully invested with all the rights and attributes which properly belong to independent nations. SIGNERS NAMES. RICHARD ELLIS, Present. Muincipolilif of Austin.—C. H. Stewart, Thus. Barret.— Brazoria—Edwin Waller, James Collingsworth, J. S. By- rum, Asa Arighum. Bexar—Francisco Umiis, Antonio Na varro, J. B. Budget. Colorado—W. 1). Lacy, William Mum foe. Gonzalez—J. Fisher, 31. Caldwell. Goliad— WiIlium Morley. Harrisburg—Lorenzo DeZavala. Jas per—s. H. Kveritt, Geo. W. Smith. Jackson—Elijah Stepp. Jefferson—Clailrorn West, Win. 11. Seales, M. Menard, A. B. Hardin. Mina—J. W. Benton, E. J. Gaz- l.ty, U. M. Coleman. Matagorda—B. Hardman. Milam -L. C. Robertson, Geo. C. Childeni. Nacogdoches— Robt. Toner, Tims. J. Rush. Peacon Point—Rob. Hamilton, < ulliti M. King, Albert II. I-nimore. Refugio—James Power, Sam. Houston, David Thoms. Edward Conrad.— San Augustin—15. O. Degatul, Martin Farme, S. 31. Blount. Sabino—James Gaines, JWin. Clarke, jr. Shelby—Sydney C. Pennington, Wm. C. Crawford San Patricio—John Turner, B. B. Goodrich, Jesse Grimes, J. G. Swisher, G. W. Barnett. Washington, Texas, March 2. To Colonel Millard: Dkar Sin.—The convention was organized yesterday, and during the first day, matters looked squally, and disa greeable. That body was intent on making a Declaration ,.f Independence to burl into the teeth of Santa Anna, and bis myrmidons. They accordingly appointed a committee lo report a Declaration of Independence. And ibis morn- mg after the convention assembled, the committee reported a very able one. Its adoption w as moved by Gen. Houston, and seconded by Col. Palmer, of the Bayun—ant! after a splendid speech from the general, it wasunanimously adopt- ed. Not one dissenting voice. But the citizens will have to maintain it, by their brave ry, a3 the Mexicans are in large forces on the frontiers; and are already in the towns of San Antonio; but the Alemo is bravely defended by Cols. James Rowre and Travis, and numbers are marching to their relief. The condition of the nrmy is yet undecided. The con vention will I think, act upon it tomorrow. Audi will transmit to you the earliest intelligence. Gen. Houston will not leave liere until tho constitution is adopted—and a recognizuijon of the army made. The matters relating to the governor and council are yet undisturbed. I hope for the best, and 1 know that the indejicndcnce of Texas will he sustained by the energies of her citizens and ft tends—as tlie struggle will he a severe one. And uil will have to buckle on their armor in its defence. JOHN FORBES. Washington, Texas, Mttnh 2. ARMY ORDERS. War is rating on the frontiers. Rejttr is lieseigeif iiy two thousand of tho enemy, under the command of Gen. Sizraa. Reinforcements are on their march to unite with thehe- sciging artny. By the la*l report, otir force in Bejar, was ily one hundred and fifty strong. Tf ’’ The expression ol the opinions entertained by these gentlemen in regard to tho new bank of the United States, called forth by the Cincinnati invitation, acquires great importance front the . ., a ^ . attitudo they hold at this lime before the public. ! any one man, and yet I am fully convince Fourth of March celebration.—The following do no more than simple justice. Such was the sentiment for the occasion, my mind is necessa rily turned to him, who, during the stormy period to which your attention is directed, was em phatically the helmsman of the ship, without whose quick eye and strong arm, she must have yielded to the tempest. I know well that where so many did their duty firmly and fearlessly, this is saying a great deal for the services of opinion formed from my own observation, with die best possible means of coming lo a correct conclusion. Such I believe to be tho iindis- pulcd opinion of bis contemporaries; sticlt must be the judgment of posterity. I therefore give you, gentlemen: Andrew Jackson—No one ha9 done more i °f , , , are tho letters ot AIr. A an Huron and colonel ll. M. Johnson, m reply to invitations for their attendance at the “fourth of March celebration” at Cincinnati. Washington, February 22, 1836. Gentlemen:—I have the honor to acknowl- edge the receipt of your letter, inviting tno in behalf of the friends of free principles in (’in-. than lie, to advance tho great principle of self- cinnati, Hamilton county, lo attend their pro. i government, expounded by Jefferson, and es- posed celebration of the deliverance of our . tabiished on the battle-field by Washington, country from the thraldom of the bank of the j j, nV o the honor to bo, gentlemen, very re- United States and asking Horn me, in case it I spcctfully yours, should not be convenient for mo to attend, a| ‘ MARTIN VAN BUREN. sentiment appropriate to the occasion. ; 'j' 0 Moses Dam son*, chairman. There have been, in my opinion, low incidents ! Messrs. E. S. Haines, XV. S. Hatch, L. in our political history more worthy of notice,; j) tni , J. IS. Warren, C. 11. Ramsey, Pulaski by means of a public celebration, than tho oik; Smith, William Parry—committee. }’ou arc about tints to distinguish. The suc cessful resistance to tho Herculean efforts j CdyoJ Washington, February 6, 183G, brought to bear upon the bank question, was a Gentlemen:—A our Iriendly invitation to result most honorable to those by whose immedi. ■ unite with the friends oi free principles in the ate agency it was effected, and certainly not j first congressional district of Ohio, in celebrating less so to a virtuous and patriotic people by with joy the expiration ot the charter oi the whom their faithful representatives were cheer-' United States bank, lias been received, cd mid sustained. ' j For the honor which you do me, please to However plausible the speculations, or sue-] accept mv thanks. The distinguished services ccssful the concealments of the day, the design ) rendered to our country by general Jackson, of the bank to extort a renewal oi* its charter j w ill be deeply felt and highly appreciated till from the apprehensions nnd distresses of the liberty shall lose its charms and independence From the Washington Globe. CALHOUN’S IMPEACAMENT OF THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Calhoun, in his speech upon the rcsolu- lion of colonel Benton, to apply the surplus revenue to the national defences, took occasion ing policy, which he said could not but prove , introduced a bill, making it hinhlv fatal to the government; and now ho reconi- j postmasters to circulate any of**the mends it ns one of the necessary results of j papers themselves through the mails" u the judicious tarifT, the offspring of his coni, has obtained the aid of opposition L, I e promise with Mr. Clay. J the Senate, to help in his panic making F rem this retrospect, we recur to the flagrant- I Swift and Prentiss of Vermont like S? i to give vent to his ^malignant feelings towards ly unfounded charge brought by Mr. Calhoun J the same State, in the other House ha- against the president, of having grossly deceived taken to vouch for the great nmi ^ the south, by his course on the tariff. : respectability of the abolitionists nmonJ la 1824, in a letter to Dr. Coleman, of North 1 constituents, and upon their testimonvT> although entirely destitute of truth, was not j Carolina, on the tariff, general Jackson said he j raised theory of havoc and horro ' ' met and exposed as it might have been,. was “m favor of a judicious examination and dismay in the southern people in re^aH the president. IIo was well answered by general Wall, of New Jersey, but the assertion which he made the front of his accusation, MHC corue,u wuo cceuu „o u juu.,e,uuo ironai uejence ana inaepenaence. And he j with their rights, and assertd that therr tariff man, and although we of the south doubted | closed his remarks upon the subject, by saying, j cure for the grief, but that a disolutio,. him, we were compelled to take him rather than i that a tariff is “wanted to pay our national ! Union was inevitable. YVhv the d. 'r take a tariff man. We elected him, believing he would oppose the tariff, but he deceived us most grossly.” This charge contains in itself a trait perfectly characteristic of its author. How* could Mr. debt, and afford us the means of national i the constitution, which is the" palladium nr.t nwi.'s-’v.-s- « lT.irv n.m.m^.1) J.MUMUIUIU 01^ ■esers defence w ithin ourselves.” j rights, was necessary as a nicans to pn When called on by Indiana in 1828, he gave - them, the Senator from South Carolina did that State this identical letter, (which was his * explain. . answer to the south,) as his reply to the north. I When we Jeft the S *nate vesterdar I Culhoun expeet t hat a functionary, “selected as j And has he changed, in the slightest degree, j White was holding forth. lie "takes Ca!!, H - a judicious tariff man,” “would oppose the , the position then taken? The n.tlional debt be country, Inis been rendered loo clear by time to be any longer contested. To speak of the mighty means which this aristocratic institution called to its aid in the great struggle through which we have passed, would be to suppose, what is scarcely possible, that the dark traces ol that gloomy period can ever he obliterated from tho public reinombrancc. But the bank mis took the character of that people whose stubborn necks it proposed to bend to its selfish interests and sinister designs. It was rebuked aud dis comfited—but by no means discouraged. The people triumphed in that open contest; but be fore time had been allowed for seasonable eele- its votaries. In him patriotism is personified; ns a hero, as a statesman, I admire him; as a citizen and a friend, l esteem him; and the hum ble support which i have given to the leading measures of his administration, has been no less consonant to my individual feelings, than to a sense of public duty. \\ hen ! came into public life, a United States bank was m existence. In 1811 the proposition came before congress to revive its charter. It then became my duty to investigate the subject in all its bearings, and the conclusion to which I then arrived has never undergone any change. Great monied monopolies, controlled by persons brations of that triumph—even since your irresponsible to the people, are liable to exercise festival has been appointed tint! betbre the day I a dangerous influence; und corporate bodies has arrived for the expression oT your joy—the ! generally, especially when they have power to satno power, fighting under the same panoply, j aflbet the circulating medium of the country but changing altogether the chnraclcrof its ap-! do not well comport with the genius or a re preach, has again entered the field and gained a public. Their bearing is always likely to be victory over the popular will, which it doubtless j favorable lo aristocracy, and prejudicial to liber considers brilliant and resistless. But how j tv and equality: they constitute an influence in changed the mode of warfare in this last effort? j which tho voice of the people is not heard; a Instead of commercial distress, public and pri- power in which the weight of a majority of vatc embarrassment, and till the concomitants of an uncontrollable panic in tho public minJ, plenty and even prolusion pervaded tho city of the bank, while its noiseless approach to the legislative power was characterised by a de spatch altogether unprecedented, in so impor- thoso who achieved, and who still sustain ou independence, is never felt. Nor would I ro gard that bank by congress nor any other bank which has ever been proposed as the exercise of a constitutional act. The powers of the general government are delegated, and con tant a matter, in the history of legislation. Be- ' stmotive powers are dangerous. With these fore even the movement is known in the remote ! views 1 gave my voto against the recharter of quarters of the Union, the publiemind isastouud- cd by the acquisition of a charter from the go vernment of a single State, the apprehended grant of which by congress had filled tho minds of a vast majority of the American people with dismay; and for the attainment of which from that body all the powers of earth bad boon in voked In vain. You will do right not lo suffer this event, un toward as it is, to dolor you from rejoicing a! the victory which the whole people have won. Leaving the partial successor the bank and its consequences to the consideration and disposi tion ofa virtuous and justly offended public, ii is tho old bank, and I rejoiced for my country when it expired. Before the conclusion of the late war, when another national bank was re commended as a necessary alternative of that critical period, I was still unable to change my opinion, nnd with all my dovolion to the ad ministration at that time, I was compelled by a sense of paramount duty, to vote against the measure. Under the influence of the same sentiments I voted against the establishment of the present bank, and against the renewal of its charter, and though I apprehended it would become per manent, my fears appear to have been ground- a matter of the highest congratulation that the j less advances ol this presumptuous institution upon ; The charter is expiring, and I believe there the federal government, nt least, have been . is neither hope nor fear that it will be resttsci- sttccessfnlly arrested. In that quarter our victory is, fo all appearances, complete; but whether or not it is to bo permanent, must de pend in a great degreo upon the States.— Nothing short of the madness ofStatc legislation can prevent its being so. It was in the iue.xcu- sable improvidence of State legislation that the present bank found its origin, and it is to the samo source doubtless that it looks for a re suscitation. Time will soon determine whether the well disposed men of the present day are wiser than were their predecessors; or whether the lights of a most severe experience have been shed upon this subject to no good purpose. As far as your growing and patriotic State is concorned, tho prospect is cheering iudeed.— From tho bottom of my heart do I congratulate you upon the noble stand which Ohio appears to talcd. The event which you celebrate will be equally propitious to many thousands of our fellow-citizens who cannot be present to partici pato in your festivities. Public duties forbid my compliance with your invitation. Please permit me to offer the follow- ing sentiment: The basis of our free Institutions: no privi leged orders—liberty of speech—freedom of tho press—the rights of conscience—a strict construction of the federal constitution—uni versal suffrage—responsibility to the people— no imprisonment for debt—and a general diffti sion of knowledge among all classes of the pco pie. With great respect, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. M. Dawson and others, committee. have taken, at this critical moment upon the „ » , , - ^ „ TT subject of banks. Her course is deserving of j Eslroct from thc s P eech of Mr : Sladk of Vcr oil commendation, and may well be looked to ; tnont, an abolitionist. by her older sisters in the confederacy, not only with admiration but with profit. Who can have forgotten tlio intense anxiety aud warmly cherished hopo with which Mr. Jefferson looked to bis favorite west, to the hardy yeomanry of thc now States for tho preservation of the sim plicity and purity of our republican institutions against the seductive influences and artificial diatinctiops in society, to which the Atlantic States were peculiarly exposed? Who can for get the deep tone of regret with which lie con templated a disappointment? May we not safely look upon the noble example which the largest, and certainly not tho least patriotic of the new States is now offering to her confederates, as the sure promise of a new aud brighter day than that foreboded by this great and good man?— May we not further hope, that those who by their position, Ly their pursuits, and by their every interest, have the greatest stake in the greatest cause of equal rights, will also make it the object of their highest ambition to be among the foremost to uphold tho constitution in iho letter and spirit of that sacred instrument; and to preserve in its entire purity the simple but happy sy stem of government, under which we have hitherto so securely lived and so great ly flourished? To have been first Selected by vour State as a candidate for the presidency, 1 shall ever re gard as one of the most gratifying incidents of Capulcts! “Thc great purpose, said Mr. Slade, of most of those who have hitherto spoken upon this subject seems to bo to get rid of the petitions.— Tho gentleman from New York (Mr. Beards ley) wishes to have them all laid on the table, as fast as presented, and “nailed” there; and yet lie i» exceedingly regardful of tho “sacred right of petitioning,” which must on no account what ever, be impaired! The gentlemen from South Carolina (Messrs. Hammond, Pickens, and Thompson) are most consistent. They profess to regard the petitioners as nflicious meddlers with that which docs not concern them They, therefore, would have the petitions rejected.— There is, iu this, the merit at least, of consis tency, and the gentlemen have my thanks for evincing adisposition to meet the question fairly. Another gentleman, my honorable friend from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) would have the petitions committed to thc committee on the District of Columbia; in other words, to use his own significant, and, in this enso appropriate language—to have them consigned “to the fam ily vault of all the Capulets,” and yet he too, is jealous of the “sacred right” ol petition! The sacred right of petition—that is to say, the “sa cred right” of being “nailed to the table,” by thc gentleman from New-York, or the“ sacred right” of being gathered by the gentleman from Massachusetts, into thc “.amily vault of all the mv public life; yet I cannot adequately express to you how much this distinction, so well calcu lated in itself to command my unceasing grati- - „ . . lie citizens of Texas j tudo, is enhanced in my estimation bv the con- inust rally to tho aid of our army, or it »vill perish. Lei ! 4 ,. ; _ , Tho enemy fiction that Ohio will maintain this high stand the citizens of the cost march to the eombat. , must he driven from our soil—or desolation will aeenmpauy ! upon this all-importnilt subject, thvie march upon u& INDEPENDENCE IS DEC LA It- j Nothin" would "ive me LD—it must he tnniaiained. Immediate action, united 1 lxoul,,, n ' vuu,u \\ it h valor alone, ran achieve the great work. The ser\ icon of all are forthwith required in the field. SAMCT.L HOUSTON, cumrnandrr■ in-Cliicf.tf the Armu. It is staled that in one of tl.o experimental trips on ihc Greenwich Bull way in England, the train of siv carrier* went ni the rate of a mile a irtinute/jr »ixty Wifcs an liutlr more unfeigned pleasure than to assist in person in your com mendable effort to rivet upon the public mind the vast importance of the great event you commemorate, were it in my power to do so; but 1 regret that it is not in my power. In complying with your roquet to furnish a the hope ofa resurrection.” Sir, the petitioners well understand the na- ture of both these rights, the last they have long enjoyed, and desire to enjoy it longer. They want the action of Congress on the subject', which, judging from tlio past, they arc sure not accomplishment, to have, if it is to depend upon the decisive action of the Committee on thc District of Columbia.— I intend no disrespect to that committee. To continue to do what has been done—that is to do nothing, would follow of course a commitment to them with an express understanding that the petitions were consigned to thc tomb, without tariff?” How could be be “grossly deceived” in the president’s maintaining a judicious tariff, against total nullification, unless he had supposed thc president capable of doing as be has done himself?—avow the principles of a tariff man to gain one section of the Union, {hen endeavor to drive it into his support bv putting the tariff in jeopardy, and finally seek to annihilate the tariff to obtain favor in another quarter? Mr. Calhoun, as we have shown by the jou nals of congress and his printed speeches, was the advocate ofa protective tariff from 1816 nn til 1828. He oven had a resolution passed bv bis friends in the South Carolina legislature.de daring, that although the tariff was peculiarly onerous to thc south, yet that they would con tinue to bear it because it was for the general good. This vote was carried to supplant a roso lution offered by Judge Smith, condemning thp tariff as violative of the rights, and injurious to the interests of the south. In 1828, when Mr, Calhoun, in consequence of (he greater populnri ty of Mr. Clay among the American System party’’, despaired of purchasing the northern support by the sacrifice of ihe south, sud denly turned bis Sotit-h Carolina batteries (all the while acting invisibly himself,) and in dneed bis friends to proclaim nullification, and endeavor to drive the north, bv its fears, to look to him as n mediator to save its interests, and make a compensation to the south fora continu ed endurance of the tariff, in elevating its lend ing statesman, and one of the founders of the protective system, to the presidency. This scheme failed Mr. Calhoun, and he then came out openly in person a nullifier. and put to work in earnest to dismember the Union, as the means of reaching the supreme power as the head ofa southern confederacy. Tie carried his conspira cv so far, that he got his head into a halter and, rather than run the risk of its falling in the grasp ofa public officer in the grand struggle which he proposed, he put it in the hand of Mr. Clay, that he might lead him out of the difficul ty, upon any conditions he might choose »n im pose. Mr. Clay accepted the offer—they com- pounded matters. Mr. Clav required that Mr Calhoun and his friorvls should unite with him and save the tariff from a reduction to the wants of the government, as proposed bv the president in his message. Mr. Calhoun consented, in the face of thc explicit declaration of Mr. Clay, that he made the compromise expressly to save the tariff* from the reduction contemplated bv the president, which he pronounced inevitable from the power which the president had obtain ed in the recent elections, nnd that certainly anticipated from those opproaching. Mr. Clav said in thc senate, at the moment of joining hands with Mr. Calhoun— “Mr. President: I want to be perfectly under stood as to the motives which have prompted me to offer this measure. I repeat what I have said on the introduction of it, that they are first to preserve the manufacturing interests, nnd secondly to quiet the country. I believe the American System to be in the greatest danger, and I believe it can be placed on a better nnd safer foundation at this session than at the next. I heard, with surprise, my friend from Massa chusetts say that nothing had occurred within the last six months to increase its hazard. I entreat him to review that opinion. Is it cor rect? Is the issue of numerous elections, in cluding that of the highest officer of the go vernment, nothing? Is his declaration in his proclamation, that the burdens of the south ought to be relieved, nothing? [s the introduc- tionof a bill into the house of representatives, during this session, sanctioned by the head of the treasury and the administration, prostrating thc greater part of the manufactures of the coun- try, nothing? Let us not deceive ourselves.— Now is the time to adjust thc question in a man- nersalisfacfory to both parties. Put it ofTuntilJthe next session, and the alternative may, nnd pro bably then would be a speedy reduction of the tariff or a civil war with the entire south.— Now, let us look at the composition of thc two branches of congress at the next sessiop. in this body wo lose three friends of the protective policy without being sure of gaining one. Then, judging from thc present appearances, we shall at the next session be in the minority. In the house, it is notorious that there is a considerable accession to the number of the dominant party. How, then, I ask, is the system to be sustained against numbers, against the whole weight of the administration, against the united south, and against thc increased impending dangers ofa civil war?” This brought about thc present injudicious tariff, which leaves an immense surplus revenue, against the policy which the president had re commended—policy, it is admitted by Mr. Clay himself, he would have been ablo to carry out but for thc arrangement made with Calhoun.— YVe forewarned the country of this result at the time of the Clay and Calhoun coalition in these words; “The Clay and Calhoun bill will not reduce thc duties of ihe revenue standard. And, in despite to their attempt to lie up the hands of the future congress, a greater reduction must be made on the unprotected articles to avoid ihe curse of an immense surplus which the aspirants have sought to produce at the expense of the people's hard earning, for the purpose of being appropri ated to political log-rolling.” This was our prediction. Now observe the Mr. Calhoun has introduced a measure, having lor its object, to bribe him self into the favor of tho States, by a distri bution of the surplus; and Mr. Clay has pro posed to divide the public lands for thc same ing paid, he proposed, m his message, n reduc tion to the wants of the government, keeping steadily in view, among the wants of the govern ment, a provision for the national defence and independence, nnd a discrimination and protec tion favorable to thc creation of the means with in ourselves. Who then has been faithless to the south?— Mr. Calhoun, who by his arrangement with Mr. Clay, arrested the efforts of the president to re duce the tariff to the wants of the government, or the chief magistrate, whom Mr. Clay ac knowledged at tlie time would certainly accom plish the object, but for thc arrangement then proposed? Mr. Preston, perceiving the melancholy case in which the true state of facts would leave his colleague, had the hardihood to draw upon his invention for circumstances to support the ac cusation. He asserted that the president sanc tioned and signed the tariff’ of 1828. This all the world, but sucli of the benighted nullifiersas read only nullifying speeches and prints, knew to be untrue. The tariff of 1828 was signed by Mr. Adams. General Jackson was not president when the tariff of 1828 was signed. It is pa in fid to see a man of Mr. Preston’s reputable connexions, high talents, and many high qualifications for usefulness, sacrifice all, in wretched servitude to such a man as John C. Calhoun—to a man, devoured by the worm of an envenomed ambition—lost to all sense of patriotism, and sinking under a load of obloquy, the peine forte and dure the certain punishment which public opinion gradually enforces upon every man who is found wanting in good faith in his private and public relations. From the Washington City Glole. “HUNG BE THE HEAVENS WITH BLACK.” The periodical crisis lor another panic to ope rate upon the Virginia elections has come round. Last year the French war panic was attempted —the year before it was the bank deposite pan. ic, and now we have the abolition panic just in time to revive the experiment of frightening th«* “unterrified commonwealth” into the arms of the nullifiers. If they can ever carry off the noble Old Dominion, they look upon the scheme of a southern confederacy ns quite a practicable project, and since the failure to drag her into the toils of the disunionists upon the tariff excitement, there is no dissention whieh promises so well to serve the purposes of the nullifiers and the northern enemies of the Union, as thc agitation of abolition. Calhoun, M‘I)uf fie, and Duff Green settled upon this plan of bringing the whole south to unite in the con spiracy engendered in South Carolina, immedi. ately on the prostration of the first attempt, which was defeated through the union of the strength of the republican States of the south with those of the north in supporting the admin, istration in its measures to crush the ordinance of the nullifying convention. The moment after the ordinance wns surren dered for the want of southern support out of South Carolina, the shout was raised through the Telegraph that the proclamation had open, d the way to abolition. The Telegraph of the 22d of March, 1833. announced “THE OR- DINANCE rescinding the ordin. ANCE OF NULLIFICATION.” “It was BLACK AND YVIUTE. “The late votes on the nominations afford a striking instance of the meeting of extremes — Ever since Black gave his pledge in black and ichite, to the Mississippi legislature, that he would support the president, and especially up- on thc bank question, he has uniformly been the most notorious malignant opposition man in the senate. He has voted against the adminis- tion, not only upon the precise point upon which he was pledged, but against measures upon which even the phalanx of the most invetcrute enemies of the president was broken. Black voted to show his contempt for his constituents, and thc declarations they had extorted under tlio duress of a pending election. “During all this time, YY’hite was thc very contrast of Black. Poindexter (facetiously nicknamed the Devil’s darning needle, from the odd points in his person and character) was his colleague’s polar needle; but he was the anti pode to the senator from Tennessee; being his whig rival for the honors of the vice-president’s chair. But no sooner has Judge White given his pledge in white and black, to the Tennessee carried (adds the article in the Telegraph) iy . ,e g islnture , n f y er to desert the president unless ground, that he will not receive the petilu although he knows and acknowledges that Union members of the north are laboring to- down the abolitionists, and yet cannot unite* this, because they believe thc const it uG guaranties that every citizen’s petition shall' received, and because they think thut to refus it would be to strengthen the fanatics at the nor: by giving them at least a specious ground to ii voke sympathy and support, as persons who* constitutional rights were denied them. ]]„; Messrs. White and Calhoun’s scheme, whilen affords this pretext for thc abolitionists to create agitation in the States, does not in I he least serve to allay it in Congress. On the contrary, whenever a petition is presented, the objection to receive it authorizes a debate—and it is on such a motion of Mr. Calhoun that the present panic discussion is set afoot, which is urged, u> ' we have already hinted, with a view to alarm Virginia, and, if [tossible, fright her from the maintenance of her principles at thc approach, ing elections. The disposition of thc sincere friends of th« Union, at the commencement of the present ses. sion, was to treat the abolition petitions •with sdent contempt and neglect; to bury them in oblivion thc moment they were offered; and not suffer the ynqestionable rights of the South to become even the subject of argument, flu: as debate lias been purposely provoked by the Nullifiers, and the taunt thrown out that the northern men dare not meet the question direct, ly and openly, we hope our northern friends will show the supporters of the Union in the south, that their only objection to give consideration to the subject was, that they believed the agitation of it forbidden by thc wishes of their republican friends in the south. YVe hope, as that end cannot be attained, in consequence of the courso of Mr. Calhoun and his friends,in opening the dis. cus ion at large on the question of not receiving, that they will now decide fully upon the merits ofnbolition by a solemn report, which slial! speak the fiat of both branches ol the National Legislature, and in such a tone as will subdue the spirit of fanaticism, as effectually in thiN instance as it was in thc case of the Sunday mails. the States' Right party only In the next paper, ofthe 23d March, we have an article announcing “The Emancipator—the he deserted his principles, (which thc Judge will not pretend have undergone any change since he gave the pledge,) than he is found, in all par- first number of a paper published in this city.” Oculars, the yoke-fcllow of Black, as Poindexter This notice is copied by Green; and he has a once was, in the senate. longeommmentary beginning thus: T* 10 public will ooserve that the opposi- “The above, from the New York Gazette, may tion vote against Mr. Taney as chief justice is be mstly considered as another of thc blessed tipped off with Black at one end, and W hite at fruits of the Proclamation. Without ihe pro-: ^ ie ot her. mu/gation of its doctrines, we should probably -^ ie vo ^° of seven against Mr. IvendaL, never have seen the Emancipator$c. A also begins with Black and ends with White, strain of excitement is then struck up, which is “**• The effort to adjourn over and delay the kept up until the meeting of congress approach cd, when it was determined to make thc bank or money panic, upon the removal of the de- posites. It was not until the bank panic was vote on Mr. Kendall’s appointment for the purpose of getting a full senate, after the great body of the opposition had quitted the chamber on pur pose to avoid voting in his case, shows Black fairly conquered, and tho session providing for ! heading the yeas and \Y hite finishing the tnd. the French war panic was passed, (making two whole years) that the abolition agitation wns resumed. Judge White was then announced as the sectional candidate of thc southern op position: “a southern party” was proclaimed in thc toasts and dinner speeches of Judge White’s They could not muster a forco of moro than seven against this most abused man, although the friends of the administration proposed to send thc sergeant-at-arms after them, if insisted upon. 4. Upon the question to take up the nomi- purpose. But to return to Mr. Calhoun. YVhat did lie once say of this division ofthe surplus? A few partisans, in North Carolina, Tennessee, and j na t' on °f Barbour, the opposition .mustered elsewhere; and the work of making abolition j Lventy strong, in the hope to defeat it by the excitement was begun simultaneously again, j bill changing the circuits, and here again wo north and south. We received notice by letters j bad Black nnd White—-Black leading < • the from friends in Pennsylvania and other States • na > ?s » and White bringing up thc rear, to the north, that individuals ofthe opposition j “5. In the vote upon the confirmation <n Mr. were busied in circulating petitions among their j Stevenson, as minister to England, whici; »c friends for signature, and wexe thus cncourag-/ give below, it will be seen that the nays are ing the little knots of fanatics to renew their pu-1 Black at one end, and White at the other, ny efforts through publications. We gave no-j “This is a marvellous coincidence for such tiec in the Globe of these premeditated prepara- once absolutely repugnant men in tho color ol tions for an abolition panic in congress. And ! their politics. YVhite was late as pure as his now we have the fuel in full blaze by ihe puff, j name in his devotion to thc president. He says ing and blowing of the two branches of the op-1 himself, in some of his letters for southern use, position in both ends of the capitol. j if he ever voted wrong, it was attributable to We have notified the public from time to time his personal leaning to his old friend, the prcsi- ofthe skilful manner in which the game was dent. He would have it believed that he was forced to vote for thc force bill, from this in superable influence. And now Black is his file- leader on all occasions, and be even turns a- gainst Taney, Kendall, and Stevenson, to whom lie stand pledged by his own former votes, to follow Black, who is thc president’s enemy ol the darkest hue. “VVe must, however, correct our notice oi yesterday, in justice to Judge White, in ono game played in the House: the abolitionists, Slade, Heister, and other opposition men, flinging in petitions, exaggerating the numbers, and extol ling the cause of the abolitionists in incendiary harangues. This they were enabled to do by Pickens, Waddy Thomson, Hammond, and Wise, interposing objections to their being nailed to the table, or referred to be reported against and rejected without debate. In the Senate, tho progress ofthe agitation has been pressed along particular. He did not support. Mr. '1 aney at by Calhoun, who has become godfather for the last session as chief justice. It was only as abolition publications, reading the most violent a judge of the supreme court—thc chief judge s of them to the Senate, and embodyingthem for not being vacant. But he supported Mr. Stevcti years since; he denounced it as a most corrupt- circulation ia speeches, notwithstanding ho has son as minister to England—Mr. Kendo!! fts