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THE ROME COURIER 18 PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING, BY A. W. EDDLEMAN, TERMS. Two Dollars per annum, II paid in advance! Two Dor,t,Aite per annum, If paid «« aavanct; Two Dollars and Fifty Como Ir paid widiln »ix uiontlio j or Threo Dollars at the and of tiro year. Haiti of Advertlitnf, Legal Advertisements will bo Inserted with strict attontlon to tlto requirements of tlio law, nt tho following rates t Four Months Notice, Notice to Debtors and Creditors, Sale ot Personal Property, by Execu tors, Administrators, &o. Sales of Land or Negroes, flO days, #4 <10 3 23 3 25 4 50 > por square, liotters or Citation, Notice for Letters of Dismission, Candidates announcing their names, will bo charged $5 00, which will bo required in advanoe. Husbands advertising their wives, will bo ohnrgod £5 00, Which must always be paid In advance. All other advertisements will be Inserted at Ono Dollar per square, of twelve lines or less, Ibrtho first, and Fifty Coitts, for each subsequent Insor- don. Liberal deductions will be made in favor of those who advertise by die year. TUG MiyOURlER. .THURSDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1850. Our City is beginning to assume quito abuslNJss like appearance. Some of our MerchuntSshave already received and ore opening lar£?Sk-&» of *'all and Winter Goods, while others arS^Xpe. ly. All are making every prepi active business the present season y them dar (fifc The Georgia Annual Conference of the Methodist Protestant Church, will convene in the city of Atlanta, on Friday the 8th day of November next. (ft. Charles J McCurdy, of Connecticut, has been appointed, and confirmed, Charge d’Affaires to Berlin, in the place of James ' Watson Webb, rejected by the Senate. (ft, Gov. Briggs, of Massachusetts, has received the nomination of the Whig State Convention for re election. (ft. Thomas Butler King has been appoint ed Collector of Customs, nt San Francisco, California. Hoos.—Hogs were selling in Louisville, Ky , on the 1st inst., at $2,75 to $3 per < hundred, gross. A Nice Garden.—A gentleman in Cali- i writes to his wife in Ohio, that his I crop of tomatoes on an acre and a half of ground was worth $18,000. Col. Benton has written a long letter toafriend in St. Louis, the purport of which .that Ho will be a candidate for the Presi- acy in 1852, if nominated. p.-The recent Congress disposed of 38,- »;000 acres of the public lands. Sale of the Tennessee State Bonds.— Cnoxville Register learns from a reliable i that Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, Agent for btate of Tennessee, now in the East ne- j for the East Tennessee and Geor- tflroad Company, has effected a sale of i of the bonds, at a handsome premi- i editor thinks that the Company, ..-will receive a considerable ^premiums on their bonds. ^The first Woollen Factory in Texas is ; up on the banks of the San Anto- , The proprietors intend to manu- jee, i course woollens, which they will Json, Aqper than they can be imported. l i).!'P s » nlonia and San Marcos Rivers ih favorable sites and an inexhaus- ■ of water power. The country [.to the raising of sheep. I are cheap, mild climate, favorable to the new en- . -The following ap- nSve Wen made by the President, ^Braiich Mint at Dahlonga: Andrew ng’j Superintendant; Robert H. her ; Mathew F. Stevensor, As- ^appropriations for expenses, made on_of Congress just closed, 6f superinten- jtousand |(ntly adopted by protects tho lights ople. It ftuel, Georgia Burr Mill-Stone. Wo find in tho Savannah Republican qC- the ?tli i i’jt , the following extract of a let ter frqvii Messrs. Haxiiall & Brothers of Richmond, (Va.) to the ageiit of the“ La Fayette Burr-Millstone Company,” in the City of Savannah : “ We have had the pair of Mill Stones you madefor us in operation about six weeks, and our Millers have formed a very favora ble opinion of them. They grind rapidly, and rank in our Mill of eighteen pair, as the sixth host—That is there are five pnir superi or to them, and twelve pair inferior. “ If the pair sent is a fair sample of thh Georgia Burr Block, we do not see the ne cessity of another importation of tho article from France. “ It is probable we shall determine next spring to. take out of our mill. some of tho most objectionaBle burrs, and supply their places with better from your establishment.’’ This is certainly reliable testimony of the superiority of the Georgia Burr Stone. The Mills of Messrs. Haxhall & Brothers, are said to be among the best in the U. States. As the article is equally as good, and costs less than that imported from France, of course those engaged in the erection of flouring Mills not only in this section, but in every part of tho country, will find it to their ad vantage to patronise the La Fayette Burr Mill Slone Company. And not only so, but there by aid in developing the natural resources of our SgjMfoOuunJiy. Daring Rodberv.—On Tuesday night last, the Store of Messrs. J. & J. Lynch, in this city, was entered, and cash to the amount of $182 was stolen from tho money drawer. It is the opinion of Mr. Lynch, .that the.villian, whoever he wns, must have entered the store and secreted himself before tho time of ^los ing, and during tho night, after having rob bed the drawer, made his escape through one of the windows, whore traces of his exit were seen in the morning. During the same night the Confectionary Shop of D. Dougherty was entered, but the thieves were less suc cessful there, having succeeded in getting only about sixty cents .-Atlanta Intelligencer. The voice of a Vanerable Patriot.— It is with peculiar pleasure that we lay be fore our readers the proceedings of the Union Meeting, in McIntosh county—a plea sure which is enhanced by the fact that the venerable Mr. Spalding, a democrat and the only surviving member of tho Conven tion which framed the constitution of Geor gia, participated on the interesting occasion. Notwithstanding he is now verging on to a century, it will be seen that he is ready to go to the Convention, if his fellow citizens de sire it, even though he should die on the way. A member of the Convention which created Oeorgia a State, could not fall in a better cause than in seeking to defeat the object of one which has been called to des troy it. We trust thnt no ono will dare to call this gray headed patriot a “submision- ists” or a “traitor.”—Suo. Rep. Law relative to Working the Gold Mines.—Congress has passed a bill making temporary provision for the discovery and! 'form another constitution of like character working of the gold mines, and preserving order in the gold mine dislrists of California. It provides for the nppoinlmeut of gold-mine agents for different localities, and also as ge neral superintendants of gold mines; author ises these agents to grant permits to Ameri can citizens, and to Europeans declaring their intentions to become such, to work particu lar spots in the placers or mines, each permit for a placer being for 30 feet square, and for a mine 210 feet square—no individual or com pany to have more than one permit at a lime. Double permits are granted to the discover ers of new placers or mines, with pre-emp tive rights for 30 days.—Ball. Sun. (ft. Some of the papers out west have a queer way of saying things. An Illinois jour nal observes that “the man who has no time to read, was seen in that place last week, at the circus drunk.” Mrs. Swishelm (a Cincinnati editor) says it is marvellously strange how a woman can think herself contaminated by the slighest in tercourse with the victim of a seducer, and cover her face all over with smiles to receive the seducer himself. (ft. A newspaper is now printed in China called the Pekin Monitor. It is in the Chi nese language, and is the first Chinese pa per ever published in the celestial Empire. & (ft-The Episcopal Church in Macon is :t being taken down to give place to a i spacious and elegant edifice. JUDGE ANDREWS’ ON THE California & Territorial Quest Uns. Washington, Ga. Aug. 31,1850. Messrs, Hopkins Iiolsey, Albon Chase, Wm. H. Hull.—Yours of the 10th i 1st, hns beon received .n which you say,“ Me pas're to elicit from you an expression of y< ur opin ions on the soveral questions growii g out of the present posture of public affairs, jarlicu- Inrly tho following : Whether, if th) State of California, as nt prosent organize 1, shall lie admitted into the Union, and the remain ing territory acquired from Mexico placed under Territorial governments, withbut re striction on the subject of slavery—would that state of facts present a proper occasion for njeasurcs of i existence, revolutionary or otherwise, on the part of the slaveholdihg to tho question you have presented, or influ ence one voice on the subject; but like a vo ter at the ballot box, I am not only willing, but. anxious to give my approbation to tho cuuso of truth and right. In answering your question, in the nega tive, I but say what all Georgia, nay, all the South, said twelve months ago. I but as sert the right ofself government. And how ever desirable it might be to have California and New Mexico Slave States, I am too much of a democrat, to wish to impose on a peo ple a government repugnant to tl-.eir wishes. California has chosen to prohibit slavery, and I presume, no one doubts that if the ques tion were repeated to her annually, during the balance of the century, her answer would be the same. 1-appreh‘end, if we were to belie our republican professions so far ns to try to force on her the institution of slavery, that we could not. Let ne man, who wishes to perpetuate such a tyranny, tell me thnt he loves self government on principle. lie mBy from selfish motives, like to live under it, but is ready to play the tyrant when it may he to his interest ana in his power. Some are willing to admit California,north of 36 30, but not soutlf^Ci'bat line unless Congress shall recognize, below that line, slavery. To satisfy such, if anything would satisfy them, I liuve no objection to such ar rangement, though 1 doubt much, whether it would not weaken the slave power. The chances are, that south of that line would be come afreo State, and then we should have two,instead of one California, four,' instead of two, Senators representing free States.— For who would carry slaves into so small a territory, surrounded by free States. I be- lievo that many of those who are determined to accept nothing but that line do not insist on it so much, because they believo that it would benefit the slave interest, ns that it is an .impracticable line; and will give pretext for a dissolution of the Union. Such fohject to Mr. Clay’s Compromise, which wns -tjie most perfect non-intervention, not only Soutji, but north of that iine. For it provided, and so does the territorial bill for Utah which has passed the Senate, that when admitted as a State, the said Territory or any portion of tho same, shall be received into the Union with or without slavery as the constitution ofsiicn slate may prescribe at the time of admissioi And what is important to be observed, Ut had already applied for admission into tl Union, under n constitution without any pri hibition ofslavery; which wns as much nsia' constitution as Georgia. The Constitution Georgia containing no provision aulhorisii slavery to be made. Then here aie a peopli who, so far ns their constitution is concernei’ have manifested themselves, ns much in fav of slavery as the Georgians, occupyin; and isolated territory, with perfect " ich in favor y’ing a Inrgt t liberty t^ world wrong. Now, by the same party, those who hold to intervention by Congress, are right and all the rest of the world wrong.— As \ do not choose to change my opinions, so radically, in so short n time, I will pro ceed to show both practically, and on princi ple, that it is ripht and best, for the South, to hold to non-intervention There can be no difference between a “re cognition” of slavery, to bo of any practical use, end the establishment of.it, by actual enactment. To recognize slavery is to au thorize by hw, the enjoyment of property by the owner in his slave. To permit the own er to carry his slave to Mexico, is of no use, a freeman, as in Massachusetts, (we know of no denizenship in slavery.,) Now we have been contending all the while, that Congress had no right to interfere with slavery, either to make or unmake it. The North hold, that the power, “ to mnko” slavery, neces sarily involves the power, to unmake it.— This principle is constantly recognized in the slave states; all of them hold, and have occa sionally exercised, the power to manumit slaves. They say, if a state, or |Congress can enact a law, they can repeal it. Hence the South has always held the principle of non-intervention important. For if Con gress should ever seek to interfere with slave ry in the Territories, it will quote our own principle against us. And for what ore we asked to sacrifice this great principle? By the doctrines of the disunionists, there is no law prohibiting slavery in New Mexico, ond tho non-i^ter^fivitionjirinciple will permit ! t, wiffibul recognition" If,'however, slavery is there prohibited, by Mexican laws, are not the chances altogether against such a population,.in such a country, suffering, it- undor the constitution they shall ’adopt, when they shall fo.rm a state government ? probi Now would it not be a poor bargain to pro hibit slavery, in such a country as Utah, for the chance, I may say the remote chance, of having this small fraction of California a slave Stale. I do not deem it- necessary to use this argument to show that there are disunionists in the land. There are numbers who are proclaiming it, ns it were, on the house iops: but to show that this line of 36 30 is matte the ultimatum, not for the good of “ South ern rights.” The argument, sometimes used, is that California should not be admitted, because her constitutior. wns not fairly made; that for eigners voted for members to the convention that formed itT This is the complaint that has always been, and always will be, mode by the party defeated -at an election. I have no doubt thnt foreign,jand other illegal votes were polled, and would again be polled, if tho effort were made a hundred times. I appre hend, there never has been, and never will be an election in the United States, of any size, in which illegal votes have not been, and will not be, polled. There can, howev er, be no doubt that the large body of voters, and American voters too, were legal, and almost unanimoqs, in the prohibition ofslave ry, and would be the same again, no matter how often the question might he submitted. Disunion papers admit that three-fourthsof the convention are from the United States. If, however, the people of California want slavery, or shall hereafter desire it,they can, and no doubt will, alter' their constitution and permit it. Her admi.sion, as a Stale, does not, in the least, prevent her adopting slavery: Twelve months ago, no one thought of as! ing for the Territory of Mexico, any thit _ but non-intervention. Or in the language o*i your letter, that it be “ placed under terri torial government without restriction on Hrsriiii'iliiftpl nf sIavppv D Of nmircA I wish fn Of course 1 wish to _ State if it would bark National, .of Ant|_ which j w ; n di _ arleston for Monsinnilla, Out l am unwil condition. The Captain wished . nr ,i. _ .it M***«*_ taken aff—the wind at the-, time blow- rong from ESE. and a high cross sea “ - ... I £p 0e( ] e( J ; m and improbable a benefit, except an enemy to the South, or one who is willing to grati fy bis hatred at her expense ? There is no principle violated, if a law shall not be passed, authorizing slavery in this Territory. Though an net of Congress may be unconstitutional—which is the for lorn hope of ‘hose . w ishing to oppose the general government—I do not think it will be held unconstitutional not to act. The conquest and acquisition of New Mexico, was emphatically a southern and democratic measure. Wo acquire it as free Territory, If St Indeed he free—not only by,our consent, but at our earnest desire. It >vas not im posed on us. There is no prihctple in the constitution requiring it to bo made free Territory. So far from thero being any im plied agreement that the laws concerning sinves should bo altered, the implication was the other way. Tho South, held before, nt the time of, ana after the acquisition that Congress had no.right to interfere with slave ry in the Territories ; and the North, at the same time, by the Mi-sonri con-promise, the ordinance of 1787 and tho Wilinot proviso, thrt Congress had the right to prohibit its extension in all Territories. . If, therefore, the North has any advantage over us, it is not only fairly acquired, accord ing to the compact of the constitution, but agreeably to our implied compact ns above noticed. Suppose Cuba should be annexe* and the North should insist that the Tjsri' ry be divided,“andf slavery nlOTfBftftTis one hnlf, so that her citizens could there live without being compelled to live in slave Ter ritories, 1 think the arguments above used would then be by southern men admitted to have force. But, admitting it to be fair, right, nnd equitable—which I am not dispos ed to controvert—thnt tho laws of Mexico, prohibiting slavery, should be repealed.— Admit that, though the advantage obtained by the North, hns been fairly acquired, un der the consti .ution and according to the forms of law, and is such advantage as parties feel themselves justified in retaining and using, yet it is not equitable nnd fair that they should use such power. The retention and use of such power, however, would not justify tho South in dissolving tho Union, or taking any other violent measure of redress. If the principle be ndmitted that whenever themnjorilv shall pass a law repugnant to the wishes of the minor ity, or what is still stronger—and is the case under discussion—shall refuse to pass a law which tlie minority think should be passed, be a good cause of violent resistance, then no government could stand for five yours.— It is the essence of anarchy. It asserts the principle that the minority have the right to force the majority. There can be no gov ernment where such n principle is recognized. The principle is revolutionary in itself, and involves the question, whether such refusal, though according to the constitution nnd forms of law, nnd such as is compatible with the rights of party power, is, nevertheless, so oppressive to the minority as to justify a dis solution ol the Union. Let it be remembered, however, that dis solution would not make New Mexico slave territory. It would not remedy the evil. In another place I shall speak of the serious ob- ^etipns to a dissolution of the Union. Here let me notice the practical evils that we shall suffer, ifCongress shall refuse to pass the pro posed law, and see if they he ot such mag nitude as to justify the proposed remedy. I haviei'jusf shown the improbability that a population ns much opposed to slavery ns ye are in its favor, should form a constitu- ion allowing it even with the few slnve- olders that might go to the country. But mvo.-. in' ;TunHTTtaring to grasp [he slaves ithat vast Kentucky, and others where the institution has been giving way to the increasing white population for years past. A majority of the old thirtoen States, by the operation of the above causes, j has already abolished slavery. Andifwe turn back to the col umns of some of our ucwspnpers, twelve months ago, wo shall find this argument used as a reason why wo should continue the prohibition of (ho'introduction of slaves into Georgia. With grout forgo nnd reason it wns said (hot by the drain Virginia, nnd other States, would become free Stnios. The reason for concentrating the slave population increases with time. The slave States though -ontaining much mo.* nrri tory than the free, have much less popula tion, nnd particularly white population. This is because foreign emigration to tho country locates in the free Statos, hut, as -the whUo-populalion shall press on- tho' tot its effect means of subsistence in the freo Stntes, ne cessity will compel them to fill up the more thinly inhabited Southern Stales. And when the Northern ond M’estern hive, with their free soil notions, shall spread through the land, giving, in time, ten while men hav ing no interest in sinves, to one slave owner, we shall hnve abolition in our own legisln. tion. As certainly ns wator, by the laws of gravitation, will flow to a lower lovol, so certainly will the white abolition flow from his own crowded Stntc, to seek n more com fortable home in the sparsely populated slave Slates. Tho same law " which has driven tho emigrant from over populated Europo to America, will, in a short time, drive him from tho over populated free States, to the thinly populated slave Stntes. I think it very questionable whether tho vnst amount of almost uninhabited slave Territo ry now in the slave Stntes, can be protected from the operation of this law of emigration. With nomo, there, is a dread now of homo abolition. Turn back to the files of our newspaper;,- particularly tlioso which support (he Nashville platform, and you will find pains-taking, nblo and ingenious arguments to convince the non-slaveholder of Georgia of his interest in the institution. Nonesuch ore deemed necessary for tho slave-holder. Straws show which wny tho wind blows. The writing and publishing such arguments, shows that tho writers deem them ncccsssnry. I commend them for thoir labor. But if you have apprehensions from two thirds cl our voters, raised in tho South with nil their prejudices and education in favor of tho insti tution, do you think that policy good for the South which will, as surely as effect follows cause—give us four filths—aye! and in time nine tenths of free soilers for voters? Al ready wo have, plain proof of the effect of the chaining arid diffusing syptem, The thrif ty nnd free soil Y.ankee is crowding into Eastern Virginia to . rupply tho place left , cant by the slaves, drained off' to Texas nnd Arkansas, nnd at some future reform convention—as it will bo called—his vote will demonstrate tffe jruth of my argument. Thesame will follow m Missouri, Tennes see, Kentucky, and others, perhaps finally all of the slave Stales, if we diffuse sinves and slave holders'over all the Territory pro posed by the disunionists. Tho system of diffusion cannot safely be extended beyond n certain point, probably it has already been reached, possibly passed. In mentioning what wjj see in the papers every day about Eastern Virginia, I have pointed you to the leak ir. the ship nnd whilo the crew are aloft battling with the blustering winds of aboli tion,, which but keeps them well disciplined pu watchful of apparent, hecuuse noisy, _ungers, they suffer, nay, encourage other leaks to be sprung, whose accumulated and heavy waters will carry liar down in spite of those who warn of their silent and subtle flow" beneath. But in the hour of strife, the desire to triumph over Union men ot home, and to spite the Yankees abroad, is so fempthg thnt it is useless to call on Sou thern ruiliers to consult the counsels of rea- —ii— M boll or the Nashville platform, is the worse or hotter Jilan for the Sooth, is not so important, as the groat error ot its advo cates, ns to the remedy for the real or ima ginary wrongs of the South’. It has never «et been shown, or linidly attempted to he .iliown, thill disunion would remedy any wrong, or give sccuri ,• to nnv right of the .South. So far tiom it’, it Would remedy no evil, and would destroy the ninin security for slavery. M’onld it prevent " iheft of our slaves, by l!,! — ir slaves, by abolition rogues,! how ? They wtiuUr remain ns contiguous our poopleas now, aid disunion would hard ly give them any mure reverence " r ghis of properly . W.o lnivnsoijm ‘ si in the- c.nse of Canada. not united to .us, au( 1. presume, there nre inore stolen negroes there, (linn in all the New England status together. M'ould it stop the abolition lecturers, preachers, and politi- it wouli" ‘ iuns ? think it would hut increase them. Whether in, or out of . the Union, slavery enn he abolished, ngnin'st the consent ol the I slave stales, by force only. I have never heurd that any parly, even ll o abolitionists ’ ’ * tin »see. except Tuus&iys. lu.rse coach. . Jacksonville man, (*») If these apprehensions he well founded, thinking men—if any such can be found in these limes of recklessness and ruin—will perceive thnt the streng'h of slavery is in concentration, rather than further diffusion. Serious efforts were made, not many yenrs back, in somo of tho border States, to abol ish the institution by state laws, and, hut for tho excitement and haired engendered in the slnve stales by abolition fnntilicism nnd insolence, I hnve but little doubt that Vir ginia. and perhaps other border states would, by this time, have abolished slavery within their borders. How often in private, as well as public, acts do men, from experience, dis cover the short-sightedness of their mea sures. Whoever has read the debates of that calm mid wise body of men, who fram ed our present constitution, will be astonish ed at their apprehensions of evils that have never occurred, and how they over-looked those that have embarrassed the operations of our government. How much loss are men to be trusted who opt under the im pulses of hatred, ambition, and strife. One of the strongest proofs of consequen ces being different from the expectation, of those who project the causes, is to ho found in the results of the abolition movement. 1 believe instead of weakening, it hns strength ened the slave power. As before observed, I have but little doubt that pro-slavery in the border states has not only been kept alive, but excited and active, by tho constant irri tation and insolence of the abolitionists. And to the means intended to weaken the slave power we may now lie indebted for the preservation ofslavery by some of the strongest of our border States. It all de monstrates thnt people should not sacrifice a -rent, permanent, and certain good,, for dor ul benefits. The strength of slavery is in its grei pies. Or.e engaged in inn kin or cotton, strengthens tho than five engage’’ contended fur the right to.abolish it in the slave stale! by luw, against their consent. Law or no law, we would never give up tho institution but by brute force. The aboli tionists, acknowledging (lint Congress has no right to abolish it in the States, ure seoking a dissolution ol'the Union, to the end,plain ly, that they hope to effect, by opon war and insurrection, thnt which cannot be done by legislation. Without the Union we have . nothing to stnnd hetweon us and our rights, hut our aims ; and knowing it would bo treason to ''Southern lights” to deny that/* hor chivalry could triumph ovor “a world iif S arms” without, nnd domestic insurrecion within, yet I hope that men wbp are not fond of civil war, who have fanriies to suf fer by the fire and tlio swoid. may he excus ed from desiring such issiro, unless it he necessary to avenge wrong or prelect right. But in tlio Union wo have tlio protection of our arms, the protection of the constitu tion, and !h,o protection of tho interest that cnch State, par'iculnrly the free, hns in tho Union. Why, then, throw away these two last securities, wantonly, as they do not im- rnir the ultimate relinnco on arms ? There s no rcasun why we shall not be as ahlo, nay more able, to rely on arms in future, when it may become/necessary, than now. Is it to ho tolerated that men who will throw away two securities pnd roly only on one, when all three can be retained, shall ho call ed friends to the South’? If tho motive ho properly examined, and I hope-to- have space to do so, the rights and security of the South have but little U> do with the mat ter. If tlio raving declamation of stump orators, nnd barbecue resolutions be true, I will admit that wo nre a very oppressed, and grieviously wronged people, but “fiorishitig declamation is as easy ns profane swearing; und nbout ns convincing.” But let the disunionists speak for themselves in the preamble of one of the resolutions of an indignation meeting. It is the first 1 could lay hands on, nnd is a fair sample of all; here it is : “ From the ordinance of 1787 down to this present moment the North hns been making hold aggressions on the rights of tho South. Abolition societies liavo been forming and the presses have associated and affiliated to levy war on our peculiar institu tions. Even tho pulpit hns been made to resound with the moral evil nnd sin of slave ry. Tho ultimate object of it all has been, and is now, to overthrew the institution of slavery in the United States. Urged on by n blind ond bigoted fanaticism, they claim a dignity and a religion higher nnd purer than lliut of Christ, and a political conseqnence above the constitution.” M'ell then I nsk, how can these things be prevented, in or out of the Union ? It is a eonsequpnee of the liberty of speech nnd the press. Who expected when liberty of speech nnd the press was secured, inviolate by the Constitution, that men would not use.Jioth wickedly ? To enjoy the benefits uvvlhnt liberty we nre obliged to hnve the.- vil.— How are we to discriminate ? If or aboli tion society in one state is to be put wn by violence, or the Union dissolved, another slate will insist thnt the ordorot Jesuits must be put down or the Union dissolved ; another the Masons ; another temperance societies ; ond so on of various other associations. If.' , the Union is to ho dissolved becauseone slate suffers a man to write nnd say slavery : s a sin, another may say it should be dissolved beenuso Georgia and South Carolina suffer 1 their people to say the Union is a cm-se, and- the Government a tyirnnny. If tl i L’'ion is. to he dissolved because Msssachuseltt’illows' a ernzy fanatic to profane the ptilpit, and lib erty of speech, in abusing slavery and slave holders, another state will insist it is a curse, so long as Georgia permits her pri. Us to be come demagogues in heading barbecue pro cessions, the main object of which is to en courage disloyalty to their own government, or New York permits her pulpits to he pro faned by socialist doctrines. But, snyitihe preamble above, the abolition societies nm press wish to overthrow slavery. And the enemies of socialism say its tender-^ to overthrow society—the protests Jesuit societies, and tho people o( of Ohio, that the nullification of" tend to overthrow tile goveri ror of this whoju cj considering h men