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1 CCLIFOED LVLF.Y TUE3DAYMORNINQ
BT
s- rorcnc a g. p. Hamilton,
PROPRIETORS.
Office East Side of ISroad Street.
Sales of LAND by Administrators, Executors or Guar
uuuis, are required, by law, to be held on the first
Toteday in the month, between the hours of ten in
t-hc forenoon and three in the nftemoon, at the
Court House in which the property is situate. Notice
these sales must be given in a public Gazette
SIXTY DAYS previous to the day of sale.
Sales of NEGROES must beat Public Auction, on
the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual
hours of sale at the place of public sales in the
county where the Letters Testamentary, or Ad
ministration or Guardianship, may have been grant
ed, first giving SI XT Y DAYS notice thereof, in
one of the public Gazettes of this State, and at the
door of the House where such sales are to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be
given in like maimer FORTY DAYS, previous to
day of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate
mast be published for FORTY DAYS.
Notice, that application will be made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell LAND, must be publish
ed for FOUR MONTHS.
Notice for leave to sell NEG ROES, must he publish
ed FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute
cut be given by the Court.
~ Caw Cavite.
X. K. r.\TTO>,
AYTOMIY AT LA'W, !
Koine, Gil.
Will practice in all the counties of the Cherokee |
circuit. n23-l}. j
W. P. WILKIES,
AT LA W3,
Rome, Ga.
fU&TER TO
Hon. B. F. Pouter, Charleston, S. C.,
or at Cave Spring. Ga.
Hon. AY. IT. Underwood, Rome, Ga.
Hon. William Ezzaud, Decatur, Ga.
w. a. TranrsF.. JAS - R-rERKiss.
TEHHf'fE A PERKWS,
attorneys at law,
Kame, Ga.
BUSINESS entrusted to them in any of the coun
ties of the Cherokee Circuit, or in the Supreme
Court of this State will be promptly attended to.
Thcv practice also in the counties of Cherokee and
Denton in the State of Alabama.
August 2,1349. **
JtAIES W. DOUGLASS,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
SPRING TRACE, MURRAY COUNTY, GEO.
Aug S-ts
AETRVS
attorney at law,
Rome, Georgia.
Business? entrusted to his care, will meet with
prompt attention.
Oct. 4.1819. 31 j
IV. W. LIHPKW,
attorney at law,
Rome, Georgia.
*p*il IS, 1849. 6 ts
JFAMIES Jl. HITCIIELL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW; |
ncv’lS ’42 Rome, Ga. 37 ts
lloinc Business Oivcctovn.
Age {tv
. “ eeip. Tws nlo Veep intruders, and
oiff iv ecacral Inf ormation which can be obtaitu-u.
r I lmve the filing of several fine PLANTATIONS
ve || turber- J and situated on the Coosa River,
■ome ten roues below Rome, which can be bought j
unon quit.’ favorable terms. I also have the selling .
J several improved LOTS IN THE CITY OF j
ROM E. well situated both for business and private
residences. ...
All business entrusted to my care shall meet with
prompt attention. Commmunications addressed to
must be post-paid, with a fee of ?. r i enclosed for
tse gal- or purchase of each lot or tract of land.
JOHN L. HU SON, Rome, Ga. j
P. A. Lawson", Griffin, Ga.;
A. 11. Kevnas, Milledgeville. Ga.;
Willis u Rockwell, “ “
(Jr. W. Kish, Macon, Ga.;
,T. K. Iklt, Rome, Ga.; |
Col. Wm. Jones, Lowndes county, Ga |
Aug 1. n22 iiitn !
WAREHOUSE it COMMISSION BUSINESS.
T ■ Tun 1 icg leave to inform their i
friends an i the public generally, that they I
have opened a Ware-House under the firm of
PECII & IIAUDIIf,
ROME, a A.,
•Where they -n ill be ready to receive Cotton and
all oth?r Produce entrusted to their care.
The, per; . sal attention of one of the partners will
be given to the business. A share of the pablie pat
ronage is respectfully solicited.
J. M. PECK,
A. T. HARDIN,
nov 81949 88
v wo*ts! Xpw Goorts!
T'HH subscribers arc now receiving a large as
sortment of
bought in the New York Market, by a gentleman o£
twenty years’ experience in business. W e therefore
confidently offer our Stock to the public, pledging
ourselves to seil as low as any other house in the
city. Please call and examine our stock and prices.
IIAUDIN A LAMKIN.
Rome,Sept. 19,1560. 29 ts
Cunninghams & Linton,
(si. chamberlain, agent,)
AT THE RAIL ROAD DEPOT,
ROME, GA.,
HAVE established a Store House, as above, main
ly for the purpose of buying Grain for their ex
tensive Mill, now being erected in Augusta, on the
new Canal. In connexion with tils'. Agency, they
propose to keep many Staple and Useful Articles,
such as Heavy Groceries, Hardware, Cotton Yarns,
Osnaburgs, Shirting-, Ac., —and have made, and are
making buch arrangements as will enable them to
supply Merchants, as well as others, upon such terms
as will compare favorably, all tilings considered, w ith
the lartrer markets. We shall receive many articles
direct from the manufacturers’ for sale, for their ac
count, on commission.
We respectfully invite all who may feel disposed
to patronize such a concern, to call and decide for
themselves whether we offer them such rates as
above intimated. At any rate, we shall do our best
to satisfy all.
P. P V.'e have in store, and are daily expecting
supplies of Salt Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Ragging,
Rone and Twine, Iron, Steel, Nails, Castings, Gun
and Blasting Powder, Shot, Lead, Yarns, Osnaburgs,
Shirt;n b s, Axes, Saws, Spades, Shovels, Smitlis’ Bel
lows, Anvils, Vices,, <tc. Also, Liquors, Chee.-e, To
bacco, Rice, Ac., Ac. oct 25 34 ts
WATCH
AND
The undersigned would respectfully inform
his friends and the public, that he now has on
and will constantly keep an assortment
of Gold mid Silver Levers, and Plain
Watekes which he will sell as low or lower
than a similar quality can be bought elsewhere.
Also, a good assortment of Ladies’ ami Gentle
men’s Jewelry, together with numerous other arti
cles in his line, including fine Pistols, Ac., which will
be sold on the most liberal terms.
Repairing always done promptly, in the best man
ner, and on reasonable terms.
Shop opposite Johnson, Gwynn A Cos.
July* ly T. S. WOOD.
/ \BOXES Cotton A Woolen Cards at the whole
IU tale r*kw for sale bv
Jaa f? M. CHAMBERLIN, Agnt
VOLUME 3.
IMAGINARY EVILS.
Let to morrow take care of to-morrow;
Leave tilings of the future to fate,
What’s the use to anticipate sorrow?
Life’s troubles come never too late!
If to hope overmuch be an error,
’l'is one that the wise have preferred;
And how often have hearts been in terror
Os evils—that never occurred!
Have faith—and thy faith shall sustain thee—
Permit not suspicion and care
With invisible bonds to enchain thee,
But bear what God gives thee to bear,
By his Spirit supported and gladdened,
Be ne’er by ‘forbodings’ deterred!
But think how oft hearts have been saddened
By fear—of what never occurred!
Let to-morrow take care of to-morrow
Short and dark as our life my*appear,
Wo may make it still darker by sorrow—
Still shorter by folly and fear !
Half our troubles are half our invention,
And often from blessings conferred
Have we shrunk in the wild apprehension
Os evils that never occurred!
Tlie.Conllict ©I Glasses.
We have repeatedly asserted that there lurk
ed far more danger in the social institutions of
the North, from the antagonism of classes there,
than at the South. Os the feeling that finds
expression there, we subjoin but one specimen
out of many:
“A few evenings since, as wo witnessed a
poor woman who had just returned from a
clothing store, whither she had been to carry
her bundle of pantaloons. It was Saturday
evening, and she was too late to get her pay.
The clerk had gone and carried away the key
of the safe. There was no money. They
gave her a ticket for her due, and said “ good
evening!” “But lend me a dollar on this,”
said she, “ I have nothing to buy bread for my
children to-morrow!” “How many children
have you?” asked the “boss.” “ Five, and the
eldest is but nine years old, and can earn
nothing. “Poor people have no business to
multiply so fist,” was the heartless reply.—
“ Here is half a dollar, come on Monday morn
ing and pay me.” The woman departed
weeping as though her very flesh would dis
solve in tears, and that heartless, wealthy scoun
drel turned away with a coarse laugh, and jing
led his well tilled purse as though he had
achieved a “capital joke!” As we wended our
way after the unhappy woman, we actually for
got that that same traffic besetter, vile, sel
fish son of a damnably false system of com
merce, was flesh and blood, and a human be
ing!”—Boston Investigator.
The American and Swedish Sight
in gales.
_ Jhe,following, from the New York Mirror,
is a very good hit at the extravagancies which
fiUiLe makers about Miss Liud’s singing:
Ajc other Triumph,—Sho-tly after the ar
rS-w:Jftqqv L’yijj* at Boston a very painfu l
Occured There, which lias very seriously
affected In#. It appears that in the house
where apartment, wore provided f.r her there
was very superior mocking bird, whose mim
icry and song vr>re such that he had silenced
both the feather and feline circle* there, cana
ry birds and cats giving up all attempts to
outmatch him in their respective notes. He
was removed into the same room with Jenny
who was charmed with him. After finishing
one of her simple songs, “Bob” tuned his pipes
and gave out a very fair imitation The admira
tion of Jenny was unbounded; she tried him in
a snatch from the celebrated “cavatina” in 11
Puritan!.” “Bob,” alter one or two leaps from
perch to perch, spread his tail in ecstacy, filled
his chest again, and run over all those beauti
ful notes as accurately as if they were the mere
echo of the thrilling notes of Jenny. Mr. Bar
liUin, who stood by became alarmed. He
knew the owner of the bird had too long a
pocket to admit of a possible hope of his will
ingness to part with him, or even enter into
“an engagement on any terms, and here was a
bird equal to Jenny. Jenny, however, -seeing
the consternation of her friend, sprang to the
| piano and struck off, in her best style, her cel
! ebrated “Swedish Echo Song,”
Sckielmeert vax under heil vlarting
Weigheugh!—ha!—weigheugh!”
“Bob” listened, sprang to his water jar, and
took a sip; listened again, shook his feathers,
and began. For a note or two he succeeded *
admirably; but when ho came to that point
where the rorce of Jenny leaves the earth and
turns a somerset in the clouds poor “Bob” fal
tered; he was seen to strugggle hard; reeled
and fell dead from his perch in a lock jaw !
mountains of the lio^n.
About two years ago the scientific world
was surprised by the announcement that Drs.
Krapt & Rebmann had discovered a mountain
or mountains within one degree of the equa
toi, in Central Africa, and übout two hundred
miles distant from the sea, which were covered
with perpetual snow, and which, there was
overy reason to believe, were no other than
Ptolemy’s “ Mountains of the Moon.” Addi
tional confirmation, jnst received, seeins to leave
no doubt of the fact that such mountains do
exist; while, from the quantity of gold found
along the whole tropical coast of Africa, there
is a fair ground of probability that another
treasure producing country lies still undiscov
ered, to which California will be but a mere
“circumstance.” —Philadelphia Sun.
What I have Never Known.—l have
never known a poor man to receive a premium
at a fair, when there was a rich man to com
pete with him.
I have never known a poor man respected
because he was poor.
I have never known a merchant to continue
his conversation with a poor man, when a rich
man entered his store.
I have never known an office seeker to be
very conversant with poor men after an elec
tion.
I have never known a fashion too ridiculous
to be follow ed.
I have never known any system of religion
too absurd to find followers.
I have never known a political abolitionist
that would put a negro in his best bed.
1 have never known the laws of nature re
versed to punish or please any man
It is estimated that the revenue collect
ed at San Francisco will probably equal that
at any other port in the country, excejjt New
York.— Charleston Sun.
t&T An Agent of Mr, Barnum left Now
York on Saturday, in the steam nip Ohio, for
the purpose of engaging the Tacon Theatre at
Havana, for a series of concerts to be given by
: Jenny Lind.— lk,
Declaration of principle!! by the cit
izenti of Crawford County. Read
and ponder.
Two great opposite principles have existed
in our Government from its formation. One
has for its basis, the maxim that strength is
the essence of all government: that this
strength is only to be found in a consolidation
of poiver in the general government: the oth
er, that while a consolidation of power may
give strength, it may at the same time destroy
liberty". The advocates of the power main
tained, at the formation of our government,
that all legislative power, should be vested in
the Congress of the United States; and that
all power, not strictly appertaining to legisla
tion, should be vested in the Executive. They
further contended, that State Government
should not be tolerated; because it would weak
en the general government; that dissensions
would arise and iead to war between the States.
This party teak the name of Federalist.
The advocates pi the l.attcrV;.,ntended that
the federative government would ! more con
sonant to liberty", and longer preserve it. They
maintained that the benefits of general pro
tection to all the States collectively, and to
each individually, could be secured by a com
pact or agreement between the States in their
sovereign capacity. This capacity they con
tended should embrace the common defence
and general welfare of the Union. To give
effect to it the States were willing to give up
the necessary power (and no more) reserving
to themselves all power not expressly” conced
ed. This compact they called a Constitution.
It was necessary that there should be an agent
to carry that compact into execution. There
fore, the States, they contended, should each
send representatives to a general Assembly,
which should be an agent and trustee for the
whole—bound to act in strict obedience to the
instructions contained in the written constitu
tion or compact. They held or contemplated
that if any case should arise or come be
fore the agent, not provided for in the constitu
tion, it should not lake jurisdiction over the
case; but submit it to the States themselves
for action and determination. This party held
that strict equality” among the several States
should, lit nil times, be observed by the agent
or general government. This party received
the appellation of Republicans.
It is a fact, worthy of remark, that the Fed
eralists were lead by Hamilton, an adopted son
of New York —born on the island of Nevis—
and that the Republicans were lead by Jeffer
son, a Virginian.
And still more remarkable that the North
has ever adhered to the doctrine of Hamilton,
and the South to that of Jefferson. I mean
the majority in each section. But it will not
appear unreasonable or unnatural, when we
more closely” examine the fact.
The Federalists determined to accomplish
by stealth, what they failed to do openly. —
They, therefore, set about uniting the interests
of the country” with them. This was easily
done; for once establish the principle, that a
majority, in Congress had a rightto pass laws
controlling a great, influence would soon be
able to control Congress for their benefit. This
proved true in practice. The shipping inter
est —the first of importance—readily enlisted
loader the dan ner of this party, find by aci of
Congress levying duties on foreign tonage,
compelled all other interests to patronize it.—
This intciest, being at the North, and receiving
evidence in dollars and cents ot the benefits to
them of this principle fell in love with. The
manufacturing interest, then, sprang up in the
same place, and formed another w illing recip
ient of this doctrine. The union of other in
terests in the North, and the majority which
she had in the House of Representatives, and
which she was certain to maintain early inclin
ed her to join the fortunes of the Federalists.
Asa reward for her fealty this party by fraud
passed an act for the levying of imports, w hich
relieved her of nearly all the burden or taxa
tion, and packed it upon the South. Not be
ing content with this, it has called Fanaticism
to her aid. They have promised her that when
they have fully established the principle, that
the majority shall rule, shall be richly reward
ed by granting all her demands. And well
lias this party commenced the fulfilment of
her promises. Fanaticism demanded that she
should have the right, publicly, to insult and
abuse several sovereign States in Congress, and
stigmatise their citizens as being worthy of a
welcome with hospitable hands to bloody graves.
This demand is granted.
Again; fanaticism demands that the citizens
of several of these independent States shall
be excluded from common territory, in which
all have equal rights; because “ the sin of slave
ry is upon them.”
II as this demand been granted ? All the
North-west territory lias been awarded her. —
All the Mexican territory acquired by com
mon blood and emomon treasure, has followed.
The republicans opposed all these measures
as destructive of State sovereignty, and tend
ing to consolidation. The South being inde
pendent of the aid or protection of the Gene
ral Government, so far as any of her interests
are concerned, has been left free to choose the
republican principle of government. She
knowing that if the Federalists ever got the
ascendency, she must bo the victim; felt that
her interest, as well as principle, demanded a
republican form of government. Hence, she
lias, heretofore, ami still doth, insist upon State
Rights and State Sovereignty; and restriction
and limitation of the powers of the General
Government, to the strict letter of the Consti
tution. In view of the foregoing, we lay down
the following fundamentals:
Ist. That the Constitution is a solemn com
pact between all the States of this Union.
2nd. That equal rights arc by the letter and
spirit of said instrument, guaranteed to each
of the States.
3rd. That Congress is but the agent of all
the States, and is bound to provide for the
common defence, and promote the general
welfare of all the States; that it cannot go be
yond the instructions in the Constitution con
tained; that in all its actions it should act in
good faith towards the citizens of all the States
collectively and individually.
4th. That the Constitution guarantees to
every person the free use and enjoyment of all
his property.
sth. That Congress should faithfully carry
out the Constitution in protecting the proper
ty of the citizen, wherever it lias jurisdiction.
6th. That it has neither a right to divest a
citizen of bis property, limit him in its use,
nor to render it less valuable.
‘7th. That it cannot do indirectly, what it
cannot do directly.
Bth. That the territory of the United States
belongs to all the States jointly.
That slaves are property under the Consti
tution.
From theso premises come tho following de
duction*
ROME, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 1830.
Ist. That California being a territory, be
longing equally to all the Str.es, and the citi
zens of all and every one o! the States, had
a right to go there with their property; that
no person had any authority” to form a Con
stitution when it was formed, uor to organize
it as a State. Therefore, there was neither a
Constitution nor organization. Hence, Con
gress, by admitting it as a State, did make a
Constitution and organize it ;n a State, thereby
creating, instead of adraittir j anew State, for
which the Constitution of tire U. States give
no authority. It was, there ore, a usurpation
of power by Congress an;! contrary to the
Constitution. *
2d. That Congress by i’ eluding the slave
holder, has acted in bad faitT, and adopted the
Wiltnot Proviso, and rondo:-;.! the property* of
slaves less valuable in pro-yes.
3d. That Congress, by npLrfering with slave
ry in the District of CohinTjU, has limited the
right of the holder in The ’’’'To of his property,
and set a precedent that V* urged as au
thority to limit it in this interfer
ence is iu bad faith, ti to the Con
stitution.
4th. That the recent ytion cf Congress,
manifests a fixed determination of the major
ity* in Congress; to sacrifice.the rights of a large
section of this Confederacy*, iu obedience to
the Fanatics of the North.
In view of these fact", we solemnly Re
solve,
Ist. That while we are ready with our lives,
our fortunes, and our honor, to maintain the
Union formed by* our patriotic sires of ’76,
and the Constitution —tli? compact of Union
—we will, to the utmost of our power, resist
all innovations upon the principles of the one,
or encroachments upon the other.
2. That the State of Georgia never aliened
the sovereign right to trade when and where
she pleases; or to offer any inducements she
may think proper, to her citizens, for the pur
pose of advancing their interests in point of
sovereign indepenancc, or sovereign pecuniary
benfits.
3. That wo will never submit to Federalism,
though she may adorn herself in the borrowed
ornaments of the Union, and a false crown bear
ing an inscription of till 1 Constitution,
4. That while we pledge ourselves to op
pose Northern Federalism, wc also pledge our
selves to vote for no man as a Delegate to the
Convention who is not openly opposed to sub
mission and in favor xri Constitutional resist
ance.
From the Nashville American
Slow far liiis st the Hortfi encroach ?
We find in the Savannah Georgian, a brief
reply to the above enquiry, which is worth a
serious perusal from every lover of the South
and of the Union. “It was said unto Moses,
remarks the above journal, when he was allow
ed to behold the lan I of promise from the
mount, “ thus far shalt thou go and no farther.”
How far would the Union men, as they style
themselves, and their ihurnals allow the North
to encroach £'■ J fcjre they made any re
sistance! No pers- v ‘AT pretend to deny the
intention of the Nort ril. The extinction of the
institution of slavery is the inevitable object
which has engaged their energies for years,
and their well directed plans have not tailed to
effect their desires tirs far. No scheme has
been putin motion without first being guard
ed by a shrouded policy which was either cal
culated to decoy public suspicions or carry out
its object by some false appearance. With a
stealthy pace, but one which has shown its ef
fect, the double dealing politicians of the North
have continued their course until they have at
length gained their position, from whence they
can carry out their motives with boldness.—
Lately they have chosen the more wise policy,
and acted under cover, yet in concerted action
with the great Whig party, by which they find
their objects more easily secured.
The most strict Union man, when asked if he
thinks the South is in danger in consequence
of the advantages the North has gained over
her, will answer yes! Then if there is danger
from the advancing evil at the present position
of the country’s affairs, what must we expect
in the course of a few years? W e cannot be
blind to the nefarious designs of Northern po
liticians. It is difficult to distinguish one in
their ranks who will candidly admit that his
feelings arc not against the institution of slave
ry; therefore what can we expect from the ac
tion when the. feelings a ethus inspired? The
popular voice will impel the partisan, let the
tenor of the movement be what it may. What
then have we to hope for ? For political peace?
The things is absurd. The enemy has gained
his ground, he has cast off the mantle of dis
guise, and openly shows us that his victor}* is
theovertnvow of pnr institutions. Yet there
are those among t. who seem to discredit the
most positive evidence which threatens our de
cline in the scale of political equality.
With the evidence oT the past and the pres
ent, and a natural presumption of the future,
let us ask the friends of reconciliation and
(self styled,) howfarthf trweklipg, bargaining
and compromising .nwajLg-tke honest rights of
the South must cxtcmUT'yforc they deem it
necessary to make any ‘show of resistance ?
There is a scale of coodStidns which most cer
tainly we should attach Vto this sliding scale ot
concessions which tint .North is conditioning
from the South. The 5 ultimate object is un
mistakable; and must we calmly submit to
the measures of tholso factions who are eager
ly seeking to consummate it ? Where is the
approach or grade on the scale when we must
arouse and apply the remedy to the evil ? Will
the friends of reconciliation point it out to us ?
Wc have diligently endeavored to ascertain
the medium of their_coocessions and the ex
tent of latitude whichtheir generous impulses
would submit to Northern encroachments, be
fore it became expedient to resist, without be
ing able to come to any conclusion. Can it be
that their love for the Union is so inherent in
their feeling, that they would sacrifico their
existence for it, like the faithful dog that
watched over his master’s grave until lie starv
ed himself to death? We ask then with the
spirit of complacency, if the South has lost her
political equality ? If she has been forced to
yield every foot of her new territory to the
power of Northern influence ? Is she in dan
ger ? If she is, then it is the duty of every
Southerner to calmly deliberate upon the rem
edy. Weigh well tho circumstances pro and
con, and let us apply the substantial remedy,
without going into extremes, if they can be
avoided.
Wo now in conclusion, ask again—will tho
friends of tho Union and Reconciliation define
their head-lands ? Will they give us the “thus
far and no farther ” line of their political re
sistance ?
jr_-f7“ ‘l ho number of fugitive slaves already
in tho villages of Malden, Sandwich, and Wind
sor, Canada, is 2,000. They have entered
those points from nil portions of the West.—
The Commandants of the British garrisons,
at the two latter places, have given up the
barracks to lodge them in.
Equal Hights'aud Privilege!.
The Southern States are co-equal with the
Northern, and while they share common bur
dens should enjoy a just and equal share of
the benefits. This proposition is plain and
will doubtless be readily agreed to by all.
We were not a little amused, a few clays
since by a remark, which fell from the lips of
one of our most energetic men of business, in
reply to a question, which we put to him in
the course of a conversation between us, in
regard to the rules and regulations which gov
ern merchants in copartnership.
After some remarks upon the passage of the
compromise bills, having tor their object a set
tlement of the question winch have been agi
tating Congress and the country for the past
year we as aforesaid, broached tho subject of
copartnership in business, &c. We had an
interesting explanation yfall matters relating
to it from our mvreanlilejtivnd, and in order to
learn his ideas of right and wrong, we asked
him “if his partner in business should take all
the profits and leave him nothing for his pains
taking labor, what he would do under the
circumstances ?” Our friend looked positively
shocked at the question—but, after a mo
ment’s hesitation, his countenance assuming
an air of ferocity quitcjunusual to it, he replied.
“ I’d whale him ?”
“ Would that be the extent of your action,
in such a case ?” modestly inquired we.
“ No sir,” said our worthy merchant, “ I
would break up the copartnership—l would
quit the rascal at a moment's notice I”
So would we, and so doubtless would all our
readers in such a case. But let us look at this
matter a little. Two bodies politic, some years
ago, entered into a copartnership, for general
purposes, under the name of Messrs. North and
South. They were remarkably prosperous,
and although one treated the other a little
badly sometimes, still the respect and affection
entertained by the injured person for his partner,
led him almost entirely to overlook the wrongs
and trespasses. Time went on, and prosperity
stili smiled upon the firm. They made pur
chase, they bought land and divided it after
some fashion, Mr. North, however, always
obtainig a large share of the bread and cheese.
A firm, in a neighboring State become hostile
to their interest, Messrs. North and South in
vaded, vi et armis, their territory, and took
possession, after a long straggle, of some of the
goods and chattels of the opposing firm. Mr.
South furnished a much larger share of the
means to carry on this campaign, and shed his
blood freely to conquer “ a peace.”
When they came to divide, Mr. North
showed an evident disposition to take all. Mr.
South waxed wrothy at this fresh evidence of
his partner’s injustice and positive greediness,
lie insisted upon an equal share, as he had
spent treasure and “ coined his blood” to
obtain it. Well, Mr. North proposed a
upon some plan or other.
ly waited to see the bond drawn up. It was
prepared accordingly, and presented to Mr.
South for his acceptance. It provided so and
so— smoothing matters over nicely—no mis
taked “ This, part As mine,” said Mr. North,
“ and as an old Mdxican law exists, providing
that you cannot Have the rest, of course I’ll
take it — its all in the Jinn, you know.”
Mr. South objected to this with many words.
He even passed solemn resolutions not to sub
mit to it. But not liking to destroy tlie co
partnership, lie offered to take one third on
the basis of an old and long establised compro
mise between them, called, in general terms,
“ the Missouri.” Mr. North objected strenu
ously, and ended finally by taking all—every
part and parcel, and telling Mr. South to be
content, that the copartnership existing be
tween them was a most glorious one—persons
together in that way should not quarrel—not
they ! Mr. South saw something was wrong
—the possesions, the firm had acquired by con
quest, had been taken altogether from him—
lie was not able to enjoy any portion of it, and
was daily becoming poorer and poorer, while
his partner was waxing flit with amazing rapid
ity But this was not all. Mr. North even
went so far as to threaten his partner that if
he did not give up some of the goods he had
already in possession, he would take sword in
hand against him !
He was kicked and cuffed, after a little, but
lie still determined, itseeined, to hold on to the
Union with Mr. North. He lost all the goods
acquired from the hostile firm above mentioned,
and suffered many other losses “in the bar
gain,” but his love for the blessed and righ
eous copartnership kept him from any mode,
and measure of redress.” He is now not only
poor in purse but poor in spirit, and we doubt
not, will soon give up everything for the Un
ion. lie has fixed a fighting line several times
—but lie backs out when Mr. North comes
up to it, and retreats “ in hot haste” to another
a little in the rear.
What a Glorious .‘copartnership is this!—
Ought Mr. North, in the words of our mercan
tile friend, to be whaled or not ’ lias be.upt
acted an unjust and illegal part by his partner?
These are the questions which we put to our
friend the merchant, and although a non-ac
tion man, and for non-resistance heretofore, he
acknowledged the justice of our remarks. lie
agreed with us that Mr. South ought, at least,
to protect himself from further wrongs. He
said ho has never looked at the matter in this
light before. He is going to vote the South
ern Rights ticket.—Augustia Republic.
Tlic Fugitive Slave Law in Wiscon.
sin.
A large meeting was held at Kenosha, Wis
consin, jou the 18th ultimo, at which strong res
olutions were adopted, denouncing the above
named law as unconstitutional, as an outrage
upon the rights of the people, and as a wicked
and corrupt compromise, deserving contempt
and resistance. It was further resolved not to
submit to the act, though at the expenso of
enduring its penalty, and to do all that it is
possible to Jo to protect those who may he
amenable to its provisions. Judge Stoddard
spoke in support of tho resolutions, and in the
course of his remarks, pledged himself that
notwithstanding tho requirements of tho law
to the contrary, ho would, if applied to, in tho
case of a fugitive, grant a writ of habeas cor
pus. The Deputy Marshal also made a pledge
that if a writ was placed in his hands for the
arrest of a fugitive, lie would not serve it. Tho
meeting, after appointing a Committee of Vig
ilance, adjourned.
Tho lluugmstn II miff.
Foote lias partly met his deserts in Missis
sippi. The second place he appeared, to speak
(at Canton) tho people became so indignant at
his speech that they hung him in effigy, and
he left the ground in trepidation. The doom
NUMBER 37.
which he promised llaj.e, some two or three
years ago in the Senate, he has come well nigh
meeting himself. He is being successfully
met by Col. McWillie and other Southern
champions, and has been entirely unhorsed.—
The people of Mississippi are thoroughly
aroused. — Georgia Telegraph.
From the Southern Press.
A Fov Fact! for Southern Snbmii*
sionists
It is a fact that the Fugitive Slave bill wa3
passed by the united Southern vote. It is al
so a fact that although it was claimed by the
Southorn compromisers as the consideration
the South was to get for all they surrendered
in the Senate but three Northern men sus
tained it.
It is a fact that on the final vote in the Sen
ate, out of sixty,(constituting the whole num
ber) it received tut twenty seven votes ! not one
half.
It is a fact that twelve votes were cast
against it—all from the North—and that twen
ty one Senators either dodged or were absent.
Here is the record:
Yeas—Messrs. Atchinson, Badger, Barn
well, Bell, Berrien, Butler, Davis of Mississip
pi, Dawson, Dodge of lowa, Downs, Fcote,
Houston, Hunter, Jones, King, Mangum, Ma
son, Pearce, Rusk, Sebastian, Soule, Spruance,
Sturgeon, Turney, Underwood, Wales, Yulee
27.
Nays—Messrs. Baldwin, Bradley, Chase,
Cooper, Davis of Massachusetts, Dayton,
Dodge of Wisconsin, Greene, Smith, Upham,
Walker, Winthrop—l 2
Absent or not Voting—Messrs. Benton,
Borland, Bright, Clarke, Clay, Cass, Clemens,
Dickinson, Douglass, Ewing, Felch, Hale,
Hamlin, Miller, Morton, Norris, Phelps, Pratt,
Seward, Shields, Whitcomb—2l.
“A concession from tho North” indeed!
three Northern votes for it, and absentees
enough known to be hostile to repeal (if nec
essary,) at the commencement of the next
session.
In the House the same game was played,
though more Northern men ventured to vote
for it.
The fate of those from Ohio who ventured
on the experiment, is thus commemorated in
the Steubenville Union of that State
Who are they?—Hoagland, Democrat, and
Taylor, Whig, are the only members of the
present Congress who voted for the slave
catching law, who were put in nomination for
re-election. Hoagland’s district can give 1300
Democratic majority, and yet he is beaten
nearly 1000 votes. Taylor’s district contains
a moderate Whig majority, and yet he has
been re-elected.
A large part, if not all of Mr. Taylor’s dis
trict is in the Virginia military district, and
settled chiefly by Y'irginians, which accounts
tor his return
It is a fact thatevery avowed Free-soiler has
either been re elected, or replaced by ode
equally, , if not more bitter in Free-uoil princi
ples, while the new aAcnewtons, direct or by
•■San.:
raeVous.
It is a fact that the Five-soil party will be
more strongly represented in the next Con
gress than it ever hairbeen.
! It is a fact that Seward declares himself a
Union man, and considers the preservation of
the Union essential to the success of his Abo
lition doctries. It is also on record that he
scoffs at the idea of Southern agitation imper
illing the Union, for he regards it as stronger
than slavery and stronger than the South.
It is a fact that Benton also,claims the cred
it of having raised this cry of disunion to over
whelm Southern agitation on the subject of
slavery; and that with Mr. Clay and Mr. \lob
ster, he repudiates the idea of any more slave
States.
It is a fact that Benton and Houston are
the real heads of the Southern Union party,
to which Mississippi has furnished the feet in
two of her sons orig’ >ally most noisy in their
denunciations of all who opposed the Nash
ville Convention.
It is a J'act that “this cry of Union is a
masked battery,” behind which the enemies
of the South assail her.
It is a fact in relation to Southern submis
sion, that those who propose the tiling, are
ashamed to call it by its right name—and cov
er it up under “this cry of Union.”
It is a fact that the sayings and the speech
es of these Southern submissionists are highly
approved of, by the very presses and persons
most bitterly denounced and discredited by
the same men as wholly false to the South,
while the struggle was going on in Congress.
It is a fact that Southern submission has
strengthened the hands of the Free-soilers and
Abolitionists —and that the only check upon
them has been imposed by the “agitators.”
It is a fact that Clay’s Compromise, which
gave more of Texas to Free soil than Pearce’s
bill, was by them defeated.
It is a fact that the Fugitive bill was first
propose and carried, by Mason and Butler.
It is a fact that it never would otherwise
have passed, and that it would have been lost
in tlie Lower House but for the dread of South
ern “agitators.”
It is a fact that the agitation at the South
has alarmed the merchants of New York and
Boston into attempting a demonstration to
put down the violators of the Fugitive bill.
It is a fact that they believe the Southern
Acquiescents to the Compromise will submit
to anything—and that they are more than
half right.
It is a fact the peonies and not patriotism
are at tho bottom of these “conservative”
movements at the North—and that Southern
“agitation” alone has brought them to their
senses.
(See the New York papers passim,)
It is a fact that the New York press talks
with a double tongue. The Mirror, owned by
an office holder under tho Government, says:
The Merchants and the Union. —The New
York merchants, whose pockets arc threatened
by the organization now being forced at the
South, binding the planters not to trade with a
city represented in the Senate by an Abolition
ist, aro beginning to wake up to ihe dangers of
disunion. They can discern, through the keen
commercial sagacity for which they aro so re
markable as a class, that an anti-intercourse
league at tho South, and a determination to
stop tho machinery of Government at Wash
ington, is nothing less than a practical dissolu
tion of the Union. Such a consummation
would iustautly convert our “princes” into
lieggare, and New York stocks, New York re
al estate, and Now York merchants would in
stantly fall like Lucifer from Heaven.”
Wo have abundant evidence that our com
mercial men aro beginning to foresee that this
will bo tlie inevitable “condition of things,” if
Seward and his Abolition minions are not cheek
ed in their mad career.
That i* tlie voice of the “conservative” j
Mammon, one of the two controlling spirits
there.
Listen now to the voice of tho other, the
destructive Devil, Moloch.
With an eye on Southern submissionistiq
thus contemptuously speaks he through the
Evening Post:
Ihe Journal of Commerce sees danger to
the Union in this excitement. We see no dan
ger to the Uriion, hut we see much danger to the
law itself; it is in danger of a speedy repeal.
This is the true remedy for the state of things
which the Journal so pathetically deplores.—*
Abolish the unjust law and you abolish all
importunate complaints', you quiet the excite
ment and silence the pulpits.
It is a fact that one of the most influential
papers at the seat of Government in New
York, thus speaks of the enforcement of that
law:
It seems that the Luited States troops ha Vo
been ordered out in Detroit to enforce the ob
servance of the citizens to tho unconstitutional
fugitive law.
I his is a sad spectacle, and such as in the
earlier days of the Republic would have arous
ed tho indignation and the resistance of tho
democrats of the school of Jefferson. No
such invasion of the States has ever before oc
curred— except when President Taylor ordered
the Federal troops to put down by force, tho
republican government of Rhode Island under
its new Constitution.
J lie law itself provides a most formidable
force of irresponsible magistrates, and the un
limited authority of the Courts to appoint
Commissioners and Assistant Marshals, is itself
dangerous to liberty-. This calling in of tho
military power to carry into execution a more
than doubtful law, is a still more formidable
aggression upon the independence of the States
and the rights of the citizens.
It is a. fact that even that extreme measure
did not secure the slave. To prevent blood
shed his master was paid a nominal price for
hirm
II is a fact that as yet not a single slave has
been literally “returned to service and labor”
under the operation of this law; and that it
has failed, except in showing the rottenness o f
Northern sentiment on this “subject, and the
depth of their scorn for the South.
It is a fact that even the religious papers of
the North preach up the violation of the com
promises of the Constitution, and of the rights
of the South; as a religious duty.
In proof ot this, we copy below an ex
tract irom the Boston Zion’s Herald, a reli
gious paper of high standing in the denom
ination of which it is an organ, (the Metho -
dist.)
“What is the duty of Christian citizens re
specting such a law? We explicily say, that
such a question put to us by such a c itizen
would excite our surprise and our pity. Is
there a God fearing man in the North who
would hesitate to abjure such a law before
heaven and earth, and at any penaltv! This
quaker has refused to bear arms and to pay
tithe, and the world differing from its opinions,
reverences him as it does the consciences of good
men in a case like this. We hqpe that from the
very outs this enormous statute will be found a
nullity—a dead letter, doubly dead and buried
beneath the curses of free and Christian peo
ple. So shall we treat it and we shall treat
men so.
“The free States cannot stand under the in
famy, the strangling disgrace of this bill. We
predict that the first attempt to enforce it in
New England will shake, as it were, the very
foundation of her hills; let any one man Mi
its victi-y, any one spot of New England c ril
Tie disii'x.ccd by ite inforeonent, and a'sehsV** 1
tion will bo produced which wiH shock into
confusion all our present party relations.and em
body henceforward the whole energy of the
public mind and attempt to annihilate at any
cbtß.eqvic-.-e iIA slave power of the laud. We
believe that such an occurrence any where in
the North will send a sensation through our
population which will be irresistable by any
party management.”
IHs a fact that under the action of the
Adjustment, the North gets every foot of the
vast territory in dispute for Free-soiL The
South gets not an acre—but as an equivalent
a paper recognition of a right acknowledged in
the Constitution; and the re affirmation of the
Eighth Commandment.
It is a fact that as soon as Southern a<rita-
G° n subsides, Northern abolition becomes more
aggressive and more insolent.
It is a fact that Mr. Clay is a practical
Abolitionist, and avowed Free-soiler: and that
the adjustment was framed to subserve his
darling objects —the exclusion of the South
from all new acquisitions, thus walling in slave
ry, for its final abolition—and secondly, tho
title to the “most sweet voices” of the nation
al North in a certa’n national election, to take
place in 1852.
The tithe has not yet been told; but as we
imagine these, will suffice for one dose, we will
reserve the remainder for a future occasion.
For the verification of these facts, we refer
any one who entertains doubts, to the record.
Aaodier “ Compromise.”
Ihe demonstations of Northern sentiment
indicate unerringly that another Compromise
will be forced upon the South at tho ensuing
session of Congress. The Fugitive Slave Bill—
the poor pittance doled out to her as an equiv
alent for her ignominious ejection from the Ter
ritories of the Union—is to be repealed, or so
modified as to render it utterly inefficient and
useless. Acquiescence and submission to tho
wrongs then inflicted have served but as in
centives to the perpetration of further aggres
sions; and the willing subserviency of South
ern submissionists is hailed as evidence that |Jie -
people of the South are prepared to endure
more, to suffer more, for the privilege of being
“hewers of wood and drawers of water* in
this glorious and glorified Union. As one of
the most pregnant indications of what may be
expected of the Freesoil majority ir. Congress,
we annex a portion of an article from the Phil
adelphia American, the leading Whig paper
of Pennsylvania, in reference to a projiosed
Union meeting to be held in that citvS
There can be no fear of such a meeting fail
ing in success, in numbers or in enthusiasm:
but we should ask ourselves whether all is gain
ed we seek—and whether the mischief is to
be cured and the danger prevented—by the
simple reassertion in public meetings of our
loyalty, and the renewal of our friendship tor
the people of the South. There is something
more required it is manifest than this; and
wise men and good citizens will be less anxious
to make cheap professions of patriotism than
to remove tho real cause of contention. It
will not do to cry peace, when there is no peace,
or to say we will save the Union, without
making some actual effort to do so. To calm
excitement, we must remove or modify tho
cause. Considering the immediate outburst
of indignation that followed it, and the wild
and dangerous passions beginning to Ik* indulg
ed, we cannot hope for either peace or safety
until some change ha* been made in the slave
law, rendering it less obnoxious to Northern
ideas and prejudice. It is upon this point that
a compromise is needed.— Charleston Mercury.
r J he Boston Post perpetrates this :
Ossinn Dodge throughout the'land,
Doubtless, will be called a ninny;
Still unchanged the truth will stand,
That e\vrv Yack will find a b-nuv.