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THE SOUTHERNER.
TB. FOICHE, Editor.
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BY YESTERDAY’S MAIL
We invite attention to the following extract
from a letter which we have just received Iroin
a most reliable source:
“l am surprised to learn, that the base suh
inissionists are denying, in several quarters,
that it is untrue that the President has order
ed troops to Huston, ’ibis is done to atlect
your elections, lull are authorized to say,
that no troops have been ordered to Boston,
and never will. The usual orders to remove a
1 few companies North and South, were made;
“ but have been countermanded in consequence
of this report; and a poor fellow dismissed, in
deference to abolition sentiment, form the V\ ar
office, who mentioned the order; a thing I sup
pose, often done. Advices from North,
enable me to state this positively. will
please give our friends every assurance ot the
statement I make to you.
Letters just received, give we warm encour
agement from Mississippi, Alabama and North
Carolina. For God’s sake, let Georgia strike
the traitors down, who are unfaithtul to her
in common with the South.”
N fw York, Nov, 11, Op. m.
The sale of Cotton to-day amounted to 1300
bales. Prices have advanced : Middling
Upland, l -t|. Other articles are unchanged.
The Massachusetts election took place to-day.
From Boston, we learn that Briggs, the W big
candidate for Governor, runs ahead ot his ticket
in several wards.
It ;s conceded that Washington Hunt, the
Whig candidate, is elected Governor of this
State.
Elegant Extracts.
“It is my object at this time to speak, upon
that measure, which some gentlemen are pleas
ed to call the ‘compromise bill,’ but which
might be more properly entitled articles of ca
pitulation on the part of the south. So far
from being a compromise, the bill proposes
nothing short of an abandonment of the po
sition of the south, and a surrender of the just
rights of her people to an equal participation
in the new acquisitions of territory. The sur
render was covert, but it was no less complete
and absolute .”
[Stephens in 1848, on the Clayton Compro
mise.
“It was no compromise in any sense of the
word. A compromise is a mutual yielding of
rights, for the purpose of adjusting and set
tling differences and difficuties. But in this
case, there was no such mutual concession.—
* aol|yquesLjUi wa3 lo be left itviihc
‘resort to The Supreme Gourt of the United
States, upon whose decision the party was ei
ther to get all or lose all. And entertaining
not the slightest doubt, that under it the south
was to lose all I adopted the speediest and most’
effectual means of defeating it.”
Stephens Ibid.
‘ Then, sir, what are we of the south to gain
by this compromise? Nothing but what we
would have even with the W ilinot proviso.—
The poor privilege of carrying our slaves into a
country where the first thing to be encounter
ed is the certain prospect ot an uncertain law
suit, which may cost more than any slave is
worth; and in my opinion, with the absolute
certainty of ultimate defeat in the end, and
with no law in the meantime to protect our
rights of property in any way whatever! This
sir, is the substance of the compromise, even
in the most favorable manner that it can be
presented! And this is the security of the
which I had the temerity to reject!—
Would that the people of that section may
ever have men on this floor of such temerity!
I did reject it; and I shall continue to reject
all such favors. If I can get no better compro
mise, I shall certainly never take any at all.—
As long as I have a seat here, I shall maintain
the just and equal rights ot my section upon
all other questions. I ask nothing less. All
I demand is, common right and common jus
tice ; these I will have in clear and express
terms, or I will have nothing. I speak to the
North irrespective of parties. I recognize no
party association or affiliation upon this sub
ject.”—[Stephens Ibid..
“ Nor shall I be awed or intimidated in the
discharge of this high duty, by any of the
trembling alarms of the official organ, that the
Union is in danger ; that unless agitation on
this subject is quieted, the free soil movement
in the North will sweep every thing before it,
and that the government itself w ill he endan
gered. Such appeals may have their effects
upon the hearts of the timid. lam myself not
quite so easily terrified into a surrender of rny
rights and those of my constituents.” “ And
h no alarms about Union , or raving of brainless
scribblers and heartless demagogues, who
croak and prate upon subjects on which they
are profoundly ignorant shall evercaUsO mo to
shrink from the opeo and feariess maintain
ance of it, even though I may stand solitary
and alonO.” “ I repeat lam no enemy to the
Union —and lam for its preservation and its
perpetuation, if it can be done upon principles
of equality and justice.” “W e have heard
but little from gentlemen from that section, tor
eight months past, but eulogies upon the
Union.” “If they expect the South to make
all the sacrifices, to yield every thing, and to
carrv out their sectional policy under the cry
of our “glorious Union,” they will find them
selves most sadly mistaken. It is time for
mutual concessions.”
“ And no people, in my judgment, who
deserve the name of freemen, will continue
their allegiance to any government which ar
rays itself not only against their property, but
against their social and civil organization.”
41 And whenever this government is brought
in hostile array against me and mine, I am for
disunion—openly, boldly and fearlessly for
rcvolutionr. I speak plainly. Gentlemen
may call this “ treason” if they please. Sir,
epithets have no terrors for me. The charge
of “traitor” may be whispered in the ears of
the timid and craveu-hearted; it is the last
appeal of tyrants.”
[Stephens in Congress 1850.
“In other word®, we say, if )OR cannot
agree to enjoy this public dominion, let us di
vide it. You take a share, and let us take a
share. And-I-again suhmit to an intelligent
arid candid world if the proposition is not fair
and just ? And whether its rejection does not
account to a clear expression of your fixed de-
termination to exclude us entirely from any
participation in this public domain.”
** But if you deny those terms—if you con
tinue deaf to the voice of that spirit of justice,
right and equality, which should always char
acterize the deliberations of statesmen, I know
of no other alternative that will be left the peo
ple of the South, but sooner or later, to ac
quiesce in the necessity of “holding you, as
the rest of mankind, enemies in war— in peace,
friends.’ ” — Stephens in Congress 1850.
So much for Mr. Stephens. Mr. Toombs
will please take the stand.
Hark from the I’oombs, a doleful sound.
Mine ear attend the cry,
Ye living men, come view the ground,
Where you may shortly lie.”
“ I STAND upon the great principle, that
the South has a right to an equal participation
in the territories of the United States. I
CLAIM TIIE RIGHT FOR HER TO ENTER THEM
with her property, and security to enjoy it.
She will divide with you, if you wish it, but the
right to enter all, I SHALL NEVER SUR
RENDER, and that WE WILL MAINTAIN
the positions there laid down.”
[Toombs, Ibid.
“ This cry of Union is the masked battery
from behind which the constitution and the
rights of the South are to be assailed.”
“ Let the South mark the man who is for
the Union at every, hazard and to the last ex
tremity. When the day of her peril comes he
will he the imitator of the historical character,
the base Judean, who for 30 pieces of silver,
threw away a pearl richer than all his tribe.”
[ Toombs Ibid.
“ If tub people of Georgia Understood
THIB SLAVERY QUESTION AS WELL AS I DO, THEY
WOULD NOT REMAIN IN THIS UNION FIVE MIN
[ Toombs in conversation with a friend 1850.
“ These causes have brought us to the point
where we are to test the sufficiency of written
constitutions to protect the rights of the minori
ty against a majority of the people. Upon the
determination of this question will depend and
ought to depend the PERMANENCY of the
GOVERNMENT.”
[Toombs in Congress 1850.
“ They (the territories) are the fruits of suc
cessful war. We have borne our full share of
the burthen—we demand an equal participa
tion in its benefits. The rights of the South are
consecrated by the blood of her children. The
sword is the title by which the nation acquired
the country. The thought is suggestive —wise
men will ponder upon it:— brave men will
act upon it.” —Toombs Ibid.
“I SPEAK NOT FOR OTHERS, BUT
FOR MYSELF. Deprive us of this right and
appropriate this common property to your
selves, it is then your government not mine.
Then lam its enemy, and will then, if I can,
UTES.”
bring my children and my constituents to the
altar of liberty and like Hamilcar, l would
swear them to eternal hostility to your foul
domination. Give us our just rights and we
are ready as heretofore to stand by the Union,
every part of it, and its very interests. Refuse
it, and for one I WILL STRIKE FOR INDE
PENDENCE.”— Toombs Ibid.
“ Our security under the constitution is
based solely upon good faith. There is
nothing in its structure wnich makes aggres
sion permanently impossible. It requires nei
ther skill, nor genius nor courage, to perpetrate
it; it requires only BAD FAITII. I have
studied the histories of nations and the charac
teristics of mankind to but little, purpose if that
quality shall be found WANTING in the
FUTURE ADMINISTRATION of our own
affatrs." — Toombs , Ibid. (
“ I do aq>t, then hesitate to avow before
_this House and countofcaaMMLtbe presencenf
toe living Qodfhjjgmsy your kgioiatioiT'you
seek to drive us from the territories of Cali
fornia and New Mexico, purchased by the
common blood and treasure of the whole peo
ple; and to abolish slavery in this District,
thereby attempting to fix'a national degrada
tion upon half the States of this confederacy,
I AM FOR DISUNION : and if my physical
courage be equal to the maintainance of my
convictions ofxight and duty, I will devote all
I am and all on earth to its consummation.”
[Toornb.i Ibid.
Those in advance may fall —it is the
COMMON HISTORY OF REVOLUTONS BUT THE
POWER CANNOT FALL WITH THEM t NO HUMAN
CAUSE WILL AVERT THE RESULT, IT WILL TRI
UMPH. 1 Toombs 27 th Feb. 1850.
“As to the bill for the admission of Califor
nia—tor the gentleman had particularly refe -
red to that —he believed it was no outrage ujjon
the south : he. never Arr 7 4elieved that it was an
outrage upon the south!’ ! !
Toombs, after Mr. Fillmore was President.
One Hundred Clieers for Benton
County! 1!
It is highly gratifying to us to give place to
the proceedings of such meetings as the South
ern Rights meeting in Benton. The resolu
tions are judicious, moderate, and eminently
Southern in their tone, and conceived in the
lofty and independ spirit of freemen, who scorn
submission to wrong and outrage, perpetrated
in utter disregard of their natural, inalienable
and constitutional rights. What a contrast
do they present to those meetings, which as
semble to rejoice over the perpetration of these
wrongs, to glory over Southern defeat and de
gradation, and to shout hozannas to the glo
rious Union, to which the South is indebted
for her present humiliatingcondilion—a Union
of Northern free-soilers and abolitionists with
Southern dupes, traitors and submissionists, to
build up a Frderal consolidated dynasty to ride
rough shod over the Constitution of our Fa
thers and detroy all its guaranties of separate
State sovereignty and protection of individual
rights and property ! What a jnerited rebuke
have the freemen of Benton bestowed upon
Alexander White, that Federalist dyed in the
wool, whose iil-judged zeal in behalf of an un
constitutional Union, has led him out of his
own county of Talladega, (where he was twice
signally r?buked by the indignant voice of her
noble sons) into other counties, to preach that
submission to deliberate, premeditated, long
continued wrong, insult and oppression is the
highest duty of patriotism! L this be pat
riotism, what traitors were Washington, Jeffer
son, Madison, Henry and the ho9t of spirits in
Revolutionary times, who deemed tfiC paltry
stamp and tea taxes oppressive, and the yoke
of British tyranny, as evidenced by those tax
es, too galling to be borne, and worthy of the
most determined and bloody resistance 1 If
the Northern abolition hive do not recede from
their present position, we will he called upon
by the sternest duty of self-preservation, of
attection for our families, of philanthropy, of
patriotism to follow the examples of our Fa
thers. We arc more and more convinced al
most every day, that these are the sentiments
of the masses of our people. Let the North
beware how she hazards the putting of the last
pound on the camel’s back which breaks it—
the next act of injustice and oppression may
prove the last. The Southern people are be
ing more and more aroused to a sense of the
injuries they have received. “Caesar bad his
Brutus, Charles the First his Cornwell, George
the Third” his Washington—May that consoli
dated essence of free-soilism, abolitionism, and
federalism, King Union (Treason!) —not yet,
Mr. Submissionist —May King Union “ profit
by their example. If that be treason, make
the most of it.*’— Democrat.
When*the heart is won, tiro understanding
is easily persuaded.
THE SOUTHERNER.
ROME, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 11, 1850.
Agencies.
Mr. R. J. Keeling is our authorized Agent to
solicit and receipt for advertising and subscriptions
in the city of Augusta and elsewhere.
Mr. M. B. Crosson is our Agent for Charleston and
Savannah.
We hope our friends in those cities will avail them
selves of the rare opportunity thus afforded them of
making their respeetives businesses, <tc., known
through the Southerner, which has an extensive
circulation throughout Cherokee Georgia and the
adjacent country.
May that same JCSPREBEL
which filled the hearts of Washington, Frank
lin and Henry, pervade the Southern breast
until our equality or Independence shall be
acknowledged by our enemies.
Wilson Lumpkin.
Southern Rights Tickets, tor the
Stale Convention.
MURRAY COUNTY.
GEN. JuIIN BATES,
WM. GORDON.
CASS COUNTY.
MAJ. N. NICHOLSON,
DR. B. H. C. BOMAR,
J. W. B. SUNMMERS,
TIIO’S G. DUNLAP.
A €ALI ;
Our subscribers, and advertising friends, are
earnestly requested to remit the small sums
due us. We need the money to meet the ex
penses of the office. We hope that none will
neglect to attend to this call. They should
reflect that the debts due us, are small, but
numerous and widely diffused; and therefore
amount in the aggregate, to a considerable
sum, which it will be ruinous to us to lose, or
even to send around a special agent to collect.
Let one and all therefoie, promptly remit their
dues to this office, and they shall be promptly
and thankfully acknowledged.
A Card.
Messrs. Calhoun & Starr return their sincere
thanks to the citizens of Rome, for their prompt
and efficient services in saving their property
at the late fire.
Tlic ittontlilies.
Graham’s Magazine for December, is on our
table, and is the best number of the year.
* Godey’s Lady’s Book for December has
been received, and as far excels the January
number, as can almost be conceived. To
which, to award the palm, we are incompetent
to judge. The ensuing volume of either or
both, would make a handsome New Year’s
present.
’TTalaTdgtie oYthe La Grange ColSe
giate Seminary for Young Ladies.
We have not glanced over its pages further
than to examine its typographical execution,
and we are proud to say Jiat no? neater < work
has over been executed, either North or South.
A few years siftee, we would have been com
pelled to send our work to the North, or proba
bly had sent our daughters there to have been
educated; now they can have as good advan
tages in Georgia, and the catalogue can be
printed as neatly here as in any State in the
Union. This is one of the steps advised by
Bishop Andrews, to bring the Yankees to their
senses.
The Army employed to enforce the
Fugitive Slave Law.
The military have been ordered to Boston,
to aid in enforcing the law for the recovery of
run-away negroes. This is a pregnant fact.—
It speaks volumes as to the state of public opin
ion in that city, where certain sagacious trav
elers tpld us, they found public opinion all right
last summer. Will those luminaries of legal
learning, who have kindly descended from the
bench of the Supreme court to give political
opinions for the benefit of the people, tell us
how long the army can enforce an unpopular
law against the wishes of twelve millions of
people? Do Judges Warner and Nisbet be
lieve that this \i\wwill, or can be generally en
forced, so as to amount to a remedial measure
to the South for the wholesale larceny of south
ern property? Do they believe that run-away
negroes, and stolen negroes will be recovered
half as fast as they are stolen and enticed from
among us?
Why is it, that submission writers, speakers
and editor®, ‘pnccal, as fir as they can, the
almost universal opposition to the law? Why
are they thus treacherous to the interest of the
Southern people? Do they not know that this
law was passed through the two Houses of
Congress by a minority? Northern Senators
and Representatives neglected or refused to vote
for it, but left or sat silent in their seats, and
thus suffered it to go upon the Statute book by
the vote of & minority. Why was this? Does
it mean nothing? Twenty-seven, out of sixty
two Senators voted for the bill, and twelve
against it. Where were the other twenty-three
Senators, and who were they? Os the 27 who
voted for the bill, 24 were Southern Senators.
It got but ikree Northern votes, Dickinson, of
New-York, and Dodge and Jones, of Iowa; all
Democrats. Where was Cassl W ill Cobb
or some of his official kin tell us? Why did he
not vote? Will ho oppose a repeal of the bill?
These Senators dodged the responsibility of vo
ting for a law they knew to be unpopular.—
At the next session, they can, and wo have no
doubt, will vote in obedience to the public
opinion of their section, for its repeal. It was
suffered to go there, we have no doubt, as a
temporary expedient, to stave oil a rupture,
by enabling Southern renegades to make a
merit of it before the Southern people. Such
was the use made of it by Howell Cobb on the
Bth inst. at Kingston. This official and his
co-laborers in tho trade of patriotism, seem to
have inverted the order of their duties. In
stead of representing and defeudiug tho inter
est* of Georgia, in Congress, they are earnestly
engaged iu representing Congress before the
people of Georgia. They are doing more to
defend the Government, against the indigna
tion of a people whose equality and interests
it has permit**! to be trampled upon, than they
ever did to secure that equality & defend those
interests. There is every reason to believe that a
coalition of officials has been formed; and
that the parties to it, are now laboring in con
cert to transfer the people of Georgia to the
central power. They who were antipodes in
all their principles, even upon the subject of
the territories six months ago, are now check
by jowl iu the noble work of abusing all those
who can not swallow the California fraud and
other enormities of the late session. “My friend
says Mr. Speaker Cobb! Let the
people look to it. Cobb and company, upon
the one part, and Toombs and Stephens—the
Saimese twins of politics upon the other, make
up an extraordinary and ominous conjunction.
Cobb stickles for what he calls non-intervention.
Toombs says that France, Russia, Ate., owe
us non-intervention. Our own government
owes us more, —protection. Yet they are
working together. If they do not agree in
their principles* there must be something in
which they do aJrSe. What is it? Let the
people considefi4 v ‘
Mr. lijfowell Cobb.
This official, and well fed, with his
pockets full of of treasury pap, comes
among us with the cry of persecution. There
was once a celebrated demagogue in Athens,
(we mean the ancient city,) who exhibited to
the dear people, seTf'-inflicted wounds, to enable
him by inoviug their sympathies, to win their
favor that he might betray their liberties
through their own instrumentality. That dem
agogue succeeded, and so may Mr. Howell
Cobb. Time will determine. Mr. Cobb step
ped, as it were, out of College into Congress,
from the floor of Congress, where the pay is $8
per day, into the Speaker’s Chair where it is
sl6, and is looking still higher at this time, if
we are to believe his organs. He looks to be
about 35 years of age, and having been in
| Congress, we believe about ten years, where
| his pay and mileage have probably not fallen
j short of S2OOO per annum, until this year, when
j it has probably reached six or eight thousand,
we think his persecutions have not been intol
erable. Judging from his apparently healthy
condition, we should say that his sufferings
have not been very severe, even mentally, oth
erwise they would re-act upon his physical con
dition. He would grow lean. Besides, there
is a ready way to escape these persecutions
whenever they do really become intolerable.
Retire from office. We do not think Mr. Cobb
very likely to adopt this remedy, if he can help
it. But what are these persecutions, and
whence do they come ? They consist in the
denunciation of his course in Congress, by a
portion of the independent freemen, and public
press of Georgia. Ami who and what is How
ell Cobb, that his acts 1 are not to be called in
question ? He has bden in Congress, as we
have said, about -notwithstand
ing the ceaseless Jent assaults which
have been made durioft all that time, upon the
character and interest of the people of Geor
gia, we have yet to 1 arn that he has ever
opened his mouth in ftreir vindication or de
fence. When did he do it ? Where are his
speeches? We challenge their production.—
But while he has been ‘.bus recreant to his du
ty, to us, he has conciliated the favor of the
majority, or office-giving section, by refusing to
| append his name to a Southern Address, and
j voting for the Oregoi. bill, with the Wilmot
I Proviso or inhibition of slavery incorporated
into it. Mr. Cobb knows that these acts of
omission and commission made him Speaker.
His appointment of the most rabid abdition
| ists and free-soilers upon the Committees of the
i House, while it disgusted many of his South
ern constituents, won for him the applause of
moderation from abolitionists themselves.—
They boasted that he l)ad done better for them
than their own Speaker Winthrop. Shall we
not begin to inquire into his conduct “ when
the wicked praise ” hin ? Mr. Cobb tried to
be very severe on ediiors, but succeeded only
in being vulgularly abusive. ’ For ourselves,
we hold his praise or censure in equal scorn.
As independent journalists we owe a duty to
the public. We mean to discharge it. That
duly requires us to point out the course of of
ficials to our readers. We are as free to approve
or condemn that course as other citizens.—
The motives of the attack are obvious enough.
He would discredit those who testify against
him, and so avert }*iblic attention from his
acts. It is the trick qf the cuttle fish, which
muddies the water to Iflude pursuit.
He said nev<Y was a time from the
foundation of the Government when the South
had less cause of cobfyiaint than now ! Among
these items of Southern triumph, one was that
the Wilmot Proviso, )or anti-slavery restriction,
was virtually remos-Yd from Northern Texas,
where, if we.mistake not, it went by his vote.
So far as Mr. Cobb is concerned then, his vic
tory is in part the undoing of his own work. —
Speaking of Mr. Cobb’s great measures, the
London Times says, “ slavery may, inconse
quence of these measures, be considered as doom
ed in the United States.” The New York Sun
says, that Mr. Cobb’s victory fixes “ the doom
of slavery in the United States. Its fi
nal suppression is near at hand.” The
Portland (Me.) Inquirer, speaking of Cobb’s
victory, says, “slavery is also about to be
driven from the District, and the whole sys
tem is shaken to its foundation.” “It is
already circumscribed, exposed, condemn
ed, and must fall.” The Albany Atlas, the
Van Bttren organ, says, “ slavery is cut off
from the Pacific.” “It is a great triumph.”
The New York Tribune says, “if tho North
acquiesces in the adjustment just effected, it is
WITH THE CLEAR UNDERSTANDING THAT SLAVE-
RY 18 NOT TO SPREAD OVER ONE INCH OF OUR
ACQUISITIONS FROM MEXICO, BEYOND TIIK
NKW settled limits OF Ti: nas. Let slavery
advance one foot, atul all will be in commotion
again.” Yet, Mr. Cobb says, that all this is a
Southern victory, and that slavery may ad
vance, not onlv beyond the “new settled”
boundary of Texas hut beyond 36 30 to the
42d degree of North latitude ! He is contra-
dieted at all points, tie claims the victory for
the South. It is claimed at the North as a
victory by the abolitionists and free-soilers.—
Which is to be believed ? The free-soilers and
abolitionists are sustained in their claims bv
neutral and impartial prints, such as the New
York Sun, and London Times. But that is not
all. Mr. Duer, one of the Fillmore party, as
we now consider Mr. Speaker Cobb, addressing
his constituents, said, that slavery “is PRO
HIBITED BY LAWS NOW IN FORCE, AND WHICH
CONGRESS HAS LEFT UN REPEALED.”
Mr. Cobb kuows that such is the opinion every
where at the North. He knows that such was
the avowed opinion of Clay, the author of
these measures. That it is, or was the opinion
of Toombs and Stephens, who have now coa
lesced with him to make anew party in Geor
gia for purposes best known to themselves. —
Oh ! but you do not believe they are of force,
says the quibbler. Admit that we do believe
that the Constitution of the United States
faithfully carried out by the judiciary , would
sweep away Mexican laws, Mr. Cobb knows,
that the chances would be against us before
the federal Court as now constituted, especially
considering that infirmity of judges and poli
ticians which inclines them to lean to the power
that dispenses patronage. He, knows that the
doubt will exclude us as effectually as the Wil
mot Proviso. His new coadjutors, Toombs
and Stephens believed it; and for that reason
defeated the Clayton Compromise, which gave
us what be calls non-intervention for the whole
Mexican Territory , California included. We
have been defrauded out of California, the only
part of the territory where slavery was certain
to go, and now Messrs. Cobb and Company
have the effroutery to attempt a justification of
their betrayal of Southern interests by saying
we acted on your opinions, not upon our own
convictions! How dare they act upon any
man’s convictions of duty but their own ?
Seeing that the rights of their constituents
were disputed ; knowing as they did, or ought
to have known, aud as Mr. Chase declared in
the Senate, that it was there said “ on every
SIDE OF THE CHAMBER, THAT EVERY FOOT OF
THE SOIL WHICH THE UNITED STATES ACQUIRED
from Mexico would be free soil,” how
dared they acquiesce in any system of meas
ures, which, in their own opinion, not ours, left
those rights in doubt ? Mr. Toombs, a mem
ber of this new coalition, said in February, “ we
demand an equal participation in the whole
country acquired, or a division of it, between
the North and the South.” Have we got eith
er ? There is not a member of this coalition
who will have the effrontery to say so, and they
combine as much of that quality as any equal
number cf men, within the whole range of our
acquaintance. Where then is the victory ‘ —
We have recovered the principle lost in 1820,
and again and again by Mr. Cobb’s vote in the
Oregon territorial bill, and the bill applying
the Missouri line to Texas ! California is gone.
Oregon is gone. We have lost the only terri
tory where slavery was likely to go,— but we
Invc
free soilers have got the whole Pacific coast, all
its magnificent harbors, all the vast prospects
of Asiatic commerce, all the golden placers of
California; they have thus “circumscribed,
exposed,ane condemned” slavery,and “ bilk
ed its march to the West; ” and we are invi
ted to raise a shout of triumph, because Pro
tocol, Ilowell, and Hamilcar have recovered
the principle! The abolitionists claim the
victory because they have got the land. Cobb
and coadjutors, Toombs and Stephens, claim it
because they have got the principle ! But we
may jo into Utah North of the Missouri line!
Slavery may grope its way towards the North
pole, along the snowy ridges of the Rocky
mountains in company w ith grizzly bears, and
savage Indians ! So it is pretended we may
even get some land, as well ns the principle.—
We have already shown that this is disputed.
But even if it were not, Davy Wilmot and
Joshua R. Giddings themselves, might well
trust to the Mountains, the deserts of sand, the
Salt Lakes, the roaming hordes of savages and
surrounding free soil territory to exclude us
from this isolated and worthless region, hang
more than a thousand miles from the shores of
the Pacific, and thousands from those of the
Atlantic ocean. Who but Howell Cobb, aud
those Siamese twins of politics, Toombs and
Stephens, could boast of such a victory ■
The North demanded the Wilmot Proviso,
says Mr. Cobb. The squatters put it into the
California Constitution for them, and were
therefore admitted, says Mr. Toombs. See his
speech of February, and his address to his
constituents. Yet, this official boasted that
the Wilmot Proviso was relinquished by the
North! He may be ignorant of the history of
the California fraud. He may not know that
Thomas Butler King, told the President of
Riley’s contention, that the object in forming a
State constitution was to avoid further legisla
tion in Congress, and urged him for “God's
sake to leave none of the territory to dispute
about in Congress.” He may be ignorant of
all the facts and circumstances which demon
strate that this whole California proceeding
fom beginning to end, was a deliberate and
premeditated fraud upon the Southern people.
If so, he is unfit to represent a Southern con
stituency. If he knows all about it, but keeps
the facts back from the people, as he did at
Kingston, what are we to think of that pre
tention to candor, fairness and truth, which ho
sat up in the beginning of his speech? lie
ridiculed the objection to the admission of Cal
ifornia founded upon the immense extent of ter
ritory embraced, and stated, we believe, that
the admission had been pronounced unconsti
tutional on that ground. Tlismay be aspec
imenof his candor, fairness and truth, but we
must say he is the first, last and only man we
ever heard express the idea that any constitu
tional objection had been predicated upon the
extent of the territory. Mr. Cobb knows or
ought to know, that Southern Rights men
point to the extent of the territory as one of
the badges of fraud which so abundantly char
acterize this California proceeding. He knows,
or ought to know, that the object was “to block
the march of slavery to the west” -that it was
to secure the whole Pacific coast to free-soil, —
that abolition organa have already disclosed
that object, by declaring “it will necessarily be
divided, and the chidren, like the parent will
be free.”
In one part of his speech, Mr. Speaker said
that the South denies the'power of Congress
to legislate upon the subject of slavery. Per
haps this explains why be touched so lightly
upon the bill abolishing the slave trade in the
District of Columbia. This bill conflicts with
his own principle. It was a direct act of leg
islation upon the subject of slavery. It was an
act of “ legislative hostility ,” and therefore,
according to Hamilcar, was “ the proper point
for Southern resistance'’ Feeling that the fu
gitive slave bill is a dead letter, he bad but little
to say upon this part of the measures of victory.
He let it out however, in an accidental fit of
candour, that the bill was the work of one of
that class of politicians, called Southern Ultras.
How came you Mr. Cobb to admit that an
ultra could do any thing good ? And when
you were boasting of this measure, why did
you Dot tell the whole truth ? You knew that
this bill got but 27 votes in the Senate, which
consists of 62 members, and therefore that
there is, in all human probability, at this time,
a majority there ready to repeal it in obedience
to the demands of the North. Why did you
not warn the people of the danger upon this
point ? Where were your fairness, candour,
truth, —where was your fidelity to the trust
reposed in you by the people of Georgia, as
the guardian of their rights ? In your own
House, the bill was also passed by a minority
of its members, and you knew it, but kept the
ominous truth concealed from the people. —
And while exhorting the people to cleave to
their Northern friends, why did you not point
out those friends ? Who are they Mr. Cobb ?
We would not be ungrateful. Why did you
not name the Northern friends who voted for
the Fugitive Slave bill! Was Cass one of
i them ? These concealments may be in con
! formity with Mr. Cobb's ideas of fairness, can
! dour and truth. They are upon a par with
j that amount of those qualities, which permits
i him to say that slave-holders may go with their
i property into New Mexico. Mr. Cobb knows
j that the House, of which he was the presiding
j officer, refused to recognize the equal rights of
I his constituents, by voting down Mr. Seddon’s
amendment, which provided that all property
of every kind should be under the protection
of American laws, while those countries are in
a territorial condition. The refusal to pass
such an amendment is a demonstration that
the North relies upon the Mexican laws to ex
clude Southern men. To leave Mexican abo
lition laws thus in force, or even a suspicion
that they may be in force, will secure those
territories to abolitionists and free-soilers, and
Mr. Cobb, we have no doubt, knows it. But
it is put down in the bills that they may be ad
mitted as slave States ! What an impudent
mockery ! No wonder this Oily Gammon of
Georgia politicians touched lightly upon these
branches of Clay’s omnibus. He got along
over these two important measures very much
v walking over hot
steps were vvioe*apart nght~^|f
His defence against the charge of treason to
j the South, which he said has been alleged
j against him, was a master piece of logic. Mr.
Cobb’s parents, and we believe, some of his
childreu, are, it seems, buried in Georgia, and
he expects to be buried here himself. There
fore he can never prove false to her. We have
no doubt that many a tory, and perhaps, even
I Benedict Arnold himself could have been de”
i fended by logic equally conclusive. We will
! conclude for the present with the remark that
j Mr. Cobb, in our opinion, utterly failed to vin
! dicate his course, or justify his desertion of ‘his
j party aud Lis country.
The Delivered.
It is too touch the Custom of political writers
to underrate the exhibitions of strength given
iby those opposed to them. Thus we have
| heard the mass meeting of the friends of Soutli
; ern Rights at Kingston, estimated at 500,
; by men who put down their own gathering
;on the Bth inst., at 2,000 or 2500. Such self
delusion is pitiable. These are thegentrv too,
who brag so largely about how terribly we
shall be beateD, and pretend to be very eager
to bet. Well, we saw both meetings. We
endeavored to look at them with an impartial
eye as to numbers,and we put the meeting down
at about 1,000 and would have been willing
to hazzard every thing we were worth that there
were not 1500 of all ages, sexes and creeds in
politics and religion. There was a large infu
sion of the best State Rights material, whose
zeal and hopes for their country and her cause,
were evidently invigorated by the meager ex
hibition, the feeble speeches, and faint applause
with which they were received. The applause
was frequently confined to the gentlemen who
occupied the stand. —the seekers, —and found i
no response in the crowd,
We were not a litile amused to see an en- \
gine dash up to Cartersville, our own village,
on the never to-be-forgotten morning of the
Bth of Nov’r., 1850, with two cars, —a box
and a platform attached. Wo could not see
into the box, but alas ! the platform was irmst
deplorably empty. It is certain it did not con
tain a baker’s dozzen. The £TC Union Can
didate of our district, got on here, and so
did a number of our Southern Rights friends.
A friend told us that he saw a man and a wo
man in the box car, and the man seeing his
friend, tile Candidate, in a forlorn condition
among the outsiders, poked his head out of
the box and invited him into it, saying—
“ room here Thu box then, was full of on p
tiness. This, be it remembered was the extra
train , with its part of the 20,000, forty-eight
miles above Atlanta, its starting point, and
only 12 below Kingston its destination! Wo
wou’t say the meeting was a failure, because
there was a small meeting, small indeed con
sidering the long, loud, lusty and reiterated
calls by placards and editorial appeals, scatter
ed far and wide through the land. But if the
meeting was not a failure, we expect Mr. Mitch
ell made a failure with that extra train, and
we will U t that his extras on the Bth, did not
prove so profitable as they did when he ran
them tor Southern Rights. Now here’s a
chance for some of those bragging, betting
geutry to back their judgement. The extra
from below, left Atlanta with six and had alio
sixteen when it left Ac-worth. Such is our in
formation from those that know. It is our
decided opinion that the meeting was a eigna
failure in its objects. It fell far short of tbt
ti was intended to surpass, in jLumUws, in en
thusiasm, and in the power and eloquence of
the speakers. We heard but one.of tl*- speak
ers, —Mr. Speaker Cobh. It, was the first
time we ever heard him. Towards his oppo
nents he evinced a malignant,spirit of vitupnra
tion and he gave evidence neither of goerd
taste as to the manner, nor superior sagacity an
to the matter of Lis remarks. The man who
can harbor in his bosom the vindictive feelings
whfch lie .manifested towards his brethren of
the South, and yet exhort us to fraternity with
Northern robbers, at a time like this, may be a
patriot: but is of that inverted and extraordin
ary kind, whose patriotism ratheri'warms and
strengthens as it recedes from his home. Theres
are obvious reasons why an all wise Creator
has so constituted most men, that their attach
ments to friends and country, strengthen an
they draw near home. Philosophers tell
that the explanation of this gentrdjTtGnsliiu
tion of men, is that our feelings and sentiments
may not be wasted upon those out of the
reach of our good offices, but concentrated and
intensified in proportion as their objects come
nearer and nearer borne, and therefore more
and more within the sphere of our beneficence.
Mr. Cobb openly ridiculed those, whose feel
ings are not as expansive as his own, but seem
to be in harmony with the ordinary ai:d gen
eral constitution of human nature. Remem
ber now that these northern friends, whom he
loves so well, and whom lie exhorted us to lovo,
are the dispensers of patronage —that their
voice is potential in making speakers and Vico
Presidents, and perhaps we shall find a key
which will enable us to unravel this new phi
losophy of expansive patriotism. This is
new, and, just now an interesting subject of
investigation. Let the people consider it.
November 2, 1850.
Dr. Dean— Sir: At a meeting of the South
ern rights party, held in Rome on the 10th
October, yourself, with Col. Joseph Watters,
was nominated a candidate for the ensuing
; Convention, to be held in Milledgevillo, on the
! 10th of December next. Believing that you
are opposed to Northern aggression upon.
Southern rights, we have thus made free to
use your name as above mentioned. An early
reply.to this note on your part, is respectfully
requested by the Committee.
JAMES M. STULLOCK,
WILLIAM WATTERS,
JAMES M. LISTER,
Committee.
Floyd County, Ga. Nor. lith, 1850.
Gentlemen: Yours of the 2d inst., is before
me, and contents carefully noticed. Being
aware that the party you belong to is branded
with disunion; and being no disunionist
myself; I hare examined your
resoi u*i * ms. and various • i ‘"■l'jjjmk*
j Uri&n Southern Rights meetings throughout
1 the State, and can find nothing to justify- such
[ a charge, but on the contrary, find such doc
-1 trines as every true patriot can and ought to
subscribe to. As regards the action of our last
Congress in the adjustment of the measures
! known as the Compromise, we have beer, un
! justly dealt with, but as I have observed be-
I fore, I am not for disunion for what has been
! done, but I am one that believes that wo sh uki
| use every constitutional means for the pre-.-rva
j lion of our rights. lam in favor of the Cc-ii
! veution called, that it should bo lit-ld. and the
‘ honor nud dignity of the State presorted by
| fair and moderate means. And against f-.tur*..
! encroachments we should be a united \ . : ic,
! and take a manly and decided >tiind against
, farther aggression, fori am firmly of th opin
ion that tame submission will lead to se-::ssion,
| I am therefore for a firm and determined re
sistance to any future aggression, and b<-!h ve
i that the Convention should pass resolutions to
that effect, erect their platform and n;s :.:.sir
j it. With much respect, Gentlemen I an.
Your ob’t. serv’t.
ALVEN DEAN
J AS. M. Spullock, ,
Wm. Watters, v Com.
i JaS. Lister. )
TOR THE SOnHER.Vth
Mr. Editor: I thought you knew me better
I can not consent to notice such an aniuisi n-
Warren Akin. I fly my kite at higher game,
and will not loose its jesses to police, open k
Skunk. Is TERM .* AiK.
TOR TUB SOUTHS! SER.
To the Editor —
Sir: ljhavc lately seen over the signal’.: a
of “James Milner,” an article in answer t • some
remarks of mine, contained \n y-r paper of
the 24th. In these remarks of tii.r.c, alluding
to Mr. Milner, I said, if rightly, under*’., j he
took the position, that a majoriu ,v. Congress,
by their act of passing a law, dc; ermine the
law they pass to be constitution.d. :i:.u that
•gaiust a law passed by Columns, v.hum, in
our opinion, violates our rights, wo haw no
other remedy than the ballot box. Mr. Mi.uc-r
now corrects me, by representing that he their
mentioned the judicial tribunals :v> a ream dy in
addition to the remedy of ti . bail, t >\. —
This thing of the judicial tnb . - ■ ’ate
remedy against congressioii usurpations,- is
obviously uo remedy at all: it does not belong
to the class of State remedies, any more that*.*
does the remedy of the ballot box. Neither
of these are State remedies as distinguished
from the remedies belonging to individuals.'—
But supposing them, iu certain cases, to be
remedies; and supposing Mr. Milner to add the
one to the other, it is char that so lar as their
remedial efficacy relates to the minor .y states,
he would only add nothing o and
still leaving the states severally without a roin
dey, his position would be cx.ic.iy as I have
represented it. The ballot box ; s wholly un
available to us who arc not permitted to vote
against the individuals constituting the North
ern majority iu Congress, and is, therefore, to
us, nothing as a remedy. The judicial tribu
nals are also nothing to us, as a remedy, and
this would probably have appeared to Mr. Mil
ner if he had thought of tho rejection of Uiv