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THE MACON GEORGIA TELEGRAPH.
Hr. Via Suren an the Texae
Tj the £tltljr if the Globe:
Hocss or Representatives,'?
April 3Jl«. 1844. )
Sm:—The enclose i Inter frum Mr. Van Buren, which t
hard ihia day rezeivetl. in reference to a matte' on which
Hep italic min I is at project morn excited, I beg that jvu
wilt nn nediate.y p tbl • t in the Glub£.
Very rei.ie i folly.
Your obedient servant.
W. H HAMMET.
House or Representatives, ?
March s7th, 1-?41. J
yiVPTARSlli:—Under the belief that it is the right of
every free : dsen, in a trra Government, to know the opin
ions >l'i om who aspire t-> public station, upon great pahlic
tjuedtioas, as one of your wsramst sopp-irters in 1836 and
1 a til. am as a i unpledged Delegate to the Baltimore Co"-
venllun I retire particularly to know your opinions as to
t'i • muItitnuonaiiur and expe liency • f immediately annex
ing Texas to the United Stair* so soon as the eonseut of
‘lexjs 111 IV1 e M So I'lrh icxatioa.
The O term of Mr. Webster and Gen. Jackson on thesub-
jeet-tl e refusal of the L gislnlure of Kentucky to pass ap
probate r\ rssolut'ina—tin* votes taken in the Leg slatures
of Pent j, Ivanin, New York, and, as I am just i f irtne I.
•Maine—’-'nil the impression t tat Mr. Olay wi 1 oppose ike
ftniipratii-n.—give great importance to your opin-nns.
It il bh leve J that a full and frank declaration ime you.
f vornlde t a t.is great object, will bo • f great service to the
etuie, st a irtotno.it so critical of its destiny; end should ynu
rco'u se my right to inquire, and your duly to answer, J
ahsll bs gre itly ul> ige I tnynn for a letter, setting forth ynur
opininr.s—promising that, if it he favorable to annexation. I
will, nr. account of the great effect it must have nn the issue
of tiii* question, give to it early publicity; and if otherwise,
that I will publish it only in time that your opinions miy be
folly known Wet'ire the action of tke Baltimore Convention
unless pit rc'inire its immediate publication—in which e-
veil. I will also comply with yourreques .
Pardon me fo» suggesting, that, should your opinions be
favorable to annexation, the weight ami influence of those
o lini' is will be doubly enhan ced, in the estimation of al
true friends of the measure, by the earliest possible putd.
avowal of ihem before the country.
I am, air, with great respect.
Truly your friend and nil's. serv’t,
W. H HAMMET.
Hon. M. Van Bures, LiodenwolJ, N. Y.
Linden wold. Vpril S3,1941.
Mr ntiRstR:—Your letter of l .o a7tb of Marcu last,
was duly ratcivel.
. Aciiiijj aa an uuple.lg# 1 Delegate tn the Baiti nore Con
vention, you ask my ovuiiua in regard t» the constitutionali
ty and expediency of an immediate annexation of Texa* !■
t ie United States, or s< ao-tn ns the assent of Texas may bi
lls 1 to such annexation. Upm thd receipt of your letter, I
caused you to h» forthwith informed, that yonr reque*
• i iu d ue complied with in full season for the C invention.
Tuis promise : shill now perform. But. le.l my motives,
in m iking a public avowal of mv opini ms. whilst a negotia
lion is suppose I to be pen ling, sh mid be misconstrued. I
•shall semi this to a friend, who will delay its delivery aa
loug as that esn be done consistently with • faithful eoinpli
an -e with thn re |uireraents of your letter, and the generjl
objects for which it was written.
V <u have by no means over*rated the importance of the
subject upon which you have been pleased to address me.
It Is sot oa'v a qsMmi of intense interest to every part of
the country, but is unhappily also one in regard to which we
mitn it pruuiiss oursetves mat unanimity of opinions which
is so impirtant, when great national questions like this are
to be decided. That those which l am about to express,
will, in at le ist one imnortinl particular, differ from that of
mu; frenIs. political and personal, whose judgments and
purity of views I hold in high and habitual respect, ( can
well imagine; an i it is quite evident. Trim the tenor ofyoeir
letter, that they will not, iu all respects, correspond with
yoorewn. If. lio.eever. such of ray fellow-citirens as are
neither influenced b,v nreindVes nor wsrped by aelt'int-r-
est, concede to my opinions the merit of be ving been formed
under views directed Mine preservation and advancement
'of the honor and best interests nf our common country, as a
whole, and expressed with a sincerity which has overlook
ed. as far as our r eeb'a nsln-cs wll perm t us tn do, all pci •
sona' considetatioos, my most favorable anticipations will be
real zed.
It has already been made my doty tn act officially on at
least two several occasions, but in different firms, upon tbe
subject m ttier to which your questions hare reference.
Having charge of the Department nf State in 1029,1 pre
S ired, by the direction of t ie President, instructi ms to our
liuister at Mexirn, by which be was directed to open, with
out dels v a negnliitino with tke Mexia.ni Government, lor
the purshise of the greater part of the then nmvinse ol
Texas, and by which he wsa likewise aulbirized to ini rt
in the Treaty, a provision similar to that in :he Loumitna
and Florida trusties, for the incorporation of the inhabitants
of-Texas into the Union, ex m»n aa i* could he done consis
tently with the principles of tbe Federal Constitution. The
reasons in favor of this measure. I stated at large in tt.at
document-
in timing this step, the adrainistrat'an nf President Jack-
son renewed (but. as was supplied, under more favorable
rirenmstam-es) an attempt to accomplish the same object
w'lieli had her-i made by iis imme lute pre iecesssr. In
fist propositions oftbatcharacler which were submitted to | and treaty stipulmhns of the United Slate,, desirable
< • 1 . i . I'.l i.. mil .1 variktt nplisar**. 1 to t II 111 It i will t n#a f :ih >11111 ■ Sim i la r <1 <4I>|
vrh* ordered to b»- luid uj
was made the lie
wuich bed been referred to the Committee on Foreign Ke
laliotH. and that Committee discharged from ihe farther
consideration of the matter, upon its own-application. Nor
were tbe friendly relations then existing between that re-
nc yadrafh it was proposed thaflhe Legislature shall hare public and the United States—to its honor be it said—in any
pwerM admit new States iuto the Union, on the same perreptible degree impaired by this decisiom
it, me power in q je-tion waAdesclibed as Inflows vii:
provision ought to be made for the admission « f States hi to-
fal't/ arising within ihe limits of the Untied Stale*.
wnether arising from a voluntary junction of government or
ot *er witu the consent of a number of voices in the
Legislature, less than the whole." In Mr. Charles Pink
r »in a manner the most
n the table; and a similar I beraelf constrained, b.. »—
• of the papers upon the Subject, I ence the coi duct of a nation, to regard the fact of annexation
* ~~~ " ■ * tj . a.. a,« ,.c .... .1,a f .11aa TTaaiti*.) and that
— 1 I believed that tlie incorporation of Texas into the Federal
>st formal and solemn, that she w'll feel , ^ wo(jld ,, e aljke ;,, vantageo us to her, to Mexico, and
I, by every consideration that can Ultra I jjnited State'- and »:> ever ready to adopt all prop-
1 il,e 1‘nctsif annex.t,"U toltaUmm! e* a(;COIIiplisbin e„t of that nhjeet. But
!hey knew v.ry little of Gen. J.ckson s true character, who
t-rms wi.h the original Slates, provided tw.*-tbirds «'f the
Members pre-eul in both Hoaxes agree”—leaving out the
clause iu respect to tlie character of the territory. Mr.
Randolph's proposition,containing the restriction confining
i e power to States lawfully anting within the limit* nf
Ue United State.a, was atone time adopted in Committee
o ' the Whole, and. in that Stale, referred with others to the
Com nittee of detail. In a draft of a constitution, report'd
by thst cjtuniuee. the article upon this subject contained the
fin.owing pr -positions: 1st. That new Stales, lawfully con-
at! uted or established within the limit» of the United
S.a e*. anight be a ltnitte«l by the Legislature in this Gov-
e mnent 2.1. That tn such admission, the consent of iwn-
inirds i/the members present in each House suould lie ne
ces-ary. 3d. Tuat if a new State should arise within the
limits of any of the present States, the consent oi the Legis
lature of sach States should also be necessary to iu admis
sion. 4th. That if the admission was consented tn, tbe new
Stales should be admitted »n the same terms with tbe origi
nal States; and Stb. That the Legislature might make condi
tions with the new Stales concerning the public debt then
subsisting. The 2d. 4th, and 5th clauses were stricken ni;t
by the votes of the convention; and after that bad been
d ne. the following wsa lopted as a substitute fnr tbe
wh de. vix: '-New States may be admitted by tlie Legisia-
tu e into the Union: but no new State shall be erected with
in the limits of any of the present Slates, with:,ui the con*
-entnftbe Legislature of such State, as well as of the gen
era! Legislature"—leaving nut that part of the first clause
which related to the domestic character of the territory;
a id thi, substitute was subsequently revised and amended,
Standing in this poiitian bet. .re the ciuiiiry.il becomes
my duty to consider whether eiihei tlie nsturv ot tbe ques
tion. or the circumstances of the case, have SO far changed
as to justify me in now advising a policy lrom which 1- then,
in the must solemn form, dissented.
In giving to yon. and through you to the public, the result
of a very careful and dispassionate examination of this grave,
question, I should neither do justice to yourself, to tbe pat
riotic Slate which you, ia. conjunction :*wilk others, are to
represent in ttin Convention, to the people of tbe U. States,
nor to my own position, if L failed to accompany it with a
brief exp- silion of the grounds upon which 1 have proceed-
ed. It is in that way only that justice ran ba done to my in
tendons; and that is all 1 desire- The annexation of the
territory, and the consequent assumption By as of a respon
sibility to protect and defend iu inhabitants, would, in re
spect to tbe consideration t* which 1 am about to refer,
stand upon the same looting with that of its admission
as a State. The recognition of Texas ns an independent
State, was a measure which received, in various and appro
priate forms, tbe sdhdion of every department of the Gov
ernment, whose co-operation was necessary to its validity,
and h id my hearty concurrence. F rom this act of our Gov
ernment, just and'proper in all respects as it was, an infer
ence has, however, been drawn, and brought to bear upon
thn present question, not only very far beyond its real bear
ing, but by which its uue character is entirely reversed —
M tnv persons who enter upon the consideration of the sub
ject with the purest intentions, and arc incapable if know-
lugly giving a false interpretation to any thing connected
with it, take it fnr granted that the United States, in recog
nizing the independence of Texas, dec ared to.The world.
s > as to make itconform in its phraseology to tbe section as =, — - , - — . .
it now Stands in tbe constitution. These 'proceedings s |,„ w not only that she was independent inf net. bat also that she
that the p o.Kisition 'o restrict the power to admit new States • was such of right. ^Acting upon tbts errontutils o'Rftroc-
th" terihnrv within the original limits nf the U. Stales,
was di >(n clly before the convention; once adapted by it, and
ri-u.ly rejected in favor of a clause making the power in
this respect general. Whatever differences of opiuinu may
exist asm the propriety of referring to extraneous matter to
inti en-e the construction of the constitution where its lan
guage is explic.'.t. there can certainly be nn objections to a
resort to suc.j aids to test tbe correctness of inferences, hav
ing no other basis than supposed impmbabi ilies. I hare
n it. therefore, been able to bring my uiind to any other aat
isfio’-nry conclusion tha" that it was tlie intention of the con-
vat iti ,n to give tbe power of admitting new States to Con
;re<s. with no other limitations than those v hich are speci
fie I in that instrn.nent. Tbe language employed, the spe
cifications nf certain restrictions, tbe adoption and aubse-
q-ieut exclusion of that which is now referred tn. together
w tit the subsequent and continued action of ihe new Gov
ernment. all -eera in combine to render this interpretation
>f the constitution the true one. Propositions for annex
ation can certainly lie imagined, nf a characte' so unwise
and improvident as to atriae the minds of all with repog-
naice. Hut if we look ovei the conceJed powers of Con
gress. we shall also find many others, tbe abuse of wliicb
inig it involve, to an equally great extent, the well-being of
ths republic, ami against which abuse the Constitution has
p - ivi le I no oilier sale-guards than the responsibilities to
l.icir c mstituents ami to tbe laws of the land, of those whose
sanction is necessary to the validity of an act of Ootigre-r.
N >ris >t unreasonable tnsupp >se that those wh 'ha«e ftbe'r
Girernment upon ihe great princi; Is that it ia the right of
t is pen, le to alter or abolisU it. and to institute new ones,
in suclt.fnrma as they think most iikelv to effect their safety
an 1 happiness, should feel themselves secure in trusting to
their Representatives in the House, in the Senate, and in
the Gxe -utive Chair, the right lo admit new members into
the confederacy, with nr. other restri< lions than those which
they have thought proper tn specify.
It was un '-ertbis view nf tlie constitution that the purchase
of Louisiana in 1C03. only fifteen year* alter the adoption of
the en- slilution, promising ibe incorporation of the ceilrd
territory into the Union, and the admijsirn. as soon as pos
sib'e. of the inhabitants to tlie enjovme it of all the rights,
advaut iges. and i uinunities of citizens of the Untied Stales,
was r itifie 1. confirmed, and finally executed by every bram b
nf-tlie Federal Government who«e co operation is tequired
by the constitution -It is true, that Mr. Jefferson, in tlie in-
| terval between the negotiation and submission of tbe treaty
tn the Pen ile, threw out the opinion that the constitution
had made no provision for o-tr holding foreign territory, nor
f ir incorporating foreign S'ates into the Union. The fact of
his approving the treaty, and the laws necessary to its exe
cution. tnuat. however, be regarded as ec ndusive proof thai,
upon looking fu'tlier into the matter. Ilia opinion was chang.
e 1. The attempt ro convince him of his e r rnr was made by
his frien I. Guv. Nicholas, as appears 4>y Mr. Jeffeison'.
1 -tier to him; and. I have bat liule doubt that, if Ilia letleri
to Breckenridge and Nicholas had been published in his
life-time, or his attention been in any other way directed to
tliric contents, he would, from his habitual care in such
in met a. have avowed U.e change, and explained ike grounds
s i which it was based. It ia equally true that tbe arrept-
ance of the cession, as well as the admission of the Stale,
became party questions, and were contested with partisan
warmth. Of the v t d importance of that great acquisition
to the safety, prosperity, and honor of the whole Union
. , ,, , , . . there can however. n->w be no diversity of opinion. But
atruetton, similar in their general object, bad, id tlie second the councils of the nation, in the course ohiroe ceased to t.e
year of me latter administration, been sent from tbe Depart- stall divided upon t ie question of constitutional power to
men! of j'Ute to the same American Minister at Mexico. I
am not aware that there were any material differences be-
twee i them, other than ihnse of 1827, proposed an aeq-iisi
lion of territory, aa far West aa the Rio del Norte—being, I
believe, the extieine western bnendary nf Texas—wbi e
tbe cession, asked for by President Jackson, extended only
is far West as tbecentrn of the Desert or Grand Prairie,
whick lies Gaatnf the river Neuces ; end that, for the for
mer, the payment of one million af dol’ars, was authorized
whir,by the administration of President Jacks m. the A
meriesn Minister wax permitted logo as high as four, and.
ifindispcnstble, five millions. F - ' —
fjr smaller portions of territory,
modified aecording’.y. In lespect to the proposed stipu.'a
lion f*ar the ultint ite incorporation of the inhabitants into tbe
Union, both instructions were identical.
In August. 1817. a po-p isilio.-i was received at the De-
pxrtmrot of ^laie.fmm t ie Texan Minister at Washington.
nro;i tsing a negotiat on for the Annexation of Texas to the
Uni .'- I States. This w.is the first time the question of the
Aaoextt an of a fn-eign independent fitate had e--er been
pi evented to this government. In deciding upon the dispo
sition that ought to be made of it, 1 did nnl find it necessary
In consider tho question of Constitutional power, nor the
manner in which tneo-jectshnald be a'complialied, if deem
e 1 expedi *nt and proper. Both these points were there
tire in terms, pissed over in the reply oi the Secretary o
S xte to the Texan Minister, as subjects tbe consideration
of which h id lieen ente.-e 1 uimn b. tee Executive.
upon t ie question of constitutional power
s-cept a cession offireign territory, with a view to its uhi
mate admission into ihe Union. In 1818 tbe Spanish treaty
fir the cession of East and West Florida, containing the
us ia! stipulation for ultimate incorporation into -ne Union,
was ra ified ; and, upon the call of the name* el the Sena
tors present, it appeared that every one voted for the ratifi
cation. Upon the question nf constitutional |mwer. so far as
that case went, the Senate of the -United States had,-there
fore, become unanimous.
Certainly no remarks are neceatary to show that then-
can be nop ixsilde difference produced <u the constitution t!
Tee first of these—viz: constitutional power—is now pre
•ecnle I *>v y iur inquiries; not. however, in precisely the
s une form. The 11 ie application was for the immediate
a lraissi'in of Texas int ■ the Union as an independent State;
your quest inn I inks only to its Annexation as part nf the
territory of the Uni'ed States. There is nn express power
g ven M any department of the government to purchase ter-
ritiry except f >r the o >,e-is specif ed in me constitution
v x: for arsenils, Ac., but the power has. on several very
im nriantoccts'on, been .eganted as embraced in the t ea
t • m thing [O ver; and territories have been soaniesed
with a view mid ui.dcr tngigeinents for tbeir ultimate ad-
misrion Into the (Nina as States. If there be nothing in
tie ri'.uitian or condition of the Territory of Texts, which
wiu. i miner us udmiisi >n hereafter iuto the Union ns a
n.-w State improper. 1 cinn u perceive any objection, on
c *1311101101111 genua Is. to ns anuexalinu ass Territory. In
(.leaking of the rieht in al nil new Ststes. 1 most, nf course,
bs un lerstood at referring tu the power of Congress. Toe
Executive and Senate, nuy.as Ibsve already observed, by
the exerriieol tue treaty mss ng power, acquire territory:
b it n'W Statesesa only be admitted by C ingress; and the
a ile authority over the subject.-which is given to it by tbr
cons' tution. is c mtamej in the lollnwiug provision, viz:
"new St ties in ty be admitted by the .Congress into this Un
ioa." Tue only leatrictinns imp used upon ibis general pow
er are: 1st. That no new Stiles shall he lO'ined or erected
within the juris li uiun ofouy mber ikatf; nor, 2ndly, “Any
Kt ite forme 1 by the jun ttkin ot tw > or more States, nr part*
of Slates, without (he consent of ihe Legislauirescoiierriied
as well as nf C ingress"—re -motions which h ive no bearing
np-iu the present question Tue matter, therefore, stands
as it woul I do if the constitution sail "new Sates nmy be
admitted by the Cungrca* into tins Unima," without additio i
or restriction. That these words, taken by themselves, a e
broad enough to authorize the a linissiou of tbe Territoryof
Texas, cum ir, ltiins.be well doubted; nor do I perceive
u *on w'nst principle we can set up limitations to a power so
unqualifiedly recognised hy the constitution in the plain
simple words I have quoted, and with which no other pro
vision of that instrument contlicts in the slightest deg en.
But if. *wi'!i no other guides than our own discretion, we
assume limit itions upon a power so general, we are ai least
bound t > give to them mine iuirllig blr and definite charac
ter. The m *st it uunl. and indeed the inly one of that na
tore lit it U is been suggested, and which was presented be
Mr, Jefferson whilst he entertaiand doubts in respect In tli •
onoa'ituiiocnl power t> admit Louisi.-ina. is. tha: the ta v
rilate* to be admitted must be formed out of territory, not
fureizn. but which constituted a part of the United States, at
the tlecliraii >n of independence, or tbe adoption of the con
stitution. t<o Iur from there being any thing in the language
of the cnastiiuii in. or tn be found in the extraneous and co-
temp iraneous circumst mn»s which prroeded and attended
its adoption, tn show that such was the intentions of its fra
mm, they are. in my judgment, all strongly the other way.
Iu tlie ftrat place, the articles aafconfederation, U'.derwhich
iheU'iou was originally formed, and which gave place to
the present co stitu-ion, locked directly to a broader exten
sion of ihe c infedericy. it contained a provision that
"Canada. acceJine tn the confederation, and joining in the
me iiurea ,»f the United fitiira, .-itall die admitted into, and
emitted to all the a Wantages nf. this Union; hot no other
COLONY shall be admitted into the same, m/i/c" such idrnis-
ion l#e tree.l to hy nine ritaies.” Toe prirt cabil *y os
well a - ex ted eocy. of making Canada a me in hr r of the U n
i -n. tli 1 certaiidy, to some extent at lend ncoupy the minds
o ' u- public men, as well before ihe rinse nf the revolution,
s' betwe'n ih it event and f irma ion of ihe new constitution.
Ti.it is. however, only a imk in tlie chain nf evidence, t»
nuke riosble whal subsequent events make certain, that
the framer, of tli* cunstiluiton hid their exes upon this eery
question, when this section was finally settled. That part
of tli- mn dilution, aa appear, hy the j turnal of the pro
ceeding' of the conven'd -n. was presented in a variety of
fo- in-, be ore it assumed the shape in which it was finally
adopted.
Iu me resolutions offered bv Mr. E Imint 1 Randolph, as
a basis for tha new constitution, and which contained tlie
Both authorized agreements I question by the relative positions of the territory, com -i is
f* 1 t *' e payments were ing Louisians, the Fioridas, and Texas, in respect t-s the
old United 8 etes.
1 have gone that fully and minutely into this matter, as
well fr -m a deep tense of the vast impoitanre of tne ques
tion, es lrom a^sincern desiieto satisfy those ol ,»y friends
ur'.m may differ from me on this point, and wbr se opinions I
hold in the b ghest respect, that I have not viemed tn.v aa
sent hastily or unadvisedly to the views I have here taken
on the subject.
Haying thus givenyou my views upon the constitutional
queuiion, I will, with the same frankness, answer the re
maining portion of your inquiries, viz: the expediency of
iii'inedititely annexing Texas to the United ignites, or so
soon a* her consent tnsuch annexation may be obtained.
I have alreany referred to an application fur ihe accom
plishment of t eaime nlject '.hat was made to ibis Govern
ment by Texas, whilst I was President. The history of the
Texan revolution, and the then condition of that republic, as
well as the probable a Wantages to result to both from the
proposed annexation, were placed before us in an elaborate
and abla communication. It can scarcely he necessary to
sty that tb • application was considered with that attention
and care which were due tn so grave a pinposition.ard un
der tne full influence of feeling-, of sincere so icitudr for the
prosperity and permanent welfare n| a young and neighbor
ing State, whose independence we bad lieen ihe first tn ac
knowledge—feelings which constitute, and I sincerely hope, I
ever will constitute, the prevailing sentiment of the people
of the Uuited Stiles. In enmingto the decision which it
became my duty to make I was aided, in addition to the
other members of my cabinet, by the counsel and ennstilo
tonal ad vie of two distinguished citizens of your own sec
lion of the Union, of the first order of intellect, great expe
rience in public affairs, and whose devotion to their own, as
well as every other section of the Union, was above all
question. The result if our united opinions was announced
■n the Texan minister, (Gen. Hunt j in a communication
from the late Mr. Forsyth the substance of which I cannot
better express than by incorporating one or two brief ex
tracts f om it in this letter- Upon the general subject, mv
o vn views, as well aa those of my cabinet, were thus stated:
“S * long es Trxas shall remain at war. while the United
States are m | e ire with her adversary, the proposition nf
the Tcxsn minister plenipotentiary necessarily involves the
question of war with that adversary. The 'United States
ore bound to Mexico hy e treaty oj, amity and commerce,
which will be scrupulously observed on tbeir part so long
s it esn he reasonably hoped that Mexico will perform her
duties, and re.qen our rights under it. The United Stairs
might justly be suspected nf a disregard of the friendly
tnthe laie Mr. Upshur, (>xhose melancbolly fate is so justly
anti generally lamented.) has every S cretary of State, act
ing nnder the direction of the Executive, deemed it suffi
tence nfber independence, but also upon her right W ita en- cient tn place the Government and minister employing it in
• 2.; : /—j :-n- -/*.— .. _ i ~r the wrong, by showing its injustice as well as its futility.—
lion, they very naturally conclude, that, having g r, ne thus
far, having examined int« and passed not ouly upon the exis-
joyinent.it is now (and more especially after tlie lapse of
several years) too late to hesitate upon the qaestion of an
nexation on the ground of any existing controversy upon
ihose points- The fallacy of this reasoning will he apparent
when it is considered that the usage of nations to acknowl
edge tbe Government, de facto, of eve/y country, was es
tablished for tbe express purpose of avoiding all inquiry into,
or the expression of any opinion upon, the question of right
between the contending parties. They acknowledge no
o'her power in any uountry than that which is in fact su
preme. They cannot inquire br.vond that point, withoutin-
t-rferins with the internal concerns of other nations—a prac
tice which all disclaim, and a disclaimer which it has been
our invariable usage n it only to make, but to enforce with
scrupulous fidelity. To recognize t(ie independence of the
Government de facto, is also a matter of state necessity;
f tr, without it. neither commercial nor diplomatic inter-
cou-se he ween any such power and the nations of the
woill could be carried nr with success, and the social in
terests nf mankind require that these should not b* arrested
hy quarrels between contesting parties, in legard to their
respective right to the supreme power. In respect to all
beyond this, the laws and usages nf na ims require the oh-
ser .-ance of a strict neutrality hetweenthecontendingpat-
ties, as long as the war lasts. It is due. also,'from every
G ivernmeut in its own citizens, to deblare when a revolted
colony shall be regarded'aa an independent mien- Be
cause “it belongs to the Government alone to make the Hc-
clcation;” and because “until It is made, or the parent
State relinquishes her claims, courts of jast.ee must consid
er the ancient state of things a« remaining unaltered, and
the sovereign power ol the parent State over that colony as
still subsisting.’’ But nothing can he farther from giving to
tbe act of recognition its true character, than to suppose that
it has the slightest bearing upon tbe rights of tke parties: it
being, as 1 have already said, resorted to for the express
purpose of avoiding any such construction. Such is not the
•inly law and usage of nations, but such also have been the
reiterated avowals of our own Government. I do not re
member that the recognition of Tex*an independence gave
ri*e in any correspondence between Mexico and our Gov
ernment ; and if it did, I have not the means of stating-its
characier. But the pnnripl.s upon which all acts are based,
were fully set forth by this Government, upon the occasion
of tbe recognition nf tbe Spanish American Slates. Iu the
message of President Monroe to tbe House of Representa
tives. suggesting he propriety of that recognition, it wasex
pressly declared, that, in pioposing this measure, it was
*- not contemplated tn change thereby, in ihe slightest man-
ner. our friendly relations with eitl er of the parties ; but to
observe, in all respects, aa heretofore, should the war be
rnn-inued. the most i erfect neutrality between them.” Tbe
Committee on Foreign Affairs, in tbrir elaborate irpnrt.
sav: " Our recognition must necessarily be coexistent only
with tbe fact nn which it is founded, and cannot survive it.
While the nntinns of South America are actually indepen
dent, it ts simply to speak the truth to acknowledge, them to
be so. Should Spain, contrary to her avowed principle
and acknowledged intereit, renew the war for the con•
q iC'tof esoutk America, we *hall. indeed, regret it; but
«re a‘in It ob’erve, nt we hare done between the imU/irndent
parlie*. nn honest and. impartial neutrality.’' The Se
cretary nf Slate, in defence of the act of recognition, said to
the Spanish Minuter: “ This recognition is neither intend
ed to invalidate any right of Spain, nor to effect the rm-
p’nyment nf any meana which the may yet be dttpotrd or
enabled to use, with ihe view of re-uniting those piovm-
ec» to the rest of her dominioht." That these avnwa's
were in alricicoiiforiuity to the true principles of the law nf
nations, there can be no doubt. They were, at all events,
those which this Government has solemnly announced as
its role of action in regard tn contests between rival parties
fnr the supreme power iu foreign States. That the admis
sion of Texas as a member of this Confederacy, whilst the
contest for the maintenance of tbe independence she had
acquired, was still pending, and a consequent assumption of
the responsibility of protecting her against invasion, would
have been a plain departure from the laws and usages of
nations, and a violation of the principles to which we hsd
avowed oer adherence in the tare of the world, was too
clear to be dcubted. Thus believing, I had. on tbe ocraaion
tn which I have referred in tbe faithful discharge of the
trust which the people had reposed in me, hut one course
to pursue; and that was prnnip.ly,but respectfully adopted.
I return now tn the question. Has the condition of the
contest between Texas and Mexico, for the sovereignty of
the former, an far changed as to render these principles
now inapplicable T Wbat is the attitude which these two
States, at this moment, occupy towards each', other T Are
they at war or are they not I We cannot evade this ques
tion if we would- Tn enumerate all the circumstances
heaving upon it, in a communicati' n like thii, would be im
practicable, nor is it necessary In respect to‘the parties
thmnie'ives, there would serin to be no misunderstanding
upon the subject. Mexico has been incessant in her avow
ais as well to our Government as to others, nr the continu-
once of the war, and »f her determination tn prosecute it.—
How does Texas regard her position in respect to the war
with Mexico f Three ye-rs subsequent to our recognition
of her independence, we Cwl her entering into a stipulation
with s foreign power, to accept of her mediation to bring
about a cession nf hostilities between her and Mexico, enga
ging tn assume a million sterling nf the debt due frum Mex
ico to the subjects **f that power, if she, through her influ
ence, claimed from Mexico an unlimited truce in respect to
the war then raging between her and Texas, within one
month, and a treaty of peace in six. As late as last June,
we sec a proclamation of the President of Texas, declaring
n suspension of hostilities between the two powers, during
the pendency of negotiations to be entered upon between
them, issued on the supposition thst a similar proclamation
would he issued by Mexico; and actual hostilities are now
only suspended by armistice to be continued for a specified
and short period for the sake of negotiation. Nor a'e our
own views upon the point less explicit. In the published
letter of the late Secretary of Slate, to the Mexican Minis-
ter at Washington, written in December last, he says:
“ Nearly eight years hare elapsed since Texas declared her
independence. During alt that time Mexico has asserted
her right of jurisdiction and dominion over thst country,
and has endeavored to enlbice it by nrmr.” In the Presi
dent's messags tn C'ngress, it is stated, “That the war.
which has existed for so long a lime between Mexico and
Texas, has, since the battle of San Jacinto, consisted, for the
most part, of predatory excursions," which, while they have
been attended with much nf suffering to individuals, and
kept the bonier.' nf the tw.* countries in a state of constant
as atiact of war on the part of the United Mates, and that
she will, notwithstanding, prosecute her attempts to regain
Texts, regardless uf consequences. Exceptions are, how
ever, taken by the Preaident. and Itbiiik very justly taken,
to the maimer in which this determination has been announ
ced, The Mexican Government should certainly have ap
plied in a becoming spirit to ours for explanations of us in
tention. If it found this Government under the lA-pYrsston
that Mexico, although it might not be willing to acknowledge
its independence, had abandoned all serious hope of re-con-
ouering Texss. Mexico should have assured us of our error,
and remonstrated against any action on our part, based on
thaterroneous assumption, declared firmly, if it pleased, but
in that courteous and respectful manner which is alone suit
ed to the intercourse between nations who prolessto be
friends, its determination to oppose us. Instead of taking a
course, the propriety of which was so obvious, she first as
sumes. upon grounds which were neither proper nor safe
for her to act upon, that this Government had designs on
Texas; then denounces the annexation as a great national
crime, and forthwith proclaims instant war as the penalty of
our persisting in such an attempt; end all in language bear
ing certainly, (although subsequently disavowed,) every ap
pearance of menace.
But this is a besetting, and very ancient foible of the mo
ther country, as well as ol her descendants. in their dip*<>-
tnatic intercourse. Every one conversant with tho aubject
ot Spanish relations, knows that, at least from the lime of
Don Luisde Onis to the present dsv, this Government has
been frequently—not to say continually—subjected lo this
species of d ptninatic dogmatism. Partly in consequence o'
the genius of tbeir language; partly from their peculiartem
prrament; much from habit, but more from radical defeci
of judgment—they continue the use of language in their
state papers, which better tempered, if not wiser d'ploma
lists have almost everv where laid aside as worse than use
less.. But at no time has our Government suffered it* ac
tion uoon great national que>lions to be influenced by such
petulcuce From the lime of the modest, yet firm Madison,
We hare then heretofore, as I hope we shall now, decided
to act in the matter under consideration, in a manner wbirh
was deemed lue to justice and to our own characier, with
out being in any degree influenced by such unavailing men
aces. It is foreign to my habit, and 'epugnant to my feel
ings, to say any thing that should offend the pride of any na
tion, if the declarations of individuals could possibly have
that effect, being sincerely desirmis that the United States
should cultivate friendly relations with all. But, with a
population not equal to half of the United Stales, and labor
ing under many and serious disadvantages, fron which we
are comparatively free. Mexico could not. with propiiety.be
ed bv the assumption, that this Government may act
offended by the assumption,
as it would have done, bad no such menace been made,
without the slightest danger of being regarded by the rest
of the world.-as having been intimidated by threats of war
from that Republic. So at least I should act. if tbe direc
tion of public affairs were in my bands The question then
recurs, if, as sensible men, we cannot avoid tbe conclusion
that tbe immediate annexation of Texas would, in all human
probability, draw after it a war with Mexico, can it be ex
pedient to attempt it 1 Gf tke consequences of such war.
the character it might be made to a; suras, the entanglements
with other nations, which the position of a belligerent al
most unavoidably draws after it. and the undoubted injuries
whirh might be 'inflicted upou each, -notwithstanding the
great disparity of t eir respective forces. 1 will not say a
word. God lotbid that an American citizen should ever
coutit the coat of ani appeal to what is appropriately dennra
inated ihe last resort of nations, whenever the resort be
comes necessary, either for the safe*y or to vindicate the
honor of his country. There is, I trust, not one eo base as
not to regard himself, and all he has. to he forever and at all
times subject to sach a requisition. But would a war with
Mexico, brought on under such circums ances. lie a contest
of that character? Could we hope to stand perfectly justi
fied in the eyes of mankind for entering into it: more espe
cially if its commencement is to be preceded by the appro
priatinn to our own uses of the territory the sovereignty of
which we are to join in tbe struggle ? This, sir. is a matter
of tbe very gravest import—one in respect to which no A
m-rican statesman or citizen can p jaaibly be indifferent.—
We have a characte' among the nations of the earth to
maintain. All our public functionalies, as well as those
who advocate this measure as those who oppose it. however
much they may differ at to its effects, will. I am sure. be
equal)* solicitous for the performance of tics first of du'ies.
It has hitherto been our pride and our boast, that, whilst the
lust ol power, with fraud and violence in ita train, has led
othet and differently ennstitutad Governments to aggression
and conquest, our movements in these respecis have always
been regulated by reason and justice. A disposition to de
tract flora our pretensions in this respect, will, in the nature
t.f things, be always prevalent elsewhere; and has,at this
very moment, and from special causes assumed, in some
quarter*, tbe most rabid character. Should not every one,
then, who sincerely loves his country—who venerates its
time-honored and glorious institutions—who dwells with
pride and delight on associations connected with oar rise,
progress, and present condition—on the steady step with
which n-e hare advanced to our present eminence, in despire
of the hostility, aud in contempt of the biiter reviling* of the
enemies of tr'eedom in all pans of the globe.—consoler, and
that deeply, whether we would not by tire immediate an
nexaiion«f Texas, place a weapon in the hands of those
who now look upon us aud our institutions with distrustful
and enrious eyes, that would do us more real, lasting
injury, as a nation, fhan the acquisit on ol such a territory,
valuable as it undoubtedly is. could possibly repair ? It is
raid, and truly said, that this war between Texas and Mex-
tro has already been of too long duration. We are and
must continue to be more or less annoyed by its prosecu
tion. and have undoubtedly, as has been remarked, an inter
est in sceiug it terminated. But can we appeal to any prin
cipte iu tbe law of nations, to which we practise a scrupu
lous adherence, that would, under present circumstances,
justify us iu interfering for its suppression, in a manner that
would unavoidably make us a party to its further prosecu
tion ? Can this position be made sufficiently dear, to justi
fy us in committing the peace and honor of the country to ei, cy.
its support? -
In regard to the performance by us of that duty, so diffi
cult for any Government to perform—the observance of an
honest neutiality between nations at war—we can now look
through our whole caieer since our first admission into tbe
family nf nations, not only without • blush, but with feelings
.... fora moment pern it themselves to believe him capable
of doing, countenancing, or advising a single act which he
believed, or had even reason to apprehend, would violate
the plittlned faith of his country, or infringe upon tlie duty
which it owes to the great family ot nations. To prevent
our people from going to Texas, and embarking in the war.
was an impossibility which neither he nor any oilier Chtrl
Ma°isttatccould have accomplished. II they **.it there
without military organization, or armaments, and choose to
place themselves beyond the protection of this Government,
we had m> right to control their action; nor do other Govern
ments exercise anv suc.i right in similar cases, i or the
suppression ol military enlerprises. organized and armed
here against a nation with which we are at peace, the pro-
visions of our laws are ample. But ol the difficulties of en
forcing them with a frantic and seaboard like those which
aspen our communication with Texas, no sensible and well
informed mind can be : gnnrant.
Foi the voluntary action of our Government in regard to
the subject of Annexation, we ran have no such explanation
to gi*e. The acquisition of so valuable a territory by means
which are of questionable propriety, would be a departure
from those just prii ciples upon which this Government has
ever acted, and which have excited the admiration »nd se
cured the respect of the dispassionate and enlightened
friends of freedom throughout the world. But I ain very-
sure that we shell all. In tbe end. so set upon this subject aa
t<> put it out of the power of the natural enemies of republi
can institutions to make any plausible charge ol infidelity to
our avowed principles in respect to it. No one was more
deeply sensible of the necessity of the greatest prudence in
this particular, or more anxious to secure iis observance, than
Gen. Jackson. As late as December. 1836—only a few
ra rath# before the recognition—be thus expresses hiinsell,
in a special mesiageto the Senate: “But there are ci-cum-
stances iu the relations of the two countries which require
ustoact,en this occasion, with even more than our wonted
esution Texas was once claimed as a part uf our property;
aud there are iliose among our citizens who. always reluct
ant to abandon that claim, cannot be*, regard with solicitude
the prospect of the re un*on of the territory lo this country:
a large proportion nf its civilized inhabitants are emigrants
from the United Slates, speuk the same language wiih our
selves, cherish the same principles, political and religious,
an I are bound to many of our citizens by ties of fti tndiliip
and kindred blood; and, more than all. i' is known that the
people nf that country have instituted the same form of Gov
ernment with our own. and have, since the close of your last
session, openly resolved on the acknowledgment by us of
their independence, to seek admission into tlie Union as one
nf the Federal States. This last circumstance is a matter
nf peculiar delicacy, and forces ui-on us considerations of
the gravest ehsracter. The title of Texas to the territory
she claims, is identified with her independence. She asks
us to acknowledge that title to the territory, with an avowed
design to treat immediately of its tiansfer to the U. States.
It become." us to beware of atoo early movement, as it might
subject us. however unjustly, to the minulalion of seeking
to establish ihe claims of our neighbors to a territory, with
a view to it* subsequent acquisition by ourselves.”
It has been urged, from a quarter entitled to greatrespect.
and reasoned, too, with nn iucousiderable degree of cogency,
that tbe acquisition of Texas now in the mode proposed,
would be liable lo no greater objection than tlie accomplish
ment of the same object would have been either in 1827 or
1829, when it was attempted by two successive B'tmin'sira
tions to purchase it from Mexico. If 1 were to go into a di'
cussinn of this question, and the facts necessarily connected
wiih it, I should be writing o: n bonk instead ot a letter; nor
is it necessary that 1 should. 1 will therefore content my
self with saying, that with every disposition to look at the
subject in all its hearings with an impartial eye, 1 have not
been able to see the analogy which U claimed to exist be
tween the two cases. But if it were even admitted that
the able men who were, at those respective periods, st the
head of tl.e Government, un -er strong canvii-tions of the im
portance of the acquisition of Texas tc tlie Uuited State*,
so far p ecipitated their measures for tbe accomplishment
of that olject, as tn hare endangered the good faith and pa
citic relations nf the United States, (which I do not adtuil.)
we could still only felicitate ourselves on their failure, but
could uol thereby justify tbe present movement, if it is not
eight in itsell, and capable of justification on n*ber grounds.
1 by no mean* contend that a formal recognition of the inde
pendence of Texas by Mexico is necessary to justify us in
assenting to ber annexation to the United Slates. Time
and circumstances may work such a change in tlie relations
between those two countries, as to reader an art of that t-hdr
avier, on tbe part of Mexico, unneiessary and unimportant.
What I mean tn a ty, is. that from all the information 1 havt
been able to acquire upon the subject, no change has yet
liken place in tin se relations that would make'the objec
tions. which 1 have here detailed, inapplicable.
It is said. also, that if Texas is not acquired now. the rp-
p.iitumty will be forever lost—that some other power will
acquire il; and. indeed, some of the rumors of the day have
gone so f.,r as to sa^ that the Texan minister is already in
structed iu case of lailure here, to proceed forthwith to Eu
rope, with full aulbnriiy fnr ihe accomp.isbineiil of thst ob
ject. We must not target, that besides great public consid-
eratin s. there are extensive private interests involved in
ibis matter; and we may therefore well be distrustful of the
thousand rumors which are from day to day p t afloat upon
this subject. What a comparatively few indivtauals, acting
under me influence of personal interest, may not desire to
have done. 1 will not undertake to say. or to bonjecture.—
But that the people of Texas—somaiiy of whom carry in
their veins the blood ol our revolutionary ancestors—thous
ands of whom are thoroughly imbued with democratic prin
ciples—who achieved by tbeir own gallantry that independ
ence which we were the first to acknowledge—who have
established and subsequently maintained institutions similar
tn our own;—that such a people and such a G"verrmem
will ever be found capable ol sending a Minister to the
crowned heads of Europe, to barter nway' their young und
enterpris ng republic, and all that they have purchased with
their bl»ed, to the highest bidder, is iviist I cannot believe;
in tbe possibility of “so apostate and uunatural a connexion”
l can have no faith.
It is also apt rehended by tnanv. that the British authori
ties will attempt to make Texas a British colony or depend
ency. _ 1 fin 1 it difficult to credit the existence of ouch in
fatuation on the part of any European power. 1 cannot
bring myself tn believe that any European Government
which has not already made up itssnind to provoke a war
with ibis country, will ever attempt to colonize Texas, ei
ther in form or in substance. If there he any such pow er,
the considerations to which 1 have adverted, would soon
Texas, and in destructive but fruitless efforts to rZ '
that State, so far as to produce, in connexion wUb. 2?**
cumstances, a decided conviction on ;be part of >' ■ c ®-
of tne people of the United Slates, that rife nertr.. ln,J0ri 7
fare, if not at solute safety of all. make it m cess»- v
pri posed annexation should he effected, be ih c co “"'^4
ces what they may. The question may be asked
tier such circumstances, would be the "use you woeLi
of the Executive power, il intrusted to jour handsi
it be wielded to defeat, or to carry into effect ih U14
tained wishes of our people ? My reply to taeb a * Crr "
tinn is. that I can conceive of no public question.',
to which it is inure eminently ptoj-er that the ,..’;..;^ r * 5 P*rt
wishes of the people of the different States should; ,J d
suited, and brine ascertained, treated with fretlrr * ec *"
than those which relate either t>> the adniisskm 0 f t, ?*3
member into the confederacy, or the acquisition oftd * ■ 5t *
territory, with a view to such a result; and thst.if, n ° mo:i, l
cation for annexation, under such <-ircuin4taticei,- t ' r, Wi-
to me, 1 would feel it to be my duty to submit e **ds
Congress fer a public expression r.f their opinio,, *•
upon the propriety of annexation, as in regard tn ,(**
upon which it should take place. If. after the * b j!* n **
ject ha.l been brought before the country, and foh.jV t * ) "
sed, as it now will he. the Senate and House of fl P *, 'f 1,
tives. a large portion of the former, and the wh 0 ' ( f
latter having been chosen by the people, after the a?
of annexation had been brought before the country (?•''
mature consideration, should express an opinion i a V, *•
annexation. I would hold it to be my farther duty to
the Executive power to carry into full and fii r efWi?
wishes of a majority of the people of the existing
thus constitutionally and solemnly expreised. 0
There msy, notwithstanding, be those, on both tti*
this great question, who are unwilling to confer ibeiritF^
ges on one who is not prepared to give them sprcifii-oLT’'
in regard to the course he would, if elected, |u, J* 1
sped"to the various asuerts in whirh this matter mul *'
after be presented. To all such I have only to sj,—
do so with the greatest sincerity—that I have rot ite ,':.v *
est disposition to question their right so to rego’are il •
conduct, and will be the last to complain of j|J
If there be any one who they believe can be more
trusted with their interest in this or any other o(tk e :.
questions of public policy which ore likely tiun*;^* 1
administrate n of the Government, nr whose SMunoeeT'
to his future course are more satisfactory to then,, -v."
will, without doubt, be well warranted in givirj
preference; and they may be assured that no ore wi!i
cheerfully acquiesce in a decision, made from such metim
than m.vself. 1 hsve expressed a willingness todijehtw'
to the best of my abilities, the responsible duties rtf the
office in questinr, should the Democracy of the l T .
be able and willing to re elect me to the some. Hat i ci .
take no steps to obtain il by which niy ability to dUdur,,
its duties impartially und usefully to every portim of c .,.
common country would be impaired; nor can I. ia am «.
tremity.be induced to casta shade over the mrairriof Bt
past life, by changes nr. concealments of opinions Olttriij
formed upon a great national question, for the ottsertiv
purpose of increasing my chances for political protnctico 1
I am, sir, very respectfully.
Your obedient servant.
M. VAN BUHEh*
Hon. W. H. Hajimet.
From the A". Y. Journal of Commerce.
Annexation of Texas,
We will feel obliged to you to publish tbe snbjoicrd rt-
marks relative to tbe Annexation u: Texas in tbe U.Stste,.
The letters of both C.ay and Vat- Bureu adrst re bctoce
single objection t r difficulty against the tmuadiate intcit-
lion, that Iras the lea -t apparent weight, and that u, that * a
sin uid first obtain the consent of Mexico.
Iu asking 'eave of Mexico tn mike a Treaty whs store,
leign State, whom are we loask 7 The halM-reed pttuwu
aud herd-men. the victims of tyranny and pnettrraii? Kin
at all. We are to ask- that blood stained monster, the «i|.
lul murderer of 407 unarmed and unprotected Cfrt-ku
Excellency, par excellence. General Santa A ana. Uncut,
gra, Anui'iiie. Ac. To ask the consent ot Santa Acu, it,
virtually, asking ihe eonseut oi England. Will wiuirgn
gain the consent of Lord Aberdeen, through Saris Ami,
ever be likely to gain us Texas ? Will not delay incrnit
the difficulties of Annexation ten fold, if not forever nAi
it impracticable? Will not England move beamed
earth, during any delay or parley on our part, to puita,
aud that torever, the annexation? Is it come toibii? An
justly be suspected of a disregard of i ...
purposes of tbeeoinpnet, ifthe overture "of Gen. Hunt were alarm. have failed to approach lo any drjinitire rr,uil."
to be even reierved for future consideration, as this would
imply a disposition on our pa.l to espouse the quarrel nf
Texas with Mexico—a disposition wholly at variance with
the spirit nf the treaty, with the uniform policy and the ub
vinos welf.re of ihe United State*
“The inducements mentioned hy Gen Hunt for the Uni
ted Slates tn annex Texas tu their territory, are duly ap
preciated; but. powerful and weighty as certainly they are,
they are light when opposed in tlie scale of reason to treaty
obligations, and respect for the integrity of character by
tvhiclrthe United Slates have sought io distinguish them
selves since the establishment of their right ti claim a place
in the great family nf nations "
The intinislion in Gen. Hunt's letter that Texns might be
indteedto extend commercial advantages toother nations,
to the prejudice of the United Slates, was thus noticed:
“It is pretamed, howerer, thst the motives by which
Texas has been governed in making this overture. wi!l have
equal force in impelling tier tn preserve, as an independent
power, the most liberal commercial relations with ihe Uni
ted Slates. Snclt a disposition will be cheerfully met, inn
correa,“nn ling spirit, h.v this Government If the answer
- w -i'-h the undersigned has firm directed to give tilhe
pr p isition nf Gen. Hunt shnaid unfortunately work such a
cos g • in the sentiments nf that Government as in it dure an
attempt to extend commercial relations elsewhere, upon
terms prejudicial to die United Stale*, thi* Govei unreal will
he consoled by die rectitude of its intentions, and a certain-
■y lhar. although die hazard cf transient mates may he iu
Curre-I hy a rigid adherence to just principles, no Is'ting
p.-o*p -riry enn be secure I when they are disregarded. ’
That these views were not alfpether satisfactory to Gen
Hu it. nor probably l < Ids Government, has been seen.—
Bur I di nk 1 may safely say that seldom, if ever, lias tite
derision, by this Government, of a question of rqital magni
tilde, been more decidedly or more unanimously approved
by the peojl » of the-United fita'es. The cnrrcspondenc*
si-, very aom after it t,„>k place, cmama idea led io <’on
gresa.and a.though the public mind was al the time in r
stale the highest excitement, and die administration daily
assailed ikrough every avenue h.v which il was deemed so
pioac-tsole. lam vet to see the first sentence nf complain
upon that point, in sov quarter of the Union. Even • rrsn
latino offered in the Senate, declaring annexation, "when
ever il could ba effected .consistently with the public faith
And after commenting with much truth upon the insufficien
cy nfthe armaments which Mexico has fitted out for the
subjection of Texas—on the length of time which hss e'aps-
ed since the latter declared Iter independenee—on the per
severance. notwithstanding, in plans of ie-mnquest by Mex-
iro—on her refusal to acknowledge tbs independence of
Texas and on the evils ef bonier warfare, the message
adds: ’• Tne United States lrave an immediate interest in
seeing an end put tnthe state or hnstililirs between Mexico
and Texas;” following up ibe remark with a furrililo re
monstrance against the rontinuance or the war, and a very
just and impressive statement of the reasons why il should
cease. This remonstrance is, in my -opinion, entirely just
and perfectly proper. The Government of the U.' Slates
sh uld be st all times ready to interpose il* good offices to
bring about a speedy, and, as far as practicable, a satisfarto
ry adju Unerit of ibis long pending emnroverry. Its whole
influence should be exerted, constantly, zealously, and in
good fiith.tn advanre an desirable an* object; and in the
process of lime, it can. without doubt, be aecomplished.—
liut wIiaL my dear air. 's the true and undisguised charac
ter **f tlie remedy for these evils, wliiyh would be'applied
by the “ immediate annexation of Texas to the U. Stales ?’’
Is it inorepr less than saving Jo .Mexico, We feel aggriev.
rd by the continuance ufthis war between you and Texas ;
we have an interest in seeing it terminnied ; we will arentn-
pliah that ob;ert, hy taking the disputed territory to our
selves; we will make Texas * pari of the United Stales, so
that those plans "f re-conquest, wii’ch we know you are ma
turing, to he successful* inn*-tbe made-re against the pawer
that we can bring into the contest; if ihe war is in lie con-
limied. si we understand to be'your design, the U. Stales
are henceforth io be regarded as one of tbe belligerents?
We mast hmk at this matter as it realty stands; We
-hall act under ihe eye of an intelligent, observing world ;
md tire affair enneot he made m weir a diflerrnt aspect
from what it deserves, if even we had the disposition (which
we have not) io throw over it disguises of any kind. We
-hould consider whether there is any way in which the
i eacc of this country can he preserved, should an immediate
innexntion take plnce, save one—and that is, according ti
ire-enl appear*! ces. the improbable event that Mexico will
ne deterred from the farther prosecution of the war, by the
appreher.Mon of our power. How does that mailer stand 7
She has caused us lo be informed,both at Mexico and hers.
IH1AII1V HI liaiiuiioi IMS* "IHY "HMUUt - U.UOHJ wsa* " - . . . . , .
of honest pride and satisfaction. Tbe way was opened by | I*»e most of their importance; for opportunities would not
President Washington himself, under circumstance* of the lh , cn beslnw in presenting themselves for tbe conquest ■/
— - _ - ■ • * whatever territory might, in that event, he deemed neces
sary lo our recur.tv. hi legitimate self-defence. Commer
cial favors Texas has, to the same extent as other independ
ent powers, the right to dispose of as she thinks proper; sub
ject only to tlie penalties which are certain. sonnCT or later,
to follow in the wake of national injustice. But European
colonization of Texas is another and a very different matter
—a mutter tn respect to tbe ultimate con-equenre* ofwhich
no European nation can possibly deceive either heraelf or
us. I have no access to the sources of true inf -rotation in
respect to the degree of credit which maybe due in these
rumors: but our Government ooght. without doubt, to exei-
cise a most jealous vigilance against the extension of British
influence, and in "eed foreign influence, or dominion of any
kind, or from any quarter, cither in Texas, orin any portions
ot ihe continent bordering on the Gulf «:i Mexico. If the
time ever comes when the question resolves itself into
whether Texas shall become a British dependency or colo-
njr. or a constitutional portiob nf this Union, the great prin
ciple of self-oefence, applicable ss well to nations as to in-
djviduals, would, without doubt, produce as great a una
nimity amongst us ill favor of the latter alternative, as can
ever be exDecied on any great quettion of foreign or do
mestic |mlicy.
Having now replied, in tbe fullest and frankest manner.
most difficult character, and at no less a hazard than that of
exposing ourselves to plausible, yet unjust imputations of
infidelity toireaty stipulations. The path he trod with such
unfaltering steps, and which led to such beneficial results,
ha* hitherto been pursued with unvarying fidelity, by every
one of his successors whom it becomes me to speak.
If our sympathies could induce a departure from a policy
which has so much in its commencement tn consecrate it.
and such advantages to recommend its continuance, they
would doubtless draw us to the side ol Texas. That the
happiness of her people would be promoted by the mainten
ance of her independence. I have no doubt. Few. if any,
efforts for the extension of the blessines of free Govern
ment in any part of the world have bAen made since the es
tablishment orour own independence, that have failed to
excite our earnest and sincere wishes for their sucoess.
But they have never been permitted to withdraw us from
the faithful performance of our duty as a neutral nation.
They were excited, and deeply, too, at the commencement
of the French revolution; they were revived in the struggle
•of the South American States for the establishment of her
independence; they have beer, pul to their severest trial in
this very contest between Texas and Mexiro. Yet, in that
whole period of time, amidst the convulsions of empires,
nnti the lawlessness of power by which many of its posses
sors have been distinguished, it hss been a cardinal point
in the administration of the affairs of this lepublic tn ad
here with the strictest fidelity to the rule -which was laid
down by Washington, enforced by Jefferson, and respected,
with unabated sine *rity, by their successors.
There is another circumstance which is well calculated
tn mislead us upon this subject. Many, if not most, of the
persons to be affected by the decision of this question, were
once citizens of the -United States, and have still their rela
tives and friends among us. I am not unaware of the haz
ard to which I expose my standing with the latter, in apeak
in* thus unreservedly upon a point so well calculated to
excite deep feelings. This is perhaps more particularly
applicable to that portion of my fellow-citizens, of whom It
was aptly and appropriately said by one of their own num
ber, that “they nre the chi'dren of the suo, md partake of
its warmth.” Yet. whether we stand or fill in the estima
tion of our countrymen, it is always true wisdom, as well
as true morality, to hi-ld fast lo the truth. Jt is, moreover,
a consolation to know, that if to nourish enthusia'tn is one
of the effects nf a g*nial climate, it at the same time seldom
fails to give birth to a chivalrous spirit, which will not per*
mil itself to-be outdone in the extent or sincerity of its sac
rifices at the shrine of patriotism. To preserve our natural
escutcheon untarnished, has. consequently, if reliance can
be placed u|ion our public archives, been an object of un
ceasing solicitude with Southern Statesmen.
Nothing is either more true or more extensively known,
than that Texas was wrested from Mexiro. and her inde
pendence established tin ouch the instrumentality of citizens
nf the United Stales. Equally true is it that this was done
nut only against the wishes, but in direct cnmiaveuiion of
the Best efforts of our Government to prevent our citizens
from engaging in the enterprise. Effort* hive.nevertheless,
not been "’anting nn the part of those who are not overanx
ious for the credit of republican governments, to misrepre
sent the views of ours in this respect—io cause it to lie be
lieved that our efforts tn prevent unlawful participation by
our citizens in thst struggle w-ereinsincere; that weeovmea
this portion of die territory of Mexico; and having fai'ed to
obtain it by fair purchase, or by negotiation, we saw in this
movement a'prrlimiuary step, which would, in the end, be
equally subservient lo our views np"n Texas No one cun
have had better opporiuniiie* of knowing low unfounded
these injurious imputations were Ilian mVM-lf. As earlv as
ihe United Slates so poor, so humble, so worthless, incia-
significant, that the* cannot arrange their own bovadiria
without obtaining tbe assent ot Lord Alerdeeit.ihnturltliii
pliant and despicable tools in Mexiio? Allhough the tmre
Gen. Clark and Lewis explored the Oregon, and Hrri
there a whole winter before a British subject ever p'tnri
his foot on the soil; although our hardy seamen bad entered
die Columbia river and feasted on its salmi n long befetet
British sail ever appeared on its host m; jet, we steam
told by the same grasping Government, that they own ««
ha f rf the entire let ntory. And w e sup|>ose, uule^ Lwd
Abertteen penults, w-e must submit to give it up.. Wecin
not an atom for men or parlies. Tliej are pa grstnsofuad
on the sea shore, compared with our boner, independent,
and future prosperity as a nation. Wecarennti! snu'i
talent* are but a little lower rban tlie angel*’, we will nerar
vote for him, it be truckles to Lord Aberdetn, or SsnliAt-
a, his tool.
We would as soon be teinied with the ireasea of Arrc’i.
as to take sides with a Mexican tyrant, and his tdviser, aid
er and alienor. Lord Aberdeen, against our native coaatry.
When did we ever get any thing oy w ailing for the count*
of England ? Never. When has England ever refund
tn make conquest and aggrandize bcrteil.when shebubid
it in her power, as in the case of Mexico? Was r. vita
she opened a war upon the w eak and defenceless Cbbra
people, because they refused the Opium, grown bj ber
slaves subjugated in the East In Jies? Did she cooritii it*
nation, i>r wait lo their advice and consent, when with hit
gun? pointed upon Cautou and Naukiu, she cutnpelW C>
ua to give her Hong Kong and dill tan ? YetfersoA
she must interfere iu prescribing our boundaries, tell ng cj
our country i, too large. Too large? Me»in 1 n om
large countries small. Bombay and Madras ‘J*-?*
neate - to England bv means of steamboats on the Red Set.
than London and Edinburgh were, in tbe bine ol Htarjut
VI11. And Texas is nearer to New Yorkn .w, tbinB*-
timore was duringthe revolutionary war. The world lit
been clit ng d b> steam, and politician mast wake up im
expand their views with it A large Hepubiic on Ui'i-tP -
resenutive basis, is more secure from invasion streegrr it
heme, aud more respected abroad, than a sntsllow. »
England did not think so, why does she with to cl tu*'
scribe our limits to the Southwest and in Oregon t t|
Air. Clay's aucgesiii n about a Canadian ltrpthtu un
stuff. it is well known that during and at tie eta' r " rcr
war, fur independence, latge masses of Royaiitn ft* 11
country and went to Canada, aud pianti d ilojs!t> tb®j* s0
firmly that il can uever he shaken. Have not tbe CsntcisJO
three times had an opportunity to join the AntencssJ»“
become free? W ere they not so invited hy Cm- B 1 **"
gotnery. who gloriously tell at Quebec? Were they tf*
invited at the late war ? Did they not in each instineej’-’
Indians and British in desolat.igour frontier? JJta
Canadians and Indians massacre a whole Kentucky Jfp-
mental the lliver Raisin? No; our word foriL Rajjltyti
as strongly pl.uttd in Canada and an one thp Scotch ijir™
in Nova Scotia as it is in England itself W'baC*™,*"
are the Textans? Their principle men are ibe dejreotjt
of the Hancock,. Henry* and Lets of ourcountry,
forefathers signed the Declaration of independence' n*
many of whom were side hy side w ith ua in our . l,t f. *
against England. Texas e. loreign nation forsooth I 11 1
so, we imagine it is the ouly foreign notion in tb f
which celebrates the 4th <f July and keeps WathixpU
birthday. ~
Jt has been said the Texiana irtroduced 1 "„
Texas, against the laws of Mexico. This esn he P .
from documents to be false. So anxious w ere the ,
cans to have Americans emigrate thither for tbe
pr tecting tbeir frontier against the Indians, and to r ,
. - i er. pr-tecting tneir frontier against tne tnoiiita, «i-““- jj
to both the questions which you have propounded to me, I a valueless wilderness 10 them, that they permitted F, '
might here close this letteij but being sincerely nnxinus to from the Southern States to carry with tkrro
put you, and others occupying the same position, in jmsaes- 1 — —A ’— ** ! - J J " •nm-ennr
sion of my views and opinions upon the whole subject, as
far as they can with propriety be now formed and expressed,
1 will go a few steps farther.
Occasion* do sometimes present themselves, in the ad
ministration of public affairs, when the decision of great
questions can be safely anticipated by those whose subset
quentduty it may become to pass upon them; but to justify
such a course, those ques ions must be such as arc unavoid
ably dependent upon circumstances and consideiations of a
fixeit and settled character 1 have not been able to regard
ibis as being, in all its aspects, a case of that description.
It i* a matter affecting our foreign relations, tu respect to
which every enlightened nation makes it a rule to avoid, as
far as practicable, public annunciations of its ptoceedings
and intentions beyond what is-derraed necessary either in
justify its past course, or tn make Olliers sensible of its de
termination to resist aggression, whether present or pros
pective. As the action of the Executive npon all questions
that affect our relations with other countries, must be mote
or less influence t by their conduct towards ua, it is. in gen
eral, desirable that his future course should not be embar
rassed by assurances siren at a period when no safe opin
ion could be formed nl what that conduct would he In re
spect even to motives of a domestic character it could
scorcely be deemed consistent with that prudence and eshn
discretion which, in public as well as private affairs, is of
such inestimable value, to bind ourselves in advance in re-
spectra tbe particular line of ronduct we will hereafter
sdopt in a case of auch magnitude as the present. When
the period for definitive action shall have arrived, the con
siderations now taken into view may have li st the weight
they at present possess in the estimation of the public; and
odiers, not now regarded os of ony value, may. in the mean
time, arise to affect maienallv.if not in change, the whole
asitci nf the suljert. The present condition of the relations
between Mexico and Texas may -soon be so far changed as
lo weaken, ami perhaps to obviate entirely, the objections
against the immediate annexation of the inner lo the United
States, which I have here set fortli and to place tite ques
tion nn different grounds. Should such a stale of tilings
arise, and I be found in charge of the responsib!e duties of
I’resident,you may be assured that I would meet tbe ques-
wlien President Houston first w ent In Texas. 1 believe in lion, i( then presented to me, w ith a sincere desire lo p
1629.1 was consulted hy Gen. Jacksoa upon tite subject of mete tite result which J believed best calculated to advance
iruin itio ouunicrn oiatca io carry will
into Texas, and to have them indented or apprenttf .
ninety-nine years, which completely nullified somei^
law they had against slavary. The qua relbelweeji^^
and Mexirn did not grow out of slaver;: but tie ^
mem under which the Texians entered the c’vaUJ. 7^
jealousy of the priest* was subverted, and 6sal* Au ^
mane Dictator,-and placed at the head of it • Teiu,
was he iu authority, than he sent an armed forrett 1 '.’’^,
and demanded that the people should deliver up “**
with which they had defended their homesaga*** ,^
and swear allegiance to the Catnolie religion, fs ^
port die Central Government in the c ty of Mw** ,- :[a
they refused, they we era be exterminated or 10I y,
the country, and forced to abandon their houses tan" ^
leaving desolate tite fields their enterprise and lttnO -j.
made fruitful. It was an alternative about whirh ^ ,y f
tryinsn of Washington could long hesitalC' q- a xi*s‘
choice rested between Ixlerly aud slavery, the ijjj
most righteously resisted. Eight years ago they —
ed their sovereign independence, upon tbs W*
which we gained ours. When the United Di**** jjud-
edged the indeppndei ce of Texas. Spain hod 1! , t ;'»de*
edged tlie independence of Mexico. Texts p ir tj
pendent of Spain, as well as Mexico; while “P***; Jj.hsl
to whom Texas was tftcon'ltlulionolly , J* ins ‘ -, isbe
not yielded her claim; so that, if any t nrd p't.
Consulted.! should he Spain, if nal Mexiro. i- r( . c $ti!**
If cur limits permitted, we could prove rAkfl - by i* 14 .
won Id run no possible risk of losing politic#* v fC 5niw»
annexation. The population and growth °* i‘ lC ,
lire Northwest will l:tr outstrip ti e wb«*le
eluded. Examination of ihe t/piiSus for c **
will priv’e this. . After Florida, no new $<> ut <■ <\:kan** s •*
be formed except Texns. ns the lei rUorv
guarantied t«> tlie Cherokee oud other 2r 1 he5 j, c j-j-
occupy il forever, while Free State# e»n he® ‘ jf Tex* 4
pirllv multiplied from Iowa to the Parifi l c ”
is admitted. Virginia. Morvland. N. <* rohn >- * e c«:ef
Kentucky, and probably Missouri, would ' ,rc( * 1 Tf** 5,
which would in themselves he equal in extj» ‘ —
and hold ihe balanre in ih
Slates which are soon to spring op
part «fihe -Missisippi valle\
liMH
eoate «idiom thf ^Tif \Ve»t fr *
in tite North
» private letter addressed by 1 im to the honorable Mr. Ful-
fon. now Senator of the l/n’ted Stales tiien Secretary of the
Territory of Arkansas, requesting him tn cause the move
ments of Gen. Houston to be watched, and to apprit-e the
President of the first indication on his part of an intention to
violate the laws of the United States by an armed incursion
into Mexico. From that period to the end of Gen. Jack-
son’s term of office. I ain as well satisfied as I can he of any
fart, that he was sincerely desirous to perform his whole 1
duty as Chief Magistrate of tl • country, and to prevent, in 1
this respect, the slightest violation of the laws, with the ex
ecution of which he was charged. He no doubt sincerely
the permanent welfare of the whole country. In th* di.-
charge of this, the common duty of all our public funciiona-
ries, I would not allow myself to be infijenced by local or ufactures, for these thing
of the Misai&ippi valley.* *i.r *”
is use’e** to speak of the const 1' " it i* u;C '
ltion. That is admitted by Mr. V an > -
tnspeakofits utility end many P ecu *• * a n<i n ‘ ?r .
« o/ar, Tcse i}jw)?J COIIlUlCr R_.
sectional feeling. 1 am not, 1 need hardly aiy to you. on StUl*, ala* ! they both ... . ^ ,
untried man in respect to my disposition or ability to di-re- a pesr. till# vve “ ve a »kcd Lord. A *. > <■
pard any feeling ot that rbararter in the discharge of official Anna ! !
nexatton.
ind of lie benefits it would confer npon ro..m.e ^
aunnttea oy * . n^’
and ought not . ^
Kew York, April 30:1
duties. You. as well as all others, have therefor© at least
some grounds on which to firm an opinion as to the probnble
fidelity with which these assurances would be observed.
] fhall add a few wdtd* on another aspect of the question,
and then ^dismiss the subject. Mexico may carry her per
sistence in refusing to acknowledge tbe independence cf State, or Stales
,1841.
* It is sairl on goat) author t> tha' '^."cana"^
Texas (come into the confederacy w lnlitIt d ai * '
otherwise than settled by free labor, aim