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JAMES H. MOOREFIGLD VOLUME I. THE ENTERPRISE, PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY, BY JAMES H. MOOREFIELD, Proprietor. • TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. If paid in advance : : : : $2 00 If not paid within six months : : 260 If not paid within the year, ‘ : : 300 ADVERTISEMENTS. Advertisements conspicuously inserted at $1 per Square (ten lines or less) for the first insertion, and “60 cents for each subsequent insertion. A liberal deduction will be made to those- adver tising by the year. Any advertisement not proper ly connected with the business will be charged sep arately. All announcements of candidates for office $6 00 to be paid in advance. -% DOUGLAS’ REPLY TO BRECKINRIDGE. EXTRACT FROM JUDGE DOUGLAS’ SPEECH AT BALTIMORE, SEPT. 6, 1860. Since I arrived here to night a friend rend, to me a portion of a speech delivered by Mr. Breckinridge at Lexington, Ken tucky, yesterday. In that speech I find that Mr. Breckinridge justifies the breaking up of the Democratic Convention and the divis ion of the Democratic party to tho great danger of tho election of a Black Republi can, on tho ground, ho says, that the regu lar party insisted upon a particular dogma, and that ho would not take anybody as a candidate for the Presidency who was the representative of that dogma. (Cheers.) Now let me ask you what is that dogma of which he speaks, and which ho charges me as being the representative of? Is it the dogma of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in tho Territories? All that my friends desirod at Charleston, and again at*Baltimore, was that the Convention this year should reuflirm tho platform adopted in Cincinnati in 1856; we asked nothing more. That platform declarod tho principle Os non-intervention, Buchanan was elected President, and John C. Breckinridge Vice on that platform, and as pledged to thav dogma. They mado President and Vico Pres ident by the pw or of that vory dogma.— They never could iia-,<i been elected to office unless for that very dogma of non-interven tion. And now Breckinridge tells you that rather than submit to tho dogma upon which he was elected, and to observe which he had plodgcd his honor of fidelity, it was bettor to break up tho party, to hazard the elec tion of a Black Republican, and all tho dire consequences that would likely follow. I again repeat thatweonly asked the same dogma upon , wnl jTTehauan .and Brcckin- Vth^TeU; we only asked tho same platform on which they wore nominated; we aid not require any change of platform, any change of principle, or any change of usage of tho party. But he and his party take the ground that the man who stands where ho and others stood four years ago is no better than an abolitionist. (Cheer- 1 ) Did lie tell you so four years ago ? (Cries, “No.”) Did lie not tell you four years ago that the peace of this country depended up on the very doctrine of non-intervention ? (Cries, “Yes.”) Did he not toll you that the election of such an interventionist as Fremont would be a just cause of dissolu tion ? (Cries, “Ho did.”) Did ho not toll you that Southern honor, Southern rights and Southern equality in tho confederacy depend on maintaining the doctrine onion intervention, as affirmed in the Cincinnati platform ? (Cries, “Ho did so.”) And now this Breckinridge, who was elected Vice President by your efforts and by mine upon that self-same doctrine, tells you that no man ought to be entrusted with the reins of government who stands by the principle to which ho pledged his sacred honor to stand by four years ago. (Cheers) Again, my fellow-citizens, Major Breckin ridge iu his stump speech dofends himself against tho charge that ho was opposed to General Cass in 1848. Ho says it is true that in 1847 ho attended tho meeting which brought out General Taylor for the Presi dency, but that subsequently, in 1848, after Cass was nominated, he took the stump for Cass because he represented his (Breckin ridge’s) principles. Now mark his lan guage : “I went for Cass because Cass rep resented my principles.” What principles did Cass represent ? Why ho had just writ ten tho Nicholson letter. (Cheers.) The Nicholson letter was non-intervention with squatter sovereignty added. (Cheers.) Yet Breckinridge says ho wont for Cass against Taylor, after being first committed to Taylor, bocauso Cass represented his principles. [Cheers.] It sccmes then that Breckinridge was sound on tho dogma in 1848. [Laughter) Again, in Convention assembled in this city in 1848, when they nominated Cass for President, they adopted tho same platform of non-iutervention.— Now look on that platform. Breckinridge was bound in 1848, and lie pledged himself to the doctrino of non-intervention by Con gress with slavery in the Territories. Breckinridge went for Cass because Cass represented his principles on this dogma.— So it seems then that Breckinridge and Cass, in tho south, wero together iu 1848. We all wont for the dogma then. Let any man read the record if ho has a doubt upon this point. Tho only objection I had myself to Cass at the timo was that ho wont a little too far on squatter sovereignty. (Cheers) But it seems that Breckinridge went tho whole hog with him—(laughter)—for CaRB thoroughly represented his principles.— Now the difference between myself and Cass on that point was that Cass said the poopio had a right to make their own Saws in the Territory outside of tho Constitution of the United States. And this, recollect, was the doctrine of Breckinridge—for did not Cass represent Breckinridge’s principles. (Cheers and laughter.) I did not, however, believe that doctrine %mt\% iiittfi ftilttpise* I said that they had a right to mako their own laws in tho Territory inside the Con stitution ; whilo Cass “and Breckinridge's doctrine of squatter sovereignty was outside of tho Constitution. (Cheers) My old IVicnd, General Cass, who is a very good and a very patriotic man, thought the peo ple had the right outside the Constitution, and Breckinridge in his stump speech tells yon that Cass in 1848 represented his prin ciples. Again, in 1852, the Democratic par ty assembled in this Monumental city and nominated Pierce for president and adopted thoplatform. What was that platform ? It was an ap proval of the compromise measures of 1850, containing the doma of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the Territories.— The Whigs also assembled in this city in tho same year and nominated Scott for Pres ident, and they too adopted tho same prin ciples on the subject of slavery. Tho only contest then raised was, whether Pierce, tho Democratic candidate, or Scott, the Whig candidate, was tho soundest on tho dogma ‘of non-intervention. (Laughter and clapp ing.) You Whigs, if there bo any Whigs among you, clrim that you are entitled to tnc great est portion of tho credit of adopting tho Compromise measures of 1850—founded on tho doctrine of non-intervention —because, you said, that your great Clay reported tho bill—that your God-liko Webster (cheers) defended its principles in tho Senate, and because that your model President, Fillmore, was sound on the policy’ and gave to tho bill the force of law. Hence, you claim that this measure was a Whig measure, and that we Democrats are not entitled to any cred it for it. I camo to Baltimore that year and mado a spocch in Monument square, in which I contended that we Democrats were entitled to quite as much credit, and, perhaps, n lit tle more, than y*ou Whigs. And while I admit your Clay, and your Webster and your Fillmore —-that you furnished the Gen erals that commanded tho patriotic army, and led ns to success —yet that wo Demo crats furnished the votes in both Houses of Congress which passed tho law; that we furnished tho soldiers who won tho victory. (Loud cheers-) 1 was willing then as lam now, to declare that on that one question the honors were easy- between you and me. (Laughter.) Tho compromise measures of 1850 and tho doctrine of non-intervention on which they were based was the joint work of the Whigs and the Democrats. It was the joint work of all patriotic men of the Union, Whigs and Union Democrats, and tho adop tion of those measures was a signal triumph over Northern .abolitionists and Siinthernl disfi msltWW. fT. re?iTTTim-Tn g~T TT< • eyo 11 Whigs and we Democrats, in our respect ive national conventions in this city in 1852, affirmed tho same principle. In the same year J. C. Breckinridge was elected to Con gress from Kentucky, at the same time pledged to the same principle, lie was then sound on dogma. (Cheers and laugh ter.) When Congress assembled after the Pres idential election, I was chairman of tho Committee on Territories, and I brought forward the Kansas and Nebraska bill, which repealed the Missouri Compromise.— In tho section containing tho clause of repeal I issued these words: “The Laws of tho United Statos, so far as they are not local and inapplicable, shall extend over said Ter ritory—except—(mark tho words) except tho Bth section of the Missouri Act of March, 1820, which being inconsistent with the doc trine of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in tho States and Territories is hereby declared null and void.” [Cheers.] Then adding these other words, it being— that is, meaning tho act, “not to legislate slavery into any Stato or Territory or to ex clude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to regulate their do mestic institutions in their own way, subject only to tho Constitution of tho United States.” That is tho language of tho Kansas-Ne braska bill. That language contains tho very essence and substance and principle of which Brockinridgo now complains, and Breckinridge was then a member of Con gress of tho United Statos from Kentucky, and mado a speech in favor of this dogma. That speech went tho full length of non-in tervention and popular sovereignty. He then voted for the bill, with the language in it which I have recited, under onth. And now ho says he is justified in bolting the regular organization and breaking up tho Democratic party, because the party insist ed in adhearingh to that very dogma for which he voted under oath. [Cries of “Give it to him.”] Then again, about this time Kentucky had been an anti-Dcmocrntic State—-ono of the doepest dyed in tho wool against Democra cy. Even in 1852, when Pierce carried ev ery State in the Union except four, Kentuc ky stood right longsido of Vermont and Mas sachusetts, against tho democratic party. — But when I brought forward tho Kansas Nebraska bill, next year, I raised the hopes of the Kentucky Democracy, and they saw that I gave them a chance, by advocating this great principle of non-intervention and self- government, to mako Kentucky a Dem ocratic State. Hon. J. C. Breckinridge wrote to mo in Illinois, imploring me to come to Kontucky, to Lexington, where he lived, to make a spoeeh to the assembled people of Kentucky, explaining thisjglorious doctrine of noninter vention and popular sovereignty, ns now contained in this dogma. [Cries of “Every word of it.”] I felt great hesitation about going to Kentucky, boenuso I had my hands full in Illinois, and I had just travoled from New York to Chicago. Along tho way ut night 1 had tho pleas ure of seeing myself burnt in effigy, and hnng from tnc trees in the daytimo, because I had become the representative man of this HAMILTON, HARRIS COUNTY, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 27, 1860. “Tlie Constitmion--tho Union, and the Enforcement of the 1 -aw*.” dogma. But still, by unusual exertions, ex pense of voice and strength, ’ I Convinced tho peoplo of Illinois that the principle of self-government was right. Then 1 felt a sympathy for my friend Brcckinrdge in Kentucky, who livedin thatdnrk, benighted region, where tho people had never vet vo ted a Democratic ticket, and hence I agreed to help him. I went. When I arrived at Lexington, on the ap pointed day, I found all College Green crowded and jammed with people, as I find Monument. Spuare to-night. But it was a rainy, dark and gloomy day. I stood in that rain addressing t hose peo; le for three mor tal hours and drcnchedin rain, during which I expounded tho principles of noninterven tion and popular sovoringnty as I haVo exva plained tl\em to you to-night. Bcoe.-nimdge stSOcT by my aide and patted moon the back. [Cheers.] At any important part of tho spoocli lio called for three cheers for the “Little Grant.” [Groat cheering. ] I kopt on for three hours. The consequence was a severe at tack of bronchitis, which laid mo up for four months, until my fricuds lost hope that I would ever speak again on any subject, much less this dogma. However, in the course of tho next Feb ruary, I recovered my voice onoiigh to*get to AVashington, late in the season. I tnen wrote the celebrated report from the t?ora mittce on Territories against abolitionism and rebellion in Kansas, putting do-rn re bellion and supporting squatter so eign ty. That report gained the cot .Zst of 1856. ‘LI When the Cincinnati Convention asslijinh''i Buchanan become one of tho nominee upon a platform containing very dogma which he now denounces. John C. Brockinridgo became tho nominco for Vice President on the same platform. Now if you doubt whether Buchanan un derstood the platform as I now do,just read hi* letter of acceptance. In that letter you will find that he not only accepted the nom ination on the Cincinnati platform, but lie told you what tho dogma meant. He said that the meaning was (I will use bis own language) “that- tho peoplo of a Territory, as well as those of a State, shall decide foi themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits.” [Cries of “That’s so."] That is Buchanan’s language, and 1 never stated the dogma stronger. Old Buck was elected with that construction of the dogma. Brockinridgo returned to Lex ington, I think it was on June thooth, 1850, and mado a speech, in which lie accepted the nomination of Vico President. In that speech ho defined the dogma in the same language, substantially the same, as Mr. Buchanan. But unfortunately] alioqt Ibis fiinc tTS? lißbTitTonlsts of the Nortn,'niid’ especially Gov. Chase, of Ohio, started the story that the Southern Democracy did not understand the question just as the North ern Democracy did. Well, we find that the charge was advanced that tho people of a Territory could not, like those of a State, decide the question of slavery in the Terri tory for themselves. What do you think wo did to refute such a slander? Why wo sent invitations to Breckinridge, asking him to come and ad dress the Northwest, and tell the abolition ists there what an infernal lio it was that there was any difference of opinion upon that question. We also invited prominent Southern men from tho different States to come North and tell tho people there that the Southern people were all in favor of that dogma, as expounded by Buchanan and Breckinridge in their letters of acceptance. Breckinridge camo out to the Northwest. I met him at Tippecanoe—on that famous battle-ground—-in October, 1856. We made speeches from tho same star"” Ho having priority of me as a candj spoke first, and when lie came to expSiric this doctrine of non-intervention—tliits right of tho people to govern themselves ill tine Territories, I was so delighted with his ar guments that I got right behind him, clapp ed him on the back and told him to “go it.” [Great laughter.] 1 tell you the squatter sovereigns out there were all delighted, nnd when lie got through ho introduced mo ns the author of tho dogma, and I got up and explained it to the peoplo who had assem ble! by the acre. On all the telling points, when I was giv ing the abolitionists particular “Jessie,” and bringing tho Democrats up to tho point, Brockinridgo would stand at my back, clap me on the back and endorse my sentiments. I assure you I did not at that time doubt but that Breckinridge was sound on the dogma. We then went to Maine, leaving Tippecanoe in company with General Cass, travelled through Maine, making speeches from the sumo stand and complimenting the old General as the author of tho Nicholson letter, and of tho orignal doctrino of the dogma, long before Douglas was thought ot. [Cheers and laughter.] Hence, I never doubted Breckinridge’s soundness. But again, wo Northern mon were not content alone with this. Preston, of Kentucky, a relative of Breckinridge’s, came and made speoehes in Illinois on iden tically tho same ground. Cobb, of Georgia, also came and mado speeches to show that tho people of a Territory, like those of a State, could exclude slavery by their Legis latures, either by non-action or unfriendly legislation. If you doubt this, read Cobl/s speech mado at Westchester, in Pennsylva nia, in September, 1856, and for which Mr. Buchanan made him Secretary of tho Treas ury. Benjamin, of Louisiana, went all the way to Maine to explain to the pooplo of the Northeastern Statos that tlie wholo South was sound upon tho dogma; and eve ry Southern man that trod upon Northern soil that year, as far as I could ascertain, gave tho same pledge to tho peoplo and to tho country. [Cheers.] I now ask you, citizens of Maryland, whether you believe theso men wore perpe trating upon us at that time a deliberate fVjjpdf Ifthey were not honest then they tr ing to'cheat and swindle the people otßh’...eir votes. [Cries of “That’s so."] W| Northern Democrats entered into a sol emn compact with you Southern Democrats tbltyou would stand by this doctrino of noAmterferenee liy Congress with theques ticl of slavery in the Territories. We are r'sS) stand by that compact now and ’ ‘pt* Wo have redeemed that pledge, •euu we are hunted down by tho very mop .’ m were elevated to power upon a t't4|l ofndherenco to tho same principles. . VVoice, “What about Stephens, of Geor ia?'] I i.'ivc not quoted my friend Stephens, ol Gc<.l ~, for the reason that, like an honest I mi” , j now stands by tlio pledge as he “’•V ; then. [Cheers.] [ could name many o<4 ;■ noble and true men who liavo redeem ed''nc r fariih and preserved their honor in like manner. I believe the masses of the pea ie are going to do tho same tiling.— [Cues of “Wo are.”] But Breckinridge has cli< nto tell the people in his stump speech thal i am not the regular nominee for tho PIHVi ency, and therefore he was right in running against me. You all know how tho siand. Two thirds of tho Convention ware for mo—ono third against mo. That oiip-tliird, when they found that they could not control the two-thirds, boltod and broke upiHio Convention. Breckinridge takes the nonwiiation from one-third and claims that I “Aknot tho regular nominee. ,sj only to say, that I have never yet •'j lided low enough to take the nomina- Vein one-third of my party. In ISO 6, Ml 1/ the telegraph announced that Bueliau ||®|yCincinnati hud received the majority that I had tho next, highest mnn- than a third—nearly a half—l a&R a message, quick as lightning could rglv it. withdrawing my name, upon tho g®LV’ that I scorned a nomination while a mnjjo’rty of my countrymen were against me. Sbpuld l ever go to a Convention and fail to gryn nomination, I will not sav how 1 would retard myself should Ibo guilty of the dis honor of running against the nominee of my party What is a Convention worth unless the delegates who go to it consider themselves bound by honor to abide tho result ? Is ho an honorable man who would go to the Con vention with the uiiderstuiuliiig that if lu> won 115 would take the stakes; hut if he lost he woqld not pay. [Cheers.] In 1852, when Pierce got the majority vote for the Presi dency,sand I was the next highest, the tele graph announced a despatch from me de clining i Savor of Pierce before tho result ol'tho v J was officially recorded. And, g -nsJciiiH, I have never yet descended low vcifeh tu desire to bo the candidate ot my party Vrluri I was lioTTlio first ( lioTof 1 Os the* majority; Nor'do I come before you to night to urge my own claims, much less to utter a word against a competitor. I should not have referred to Major Breck inridge but for tho fact that in his speech yesterday he assailed me without provoca tion. Tho report says that ho went so far as to qay that 1 had broken faith in regard to the decisions of the Court in this question. Broken faith'. I bold that any honest man is bound by tho decisions of the .Supremo Court of tho United States in all questions within their jurisdiction. [Loud cheers.] Jn reference to the Dred Scott case 1 have made more speeches in its defence than ajiy living man. Every point contained in tho record of that case, 1 think the Court decided.—• But, whether right or wrong, it being tho highest tribunal on earth, its decision was filial, and any good citizen is bound by it, wUtthcr lie likes it or not. [ChtMrs.] * * let mo ask what does any Democrat, ’ any Southern man, hope to gain ■ruling the Democratic party and thus Lincoln President ? Should Lincoln be elected, no man can doubt but that lio would owe hie election to the Southern bolt ers and Secessionists. [Cries of “That’s so.”] Every intelligent man knows that if they had not boltod I would have beaten Lincoln in overy State in tho Union except Vermont and Massachusetts. The Secessionists thought it was a lesser evil to divide tho party and elect Lincoln than to stand by the nominee of tho time honored platform of the party, and allow him to be elected. They must be presumed to have designed that which was the neces sary result of their conduct. The only ten dency of their conduct, if successful, was to elect Lincoln. And now, when speaking at Norfolk tho other night, tho head of the Breckinridge electoral ticket for \ irginia, anticipating Lincoln’s election, put a ques tion to me whether 1 did not think tho in auguration of Lincoln, without an overt act hostile to Southern rights, would justify the South in seceding and dissolving tho Union, should they succeed in electing Lincoln. I told them —No; never on earth. I said then what I say to you to-night, thnt the election of any man, no matter who, by the people, according to the forms of the Constitution, is no excuse for breaking up this government. [Applause.] I should de plore the election of Lincoln as a great cal amity. lam prepared to do all in my poiv er to prevent it. But I say to you that if unfortunately he should bo elected, ho must bo inaugurated according to the terms of tho Constitution. [Loud cheering.] I will sus tain him in tho exercise of any Constitution al function. But after bis inauguration, if ho should violate tho Constitution, or mako war on your rights, orattompt any violation of that instrument, I am prepared, in obo dienco to tho Constitution and tho laws, to aid in hanging him liiglior than Virginia did John Brown. [Cheers.] We will in the first instance perform all our duties under the Constitution. This Breckinridge elector also wanted to know whether, in tho event of a dissolution of the Urrion, I would go for the enforcement of the laws against those violating them. I told him the laws must be enforced. Tho President would be sworn to enforce them, and every honest man in the Republic would help the President in enforcing tho law.— Nor can they screen themselves under the pretext that this would be making war upon sovereign States. Sovereign States cannot commit treason. Individuals may. When a citizen of Vermont arrays him self against the Constitution and tho laws, by resisting the Marshal ia the execution of the fugitive slave law, wo do notallow the violator to screen himself under the sovor ereignty of Vermont, hut we punish the vio lators of tho law wherever wo find them.— Secession means revolution. It is only ano ther word for the same meaning. 1 hold to the inherent right of revolution, whenever the evils of civil war and revolution are less than obedience to tho law. It is upon that principle only that Washington, Jefferson, Franklin.ami Adams justified their conduct iu seceding from the British Empire. When they seceded they did not skulk behind the pretended sovereignty of the col onies. They vowed that the evils of resis tance were less than those of submission.— They looked tho gallows in tho face, and like brave men dared alt tho consequences of their acts, though tho halter awaited their nock had they failed. And when Charles Carroll, of Maryland. God bless him, was told in signing liis name to tlio Declaration of Independence, that there were so many Charles Carrolls that the King would not be able to find him who signed that paper, he stepped back and add ed after his name, “ofCarrollton.” [Cheers.] 1 hopo tho revolutionists of this day who have a scheme to break up this Government, will have tho manliness to put clown the name of their residence, so that wo will lie able to send the Sheriff after them. [Laugh ter and applause.] I believe there is no evil in this country for which the Constitution and laws will not provide a remedy, much less is there an\ for which secession is a proper remedy. At Norfolk, when the Breckinridge elector pul these questions to mo, indicating that'hc and his party intended to dissolve the l liion it’ Lincoln was elected, I answered them frank ly, and after doing so, said to him that'hc was bound as a man of honor to propound the same questions to his candidate, and let Mr. Breckinridge answer them. [Applause.] The answer came to me from the crowd, “it shall lie done.” The Louisville Democrat, iu Kentucky, a paper friendly to me, copied these questions and my answer, and called upon Major Breckinridge to respond to them in his speech at Lexington, yesterday. In that speech, according to the report which I saw to-night, Mr. Brockinridgo refers to my speeches in New England and also in the South, showing that he had seen my Vir gtniu speeches'—and tlfe queotious and uu swers were in the first speech I made in that State —but I looked through bis speech in vain to find his auswers to those questions. J ask you what does it mean ? A Breck inridge elector catocliizos mo whether i will favor disunion iu a cortain event which Breckinridge and his friends will be respon sible for producing if it happens, and when Brockinridgo is called upon to answer the same question, he cannot do it. Othorquos lions, trivial questions, imaginary charges, which no man ever dreamed lie was guilt)’ of, wore specified and answered, but this great question, involving the fate of this Union, involving tho conspiracy to break it up, when brought to his notice is not an swered. I toll you, my follow-citizens, 1 believe this Union is now in danger. In my opinion there is a mature plan throughout the .South ern States to break upthoUnion. I believe the election of a Black Republican is to he the signal for that attempt, and that the leaders of the scheme desire tho election of Lincoln, so as to have an excuse for disun ion. Ido not believe that every Breckin ridge man is a disuuiouist, but .1 do believe that overy disunionist in America is a Breck inridge man [loud cheers], and hence I de sire Major Brockinridgo to answer specifi cally on this point, whether or not lie will enforce tho laws of tho land iu tho event of an attempt to secede or break up this Union ? You have a right to lmvo an answer Irom him to that question. But lor my apprehensions on this subject f would not have taken the stump this year. lam not seeking tho Presidency. lam too ambitious a man to desire to have my death warrant signed now, to bo fulfilled font-years heueo, when I must ho taken out and buried before I am ready to die. [Laughter and ap plause.”] 1 do not believe that my fatno re quires that 1 should be President now ; and if I accept tho office J want you to under stand that 1 think L am conferring quite as great a favor upon you by ‘accepting it as you confer upon mo in giving mo your votes. [Cheers.] My object is to preserve this Union by pointing out wliat, in my opinion, is the only way in which it can lie saved. I love this Union, [“Good,”] and 1 believe it can only bo maintained by perpet uating and carrying out in good iiiitli this dogma of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in tho Territories. [Cheers.] I be lieve it is our duty to put down all sectional parties. Let us now unite to crush them out ns Clay, Webster, Cass nnd Fillmore, the Union Whigs and tho Union Democrats united to crush out Northern abolitionism and Southern secession in 1850. I am for burying Northern abolitionism and Southern secession in tho samo grnvo. [“Good” nnd cheers] I believe tho Demo cratic party, according to its old organiza tion and its old platform, its usngos and its time-honored principles, is the only organ ization in this country competent for that task. [Cheors.l Be that ns it may, let ns perform our whole duty to our country, to the Constitution nnd to our children. The Bunker Ilill Aurora, an old and able Democratic journal, published at Charles town, Massachusetts, lias come out strongly and zealously for Bell and Everett. r.IHTOR .4XO i > uoi>hii:tor. NUMBER 19. From the New Orleans Crescent. Mr. Hell ami Ills llerord. In political warfare the policy of nttacY : s always more effective than the policy of de fence. It is much easier to charge than to parry. If you make n successful defence of your candidate you only leave him where he was before—lie is not advanced. If you make a successful! charge upon the adver sary, you not only damage him, hut your own favorite takes an advanced position. This has been the policy of the Democra cy in nearly all national contests. They do not pretend to offer any apology, orattompt any justification, for their own multitudin ous misdeeds and shortcomings. No word of excuse do we hear for the present Admin istration, which they placed in power.— Democratic orators and organs content themselves with attacking John Bolins they attacked Mr. Clay, Gen. Scott, Gen,. Taylor, and Mr. Fillmore, charging them all with being untrue to the iSoutli. They do not seem to consider it necessary to prove their own candidate worthy of acceptability.— They are only happy if they can succeed in rendering odious the candidate of tho oppo sition. In pursuance of this policy Mr. Roll is ac cused of doing things that ho not only nov el - thought ot doing, but that it was simply impossible lie could have done. Wo board it charged against Mr. Bell, in a public speech, a very short time ago. that he voted against the annexation of Cuba to this coun try. If any vote to annex Cuba was over taken in Congress, while Air. Bell was a member, or at any time, history nnd the Con gressional records are strangely silent oil tho subject. He was further elinrgod with having voted against the annexation of Tex as—a very discreditable thing, if true, be cause Air. Bell was not a member of Con gress at the time, and therefore practiced a fraud upon the country, if he so voted. Ho was further charged with having voted for the abolition ot the slave trade in tho Dis triet of Columbia. It so happened that lio voted exactly the other way—lio voted a t/ainxl it. But the charge is still occasional ly made, and will no doubt continue to be made to the end of the chapter. All of those accusations against Air. 801 l refer to a time previous to his deliberate en dorsement by the State of Tennossse, and his being sent to the Senate of tho United States ns ono of her representatives. It would lie sufficient to plead this circumstance alone in liar of these charges. To nccuso John Bell of infidelity to southern interests previous to 1858, and then to admit that Tennessee endorsed him at that time by sen ding him to the Senate, is simply to cast a reflection upon a sovereign State, which has already given to the country two southern lTflahhoils. ami-whoso h ally to the South* has never yet boon cnlle u question. As to wliat Air. Bell has douo since his last endorsement by his Stato, there is no proof that his course in any respect was dic tated by a sentiment of hostility totho South. It is triumphantly asserted by liis enemies that ho voted against the admission of Kan sas as a slave State. Did lio veto against, her admission because she camo as a slave State? No ono will vontnro to assert it.— Ho voted against the admission of Kansas because lie believed the wholo proceedings preparatory to her admission were fraudu lent, dishonest, and bogus, and because tho Territory did not have sufficient population to entitle her to admission, lio would have voted the samo way if Kansas had applied as a free State. He voted against tlie ad mission of Kansas notwithstanding sho ap plied with a pro-slavery costitution, boenuso lie was too honorable a man and too consci entious a politician to boa party to wliat ho believed a fraud. John Bell is a southern man by birth, by education, by interest, by social and domes tic ties, by everything that can guaranty a. man’s fidelity. If these things, together with tho ownership of two hundred slaves, do not constitute a sufficient proof that ho in not an abolitionist or a frocaoiler, then it is useless to adduce other arguments. That ho Inis not illustrated his southern ism by con stantly threatening disunion nnd secession, and by eating fire at Ids daily meals, wo readily admit. Nor is fidelity to the Union and the Constitution nttill inconsistent with fidelity to the South. It is tho duty’ of the South—and Mr. Bell recognizes it—to fight for her rights in tlie Union,and not out of it. When tlie requirements of the Constitution, and tlie laws made in pursuance of it, aro neglected or repudiated liy the Federal Gov ernment, Mr. Bell will lie among tlie first— and so lie has publicly declared—to consider the remedy of a separate Government, not before. Jilt. Biikckihikib ox thkStump.—lt is with sincere regret we see thut Mr. Brcckitiridgo has consented to iinitato Mr. Douglas in delivering speeches, with a view to tho Presidntinl election. AYe had hoped that now, and forever after, Mr. Douglas would havo stood alone in tlie “bad eminence” of a Presidential stump speaker. Mrßreckin ridgo can do neither himself nor his party any good, by pursuing a course so inconsis tent with the dignity of the high office at which lio aims. William Lowndes said, 1 “that the Presidential oflieo should neithor ho sought for nor declined.” Thnt was tho sent iment of a man worthy to fill tho office, with its heavy responsibilities—its gravo and important duties. Tho idea of a candi date scouring the country to obtain it, by electioneering hnrranguos nnd porsonal ap peals to win popular favor, can oxcito noth ing but tho most unmitigated disgust and contempt. Wo do not expect, to publish anything which falls from Mr. Brockinridgo spoken ns a candidte for tho Presidency.— Chari. Mercury. Ex-Gov. Foote recently said that Breck inridge could bo certain of but ono Stato, South Carolina, and if ho mado any more professions of attachment to tho Union he would probably lose even that.