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UtiMES 11, MOOREFIELD
/Volume i.
fenULENTERPRISE,
, THURSDAY, BY
■ 9
°F SUJtSCRIBTION.’
mm paiti * n a<Jv aru-e L
P*fnot paul within the ‘.‘ .3$
a 1 Advertisements
r Ported at ?lVr
■L C t ted with \|i n c, C s CL'arg'Jd^i
W SPEECH OF
r. HON. A. H. STEPHENS.
VDelivered in the Hall of the House of Repre-
of Georgia , Wednesday Eeveninq,
HP [REPORTED BY A. E. MARSHAI.L.]
W r - STEPHENS entered the Ilall at the
j'our of 7P. M., and was greeted with long
I 1 rapturous applause. lie rose and said:
LWow-Citizens : I appear before you
at the request of- Members of the
legislature and others, to s])eak of matters
Bf the deepest interest that can possibly con
pcern us all pf an earthly character. There
is question or subject connected
that concerns a free people so
B|ttnawl}’ as that of the government under
they live. We are now, indeed, sur-
Hmded by evils. Never since I entered
P> on public stage, has the country, been
feo tnvironed with difficulties and dangers
Jfbut threatened the. pub lie jjeace and the ve
ry existence of society as now. I oo not
>now appear before you at my owh instance.
It is not to gratify a desire of my own that
lam hero. Had.l donsulted my own ease
and pleasure I should not bo before you;
t |,- a > it tho ,} utv 0 f evory
counsels and views
whenever danger! as to the
best polity- to be n .ut here. For
these reasons and oifty do I bespeak a
calm, patient and aMajb-eJicariw.
tf/vm ifc ’ pasaiolcj but
luili
.■•.-.'ill\ ■
ymir good TMgmebt,
and if after hearing, you disagree, let us
•agree to disagree, and part, as we met,
friends. We all have dhe same object, the
same interest. The people should disagree
in republican governments, upon questions
of public policy, it is natural. That men
should disagree upon all mat ters connected
with human investigation, whether relating
to science or human conduct, is natural.—
Hence, in Ires governments parties will arise.
But a free people should express their differ
ent opinions with liberality and charity, with
no acrimony towards those of their fellows
when honestly and sincerely given. These
are my feelings to-night.
Let us, therefore, reason together. It is
not my purpose to say aught to wound the
feelings of any individual who may be pres
ents and if in the ardency which 1 shall.ex
press my opinions, I shall say any thing
which may be deemed too strong, let it be
set down to the zeal with which I advocate
my own convictions. There is with me no
intention to ii-ritate or offend.
Fellow-zitizens, we are all launched in the
same barque, we are all in the same craft in
the wide political ocean—the same destiny
awaits ns all for weal or for woe. We have
been launched in the good old ship that has
been upon the waves for three quarters of a
■century, which has been in many tempests
and storms, has many times been in peril,
and patriots hatra often feared that they
Jfbould have to give it up, yea. bad at times
Almost given it up, but the gallant ship is
afloat; though new storms now howl around
sis, and the tempeot beats heavily against us,
jp say to you don’t give up tho ship; don’t
•abandon her yet. If she can possibly be
and our rights, interests and se
’ ■’Wty be object is worth
UB n °t on itwwnuit of disap
■lmtment and chagrin, at the reverse ot an
flection give up all as lost; but r.o cop
What can bo done to prevent a wreck. (Some
one said the ship has holes in her.) And
,there may be leaks in her, but let us stop
them if we can ; many a stout old ship has
been saved with richest cargo, after many
.leaks, and it may be so now. (Cheers.)
1 do not, on this occasion, intend to enter
Into the history of the reasons or causes of
the embarrassments which press so heavily
“upon us all at this time. Injustice to my
'self, however, I must barely state upon this
point, that I do think much of it depended
upon ourseives. The consternation that
jhas come upon the people is the result of a
election of a President of the Uni
vted States, one whose opinions and avowed
‘principles are in antagonism to our inter
) ests and rights, and we believe, if carried
’ out, would subvert the Constitution under
Which we now live. But are we entirely
/Blameless In this matter, my countrymen ?
[ I give it to you as my“opinion, that but for
\the policy the Southern people pursued, this
(fearful result would not have occurred. Mr
I Lincoln has been Ceded, I doubt not, by a
Vminority of the people of the United States.
What will be the extent of that minority
wo do*not yet know, but tho disclosure
when made will show, I think, that a major
ity of the constitutional, conservative voters
of the country were against him; and had
the South stood firmly in the Convention at
Charleston, on her old platform of, princi
ples of Non-Intervention, there is in .ray
mind but little doubt that who ever might
have been the condidate of tho National
- , a
Democratic Party would have been elected
■ by as majority as that which elected
Ulr. Buchanan or Mr. Pierce. Therefore let
pis not be hasty and rash in our action, es
pjbially if the result be attributable at all to
ourfclves. Before looking to extreme mea
sun-W jet us first see, as I Georgians, that ev
ery u&jm* which can be done to preserve our
rights,Mur interests, and our honor, as well
as tlmpeace of the country in the Union, he
first#one. (Applause.)
This first question that presents itself, i*
shaljjfthe people of the South secede from the>
Uniojr in consequence of the election of Mr.
Lincoln to the Presidency of, the United
juntos ? My countrymen, I tell you .frank*
candidly, and earnestly, that, 1 So not!
. v 1 - • 1 1
Isle election of ho man, constituuomffiy cho
sen to that high office, is sufficient cause for
any State to separate from the Union. It
ought to stand by and aid still in maintain
ing the Constitution of tho country. To
make a point of resistance to tho Govern
ment, to withdraw from it because a man
has been constitutionally elected, puts us in
the wrong. We are pledged to maintain
the Constitution. Many of us have sworn
to support it. Can wo, therefore, for tho
mere election of a man to the Presidency,
and that too, in accordance with the prescrib
ed forms of the Constitution, make a point
of resistance to tho Government wtihout be
coming the breakers of that sacred instru
ment ourselves ? withdraw ourselves from
it? Would wo not be in the wrong ? What
ever fate is to befall this country, let it nev
er be laid to the charge of the people of the
South, and especially to the people of Geor
gia that wo were untrue to our national en
gagements. Let the fault and the wrong
rest upon others. If all our hopes are to t>e
blasted, if the Republic is to go down, let us
be found to the last moment standing on
the deck* with the Constitution of tho Uni
ted States waving over our heads. (Ap
plause.) Let tho fanatics of the North
break the Constitution if such is their fell
purpose. Let the responsibility be upon
them., I shall speak presently more of their
acts; but let not the South, let us not be the
ones to commit the aggression. We went
into the election with this people. Tho re
sult was different from what vve wished : but
the election has been constitutionality held.
Wore we to make a point of resistance to
tho Government and go out of the Union on
that account, the record would be made up
against us.
But itiis said Mr. Lincoln's pojjcy and
against the Constitution, and
them out it will be destruc
that ‘V 10 a
threatened evil. If tie
lution, then will come our time to act. Do
not let us break it because,forsooth, he may.
If lie does, that is the time for us to strike.
(Applause.) I think it would bo injudicious
and nil wise, to do this sooner. Ido not an
ticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do anything
to jeopard our safety or security, whatever
may be his spirit to do it; for he is bound
by tho constitutional checks which are tliown
around him, which at this time renders him
powerless to do any great mischief. This
shows the wisdom of our system. The
President of the United States is no Empe
ror, no Dictator—lie is clothed with no ab
solute power. He can do nothing unless he
is backed by power in Congress. The House
of Representatives is largely in the majority
against him.
lathe very face and teeth of the heavy ma
jority which he hasobtained in the Northern
States, there has been large gains in the
House of Representatives to the Conserva
tives to the Constitutional party of the coun
try, which, here I will call tho National De
mocratic party, because that is the cogno
men it has at the North. There are twelve
of this party elected from New York to the
next Congress, I believe. In the present
House there are but four,ltfiink. In Penn
sylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, and Indiana
there were 113 Republicans, when it takes
117 to make a majority. The gains in the
Democratic party in Pennsylvania, Ohio,
New Jeasey, New York, Indiana and
other States, notwithstanding its distrac
tions, have been enough to make a ma
jority of nearly thirty in the next Hcuso
against Mr. Lincoln. Even in, Boston, Mr
Burlingame, one of the noted leaders of the
fanatics of that section, has been defeated,
and a conservative man returned in bis stead.
Is this the time then to apprehend that Mr.
Lincoln, with this large majority in the
House of Representatives against mm, can
carry out any of his unconstitutional prin
ciples in that body ?
In the Senate he will also be powerless.—
There will be a majority of four against him.
This, after the loss of Bigler, Fitch, and oth
ers, by the unfortunate dissensions of the
National Democratic party in their States.
Mr. Lincoln connot appoint an officer with
out the consent of the Senate—he cannot
form a Cabinet without the consent of tho
same. He will be in the condition of George
the Third, (the embodiment of Toryism,)
who had to ask the Whigs to appoint his
Ministers, and was compelled to receive a
Cabinet utterly opposed to his . views “ and
so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to ask of
the Senate to choose for him a Cabinet,, if
the Democracy of that body choose to put
him on such terms. Ho will be compelled
to do this or let the Government stop, if the
National Democratic men, (for that is their
name at the North,) the Conservative men
in the Senate, should so determine. Then
how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which
would aid him, or allow him to violate the
Constitution ? Why, then, I say, should we
disrupt tie ties of this Union, when his
hands arc tied, when he can do nothing
against u/ ? I have heard it mooted that no
man in tie State of Goorgia, who is true to
her inteests, could iioid office under Mr.
Lincoln. But I ask who appoints to office ?
Not the-President alone; the Senate has to
concur. No man can be aappointed with
out theconsent of the Senate. Should any
HAMILTON, HARRIS COUNTY, GEORGIA, Tlf RHDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 29, 1860.
“T h.> Constitvuion--ihe 1 Tnion, and tho wpfVu-. •<.-merit of thejLaws.”
man refuse to hold office that was given
him by a Democratic Senate ? (Mr. Toombs
interupted and said if the Senate was Demo
cratic it was for Mr. Breckiuridge.) Well,
then, continued Mr. 5.,1 apprehend no man
c-ould be justly considered untrue to the inter
ests of Georgia or incur any disgrace, if tho
interests of Georgia required it, to hqld au
office under which a Breckinridge Senate
had given him, even though Mr. Lincoln
should be President. (Prolonged applause,
mingled with interruptions.)
I trust, my countrymen, you will be still*
ana si ent. lam addressing your good Sense.
I am giving you my views in a calm and diJ
passionaje manner. and if you JirtVyJj
‘ytrfir vlfßelsun doiug now, and let rea
son and true patriotism decide between us.
I' l m 7 judgment, 1 say, under such circum
stances there would he no possible disgrace
for a Southern man to hold office. No°man
will be suffered to he appointed, I have no
doubt, who is not true to the Constitution,
if Southern Senators are true to their trusts,
as I cannot permit myself to doubt that thev
will be.
My honorable friend who addressed you
last night, (Mr. Toombs,) and to whom I
listened with the profoundest attention, asks
if we would submit to Black Republican rule?
I say to you and to him, as a Georgian, I
never would submit to any Black Republi
can upon our constitutional rights.
I will never consent myself, as much as I
admire this Union, for'thc glories of the past
or the blessings of the present, as much as'it
has done for civilization; as much as flic
hopes of the world hang upon it; I woulik
never submit to aggression upon my rigifts ]
to maintain it longer; and if they can not
bo maintained in the Union, standing on the
Georgia platform, where 1 have stood from
the time,of its adoption, I would be in favor
o#rdisrupting every tie which'binds the
States together. 1 will have equality for
Georgia and for tho citizens of Georgia, in
tho Union, or I will look for nowstfeguards
elsewhere. This is my position. The only
question now, is, can they ho secured in tho
Union. That is what lam counselling .with
you to-night about. Can it be secured ? In
my judgment it may be, but it may not be ;
but lot us do all we can, so that in the fiw
tu-ue, if tho worst come, it may never be said
we were negligent in doing pur duty to tho
last.
W countrymen, I am not of those whft
believe this Union has been a curse up to J
this time. True, men, men of integrity on-
Ici'taJ^gffgvent views from.me on thw,3JTtvj
not question their
to
Govern is perfect. Then*,
is nothing world of bitmap
origin. Nothing connected with huuftm ma
ture, from man himself to any of
ou may select the wisestjmd best inefffoi*
your Judges,iind yet how many defect I !are
there in the ad mi lustration of justice? You
may select the wisest and best men from
your legislators, anil yet how many defects
are apparent in your laws? And it is so in
our Government. But that this Govern
ment of our fathers, with all its defects,,
comes nearer the objects of all Governments
than any other on the face of tho earth, is
my settled conviction. Contrast itnow with
any on the face of the earth. (England,
said Mr. Toombs.) Mr. Stephen's: England
my friend says. Well, that is the nextbest,
I grant, but I think we have improved upon
England. Statesmen tried their apprentice
haiid on the Govcnnment of England, and
then ours was made. Ours sprung from
that, avoiding many of its defects, taking
most of the good and leaving out many of
its errors, and from the whole constructing
and building up this model Republic—the
best which the history of the world gives
any account of. Compare, my friends, this
Government with’inat ofSpain, Mexico, the
South American Republics, Germany, Ire
land. Are there any sons of that down
trodden nation hero to-night? Prussia; or
if you travel further East, to Turkey, or
China. Where will you go, following the
sun in its circuit round our globe, to find a
government that better protects the liber
ties of its people, and secures to them the
blessings we enjoy. (Applause.) I think
that one of the evils that beset us is a sur,
feit of liberty, an exuberance of the priceless
blessings for which we are ungrateful, wj
listened to my honorablo friend who acf
dressed you last night (Mr. Toombs,) ash
icvvuitUd tio vilK of tips Till;
first was the fishing bountidippaid mostlyti/
the sailor Q f New England. Our friend
stated years of our Govern
ment w:ijiJ(^i^^^a(j m inistration of South
ern Well, tLctc fishing bounties
began under the rule of a Southern Prcsi
dent, I believe. No one of them during the
whole forty-eight years ever set liis adminis-
tration against the principles or policy of
them. It is not for me to say whether it
was a wise policy in the beginning; it prob
ably was not, and I have nothing to say in
its defence. But the reason given for it was
to encourage our young men to go to sea
and learn to manage ships. AVe nad’jjjtthe
time but a small navy. It was thought best
to encourage a class of our people to become
acquainted with sea-faring life; to become
sailors; to man our naval ships. It requires
practice to walk the deck of a ship, to pull
the ropes, to furl the sails, to go aloft, to
climb the mast; and it was thought by of
fering this bounty, a nursery might be form
ed in which young men would bcjrfme per
fected in these arcs, and it applied to one
section of the country as well as to any oth
er. The result of this was that in tho war
of 1812, our sailors, many of whom came
from the nursery, wero equal to any that
England brought against us. At any rate,
no small part - of the glories of that war wero
gained by the yoteran tars of America!, and
the object of these bounties was to foster
that branch of the national defence. My
opinion is, that whatever may have been the
reasbS ntgrst, this bounty ought to be <lis
?**!* reason for it at first no longer
oxistrfff* A bill for this object didpass tho
Scnata&he last Congress t was in, to which
mv honorable 4'iend coirtributed greatly,
but it yas not reached in tho House ofKep
rcsernailves. I trust that Jo will yet sec
that jhemay with honorcontinue his connec
tion with the Government, and that his elo
quence, unrivaled in the Semite, may liero
att ottJWieretotbve, be displayed iti hayingthi*
so.obnoxions to him, repualodsand
wi jii ‘tf iit'from tho statute book. y
i evil that my friend copidtaWt§ o£
pwalot us look at Xhat for
1 cottL^nccd
agiiJfWthe fearfully as
thc MavcNjucstiou now is. In 1832 when I
” a /. A ‘coCssfe, South Carolina was ready to
nullify the Union oh this ac
count. And what have we seen ? ‘The Tar-<
riff nq loftger distracts tho public councils.
Reason has triumphed!. ThC rent Tariff
was voted for by Massachusetts and South
Carolina. Tho lion and the lamb lay down
together-kevery man in tho Senate and
House of Massachusetts, andSolith Carolina
*- voted tor it, as did my honorablo
friend himself. And if it ho true, to use the
figuro df speech of my honorable friend, that
every man in tho North that works in iron
aSd crass and wood has his muscles strength
ened by the protection of the Government,
‘Lat sdimulant was given by his vote and I
betfeYc every other Southern man. So wc
ought not to complain of that.
Mr. Toombs. That Tariff assessed the
■plr. Stephens. Yes, and Alassaehusetts
with unanimity voted with the South to les
sen them, and they were made just as low
.psSouthern men asked them to he, and that
they are now ht. If reason and
argument with experience produced such
changes in the sentiments of Massachusetts
Trout 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the Tar
iff, may not like changes bo effected there*
by the samo means, reason and argument,
and appeals to patriotism on the present
vexed question, and who can say that by
.1875 or 1890, Alassaehusetts may not vote
with South Carolina and Goorgia upon all
tlio.ie questions that now distract tho coun
try and threaten its peace and existence. I
hi lievo in the power and efficiency of truth,
in the omnipotence of truth, and its ultimate
triumph when properly wielded. (Ap-
Igpiausc.)
j ‘Another matter ofgricveanco alluded to.
jeby my friend, was the navigation laws.—
M ids i.'Oik v was also commenced under the
1 !. f
and t;i\ ■■■. vii do m>(B||pwsr
the same vw
gwa It is not my’'purpose to dt-lend them)
no w. But it jyproper to state some matters
(JOnnected wjth their origion.
f One of.th j objects was to build up a com
jgercia! Ampriean Alarino by giving Ameri
can bottoms the exclusive carrying trade be
tween our own ports. This is a groat arm
of national power. This object was accom
plished. We have now an amount of ship
ping not ohly coast-wise hilt to foreign
countries which puts us in the front ranks of
the nations of tho world. England can no
longer he styled the mistress of tho seas.—
What American is not proud of the result?
Whether these laws should ho continued is
anbther question. But one thing is certain
no President Northern or southern ’has evor
yet rlcommended their repeal. And my
friend's efforts to get them repealed was mot
wifjh lut little favor North or South.
These, then, wore tho true main griev
ances or grounds of complaint against the
general system of our government and its
work'ngs, I mean the administration of tho
Federal Government. As to tho Acts of sev
eral oftho States, I shall speak presently,
but these three were the main ones used
against the common head. Now suppose it
bo admitted that all ofthoso are evils in the
system, do they over-balance and outweigh
the advantages and great good which this
same government affords in a thousand in
numerable ways that cannot bo estimated?
Have wo not at tho South as well as tho
North gi-own great, prosperous and happy
undor its operation? Has any part of the
world evjer shown such rapid progress
the devcßopment of wealth, and all tho ma
terial rcsfources of national power am# great
c- -tJ. -irrir'iitilwrn have u/ider the
“Gene ralv 0 vern m ent/not wTt Ii st an din a all its
defects?
Air. Toombs—ln spite of it.
Air. Stephens—Aly Honorable friend says
we have, in spite of the General Government,
that without it I suppose he thinks we might
have done as well or perhaps better than we
have done this in spite of it. That may he,
or it may not be, but the great fact that we
have grown great and powerful under the
government as it exists, there is no conjec
ture or speculation about that, it stands out
bold, high ami prominent, like your Stone
Mountain, to which the gentleman alluded
in illustrating home facts in his record—this
great fact of oar unrivaled prosperity in tho
the Union as it is admitted—whether all
this is in spitoof the government—whethet*
wo ofthe Soutii would have been better off
without the government is to say the least
problematical. On the one side wo can only
put tho fact against speculation and conjec
ture on the other. But even as a question
of speculation 1 differ with nty distinguished
friend. What we would have lost in border
wan without tho Union,, or what wo have
gained simply by the peace it has secured,
no istimate can bo made of. Our foreign
tralo, which is tho foundation of all our
prosperity, has the protection of the Navy,
wtich drove tho pirates from the waters
ncir onr coast, where they had been bucca
neering for centuries before, and might have
bean still had it not been lor tho American
Navy, under the command of such spirits as
Commodore Porter. Now that the coastri*-
clear, that our commerce flows I'redy’ out
wardly and inwardly, we cannot well esti
mate how it would have .totm under other
eire 11 mstances. The influence ofthe govern
ment on us is like” that of the atmosphere
around ua Its benefits are sosilcnt and un
seen: that they are seldom thought of or ap
preciated.
We seldom think oftho single element of
oxygen in the air we breathe, and yot let
this simple and unfelt agent be withdrawn,
this life-giving element he taken away frony
this aUqiervading fluid around us, and wlqrt
appalling changes would
creation! , M**
“spite of the Gentaal
may be that without it we sli(Mj>fl7ave been
far different from no w. It is
true there is no equalTpart ofthe earth with
* natural resources superior; porhaps, to ours.
That portion of thiij country known as the
Southern States, alFetohing from the Chesa
peake to*tho Rict/Grande, is fully equal to
the picture by tho Honorable and
eloquent Senator last night, in all natural
capacities. But how many ages and centu
ries passed before these capacities wero de
veloped to reach this advanced stage of civ
ilization ? There these same hills, rich in
ore, samo rivers, same valleys and plains, are
as they have been since they came from the
hands oftho Creator, uneducated and unciv
ilized man roamed over them for how long
no history informs us.
It was only under our institutions that
they could he developed. Their develon
rnent is the result of the enterprize of our
people under operations of the Government
and institutions under which wc have lived.
Even our people without these would never
have done it. The organization of society
has much to do with the development of the
natural resources of any country, oy any
land Tho institutions of a people, political
and moral, are the matrix in which the germ
’ of their organic structure quickens into life,
takes root and develops in form, nature and
character. Our institutions constitute the
basis, the matrix, from which spring all our
characteristics of development and great
ness. Look at Greece; there is the samo
fertile soil, tho same bluo sky, the same in
lets and harbors, the same Egean, the same
Olympus; there is the same land where Ho
mer sung, where Pericles spoke; it is in na
ture the samo old Greece, but it is living
Greece no more. [Applause.] Descendants
• of tho same people inhabit the country; yet
what is tho reason of this mighty difference?
In the imdst of present degradation, ayg see
‘k ■ k”
glory has departed. Vt H
swer, their institutions have
Those were but the fruits of th/ r forms of “
government, tho matrix from which their
grand development sprung, and w once
the institutions of a people have been de
stroyed, there js no earthly power that can
bring hack tho Promethean spark to kindle
them hero again, any more than in that an
cient land of eloquence, poetry and song.—
[Applause.] The samo may be said of Italy
Where is Rome, once the mistress of the
world? There are tho same seven hills now,
the same soil, the same natural resources;
nature is the same, hut what a ruin of hu
man greatness meet's the eye of the traveler
throughout tho length and breadth of that
most downtrodden land! Why have not
the people of that Heaven-favored clime tho
spirit that animated their fill hers? Why
this sad difference ? It is the destruction of
her institutions that has caused it; and, my
countiymen, if wo shall, in an evil hour,
rashly pull down and destroy those institu
tions which tho patriotic band of our fathers
labored so long and so hard to build up, and
which have done so much for us and the
world, who can venture the prediction that
similar results will not ensue? Let us avoid
it if wc can. I trust tho spirit is amongst
us that will enable us to do it. Let us not
rashly try the experiment, for if it fails as it
did in Greece and Italy, and in tho South
American Republics, and in every other
place, wherever liberty is once destroyed, it
may never be restored to us again. [Ap
plause.
aro defects in our Government —er-
rors% .administration, and shot comings of
many hut in.spite of these defects and
errors Gel
State. Let us paxiso hero a moment. In
1850 there was a great crisis, but not so
fearful as this, for of all I have ever passed
through this is the most perilous and re
quires to be met with the greatest calmness
and deliberation.
There were many amongst us in 1850
zealous to go at once out of the Union—to
disrupt every tie that binds us together.
N oiv do yon believe, had that policy been
carried oar at that time, we would have been
tho same great people that? wo aro'jtO-dav ?
It may be that we would, hut have you anv
assurance of that fact? Would we have
made the same advancement, improvement
and progress in all that constitutes material
wealth and prosperity that we have.?
I notice in the Comptroller General’s re
port that the taxable property of Georgia is
8670,000,000, and upwards, an amounf not
far from double what it was in 1850. I
think I may venture to say that for the
last ten years the material wealth of the peo
ple of Georgia has been nearly if not quite
doubled. The same may be said of our ad
vance in education, and everything that
marks our civilazation. Have we any as
surance that had we regarded the earnest
but misguided patriotic advice, as I think, of
some of that day, and disrupted the ties
wlqeh bind us to the Union, wo would have
advanced have ? I think not. Well,
then, let us be careful now before we attempt
anyfrash experiment of this sort. I know
KOITOR A t *j
q-fj
! her
net intend to think tvw JB *.•
a cm-se, ami that we w •*'•* •
out it. Ido not so *'i” v
about a
* 1 IW / A
this ,• vel b”
m
-
• ;
JB ■ . , •
Us hot toojjesfd i1 v wp tat ion —•
do so. pur first paints, tho gregt projenl
tors ol cho human race were not without a
like temptation when in the gardenofEden.
They were led to believe that their con li
tion betterod-dihat their eyes
would beflßppil—and that.they would be
come Hjtfifm-i. They, in an cMjteH^uehh.
G
•saw I lieir tnvn nah-lness.
l look upon this country wi‘h wB aMSj|
tions, as the Eden of the wor-l—theTß
disc of the
it wo may becoinegroata- and moi-e^xiHß
porous, but I am eondki-and sin-ore IfIBHSI
ing you that I fear if ‘™EGlttft.evi : n
••ion. and without snilk-rjvffug, . : ,SHB|
that st, p. that in.steauL gib. ••n.u:tnflHHßH|
or more peaceful, pi‘osg#ouS.
instead of becoming #ods Vo will bccnne
demons,.and at no distant da) - commence
cutting one another’s Vhroats. ’ This.is my
apprehension. Eot us^jt therefore, whatever’
we do, meet these dialectics, great as ilicy
are, like wise and sensil; le\men, and consid
er them in the light ot all the consequences
which may attend our action, hot us see
tirst clearly where the path of doty leads,
and then we may not fear to tread'therein.
I come now to the main question put to
me, and pn which my counsel has been ask
ed. That is, what tho present Legislature
should do in view of the dangers that threat
en ns, and the wrongs that have been done
us by several ot our confederate States in
tho Union, by the acts of their Legislatures
nullifying the Fugitive Slate Law, and in
direct disregard of their constitutional obli
gations. What I sflail say will be in no
spirit of dictation. It will bo simply mv
own judgment for what it is worth. It pro
ceeds from a strong conviction that aflem-d
----ing to it, our rights, interests and uoatt'—
p n
wpo.° ~i yp'it
that T
in -.
}'* J -L u! I I “ I JBp"-’ ■’ •.’
1.1 regard i - . ■ Al<
luijn h i-cif
premises accordin'?- to your
of duty as patriots. I speak novrnarticular
ly to the members of the Legislature pres
ent. There aro, as I have said, great dan
gers ahead. Great dangers may come from
the election I have spoken of. Ifthe policy
of Mr. Lincoln ‘and his Republican associates
shall be carried out, or attempted to be car
ried out, no lhan in (ieorgia will bo more
Willing or ready than myself, to defend our
rights, interest and honor at every hazard
and to the last extremity. [Applause.] What
is this policy? It is in die first place to ex- .
elude us by an act of Congress from the
Territories with our slave property. He is
for using the power of the Goneral Goveriy
mout against tWb extension of our
tions. Our position on this point is and J
ought to bo at all hazards for perfect equal- |
iiy between all the States and the citizens
of all the States in the Territories, under tho
Constitution of the United States, if Con
gress should exercise its pow er against this, t
then 1 am for standing where Georgia
od herself in I*so. These were plain
positions which were then laid down
celebrated platform, as - sufficient tor
ruption ot.tlu- Union ifthe occasion
ever come? v‘„ these (ieorgia, has dcciaH
that six’ will go out of tho Union;
these she would be justified by die
of the earth in so doing. I sav the sanw jH
said it then; Isay it now, if Air. LincoiMH
thatlAtonotti
I cause; but if his policy should be car
ried out iu violation of any of tho principles
set forth in the Georgia Platform, that would
>o such an act o&iTgression, which ought to
10 ,U( d as therein provided for. Jf his poli
cy-shall be carried oitt in repealing or modi
tymg the l ugitive Slave-Law so as to weak
cn its ethcacy, Georgia has declared tfmteshe
will in the last resort disrupt the ties of t !'>*.
union, and I say so too. 1 stand upon
Georgia platform and upon every plank, and
s.vy it these agressions therein provided for,
0 W 1 Kay-tosyou and to the people of
Georgia, keep youwpowder dry and let your
assailants then lufve ‘lead it- need be. [Ap
pJauso.l I would wait for an 'act ofi^a:rcs- # ,
sion. This is mv position.
jSow upon another point, and t?iaf ? lisfl
most difficult and deserving your most sent
ous consideration, I will speak. TRat is’thn *
course which this State should pw-Sifc toLi
wards these Northern States whidOWfll
Lsgishit.ivc u< is haw attempted to
the fug, live Slave Law. 1 know
sonieot these Stales their acts prctcJH
.-0,1 11,0 l>i ii,, i|,lo s .01 forth ,Ha
si„,o. “"■-’■H
„ia • tlnt.ilw 1 ■?’ :l - ;Ullrit Poni^H
out the provisions kouud
that the Federal G
duties upon State , A
