Harris County enterprise. (Hamilton, Harris County, Ga.) 1860-1865, November 29, 1860, Image 1

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UtiMES 11, MOOREFIELD /Volume i. fenULENTERPRISE, , THURSDAY, BY ■ 9 °F SUJtSCRIBTION.’ mm paiti * n a<Jv aru-e L P*fnot paul within the ‘.‘ .3$ a 1 Advertisements r Ported at ?lVr ■L C t ted with \|i n c, C s CL'arg'Jd^i W SPEECH OF r. HON. A. H. STEPHENS. VDelivered in the Hall of the House of Repre- of Georgia , Wednesday Eeveninq, HP [REPORTED BY A. E. MARSHAI.L.] W r - STEPHENS entered the Ilall at the j'our of 7P. M., and was greeted with long I 1 rapturous applause. lie rose and said: LWow-Citizens : I appear before you at the request of- Members of the legislature and others, to s])eak of matters Bf the deepest interest that can possibly con pcern us all pf an earthly character. There is question or subject connected that concerns a free people so B|ttnawl}’ as that of the government under they live. We are now, indeed, sur- Hmded by evils. Never since I entered P> on public stage, has the country, been feo tnvironed with difficulties and dangers Jfbut threatened the. pub lie jjeace and the ve ry existence of society as now. I oo not >now appear before you at my owh instance. It is not to gratify a desire of my own that lam hero. Had.l donsulted my own ease and pleasure I should not bo before you; t |,- a > it tho ,} utv 0 f evory counsels and views whenever danger! as to the best polity- to be n .ut here. For these reasons and oifty do I bespeak a calm, patient and aMajb-eJicariw. tf/vm ifc ’ pasaiolcj but luili .■•.-.'ill\ ■ ymir good TMgmebt, and if after hearing, you disagree, let us •agree to disagree, and part, as we met, friends. We all have dhe same object, the same interest. The people should disagree in republican governments, upon questions of public policy, it is natural. That men should disagree upon all mat ters connected with human investigation, whether relating to science or human conduct, is natural.— Hence, in Ires governments parties will arise. But a free people should express their differ ent opinions with liberality and charity, with no acrimony towards those of their fellows when honestly and sincerely given. These are my feelings to-night. Let us, therefore, reason together. It is not my purpose to say aught to wound the feelings of any individual who may be pres ents and if in the ardency which 1 shall.ex press my opinions, I shall say any thing which may be deemed too strong, let it be set down to the zeal with which I advocate my own convictions. There is with me no intention to ii-ritate or offend. Fellow-zitizens, we are all launched in the same barque, we are all in the same craft in the wide political ocean—the same destiny awaits ns all for weal or for woe. We have been launched in the good old ship that has been upon the waves for three quarters of a ■century, which has been in many tempests and storms, has many times been in peril, and patriots hatra often feared that they Jfbould have to give it up, yea. bad at times Almost given it up, but the gallant ship is afloat; though new storms now howl around sis, and the tempeot beats heavily against us, jp say to you don’t give up tho ship; don’t •abandon her yet. If she can possibly be and our rights, interests and se ’ ■’Wty be object is worth UB n °t on itwwnuit of disap ■lmtment and chagrin, at the reverse ot an flection give up all as lost; but r.o cop What can bo done to prevent a wreck. (Some one said the ship has holes in her.) And ,there may be leaks in her, but let us stop them if we can ; many a stout old ship has been saved with richest cargo, after many .leaks, and it may be so now. (Cheers.) 1 do not, on this occasion, intend to enter Into the history of the reasons or causes of the embarrassments which press so heavily “upon us all at this time. Injustice to my 'self, however, I must barely state upon this point, that I do think much of it depended upon ourseives. The consternation that jhas come upon the people is the result of a election of a President of the Uni vted States, one whose opinions and avowed ‘principles are in antagonism to our inter ) ests and rights, and we believe, if carried ’ out, would subvert the Constitution under Which we now live. But are we entirely /Blameless In this matter, my countrymen ? [ I give it to you as my“opinion, that but for \the policy the Southern people pursued, this (fearful result would not have occurred. Mr I Lincoln has been Ceded, I doubt not, by a Vminority of the people of the United States. What will be the extent of that minority wo do*not yet know, but tho disclosure when made will show, I think, that a major ity of the constitutional, conservative voters of the country were against him; and had the South stood firmly in the Convention at Charleston, on her old platform of, princi ples of Non-Intervention, there is in .ray mind but little doubt that who ever might have been the condidate of tho National - , a Democratic Party would have been elected ■ by as majority as that which elected Ulr. Buchanan or Mr. Pierce. Therefore let pis not be hasty and rash in our action, es pjbially if the result be attributable at all to ourfclves. Before looking to extreme mea sun-W jet us first see, as I Georgians, that ev ery u&jm* which can be done to preserve our rights,Mur interests, and our honor, as well as tlmpeace of the country in the Union, he first#one. (Applause.) This first question that presents itself, i* shaljjfthe people of the South secede from the> Uniojr in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of, the United juntos ? My countrymen, I tell you .frank* candidly, and earnestly, that, 1 So not! . v 1 - • 1 1 Isle election of ho man, constituuomffiy cho sen to that high office, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in maintain ing the Constitution of tho country. To make a point of resistance to tho Govern ment, to withdraw from it because a man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. We are pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us have sworn to support it. Can wo, therefore, for tho mere election of a man to the Presidency, and that too, in accordance with the prescrib ed forms of the Constitution, make a point of resistance to tho Government wtihout be coming the breakers of that sacred instru ment ourselves ? withdraw ourselves from it? Would wo not be in the wrong ? What ever fate is to befall this country, let it nev er be laid to the charge of the people of the South, and especially to the people of Geor gia that wo were untrue to our national en gagements. Let the fault and the wrong rest upon others. If all our hopes are to t>e blasted, if the Republic is to go down, let us be found to the last moment standing on the deck* with the Constitution of tho Uni ted States waving over our heads. (Ap plause.) Let tho fanatics of the North break the Constitution if such is their fell purpose. Let the responsibility be upon them., I shall speak presently more of their acts; but let not the South, let us not be the ones to commit the aggression. We went into the election with this people. Tho re sult was different from what vve wished : but the election has been constitutionality held. Wore we to make a point of resistance to tho Government and go out of the Union on that account, the record would be made up against us. But itiis said Mr. Lincoln's pojjcy and against the Constitution, and them out it will be destruc that ‘V 10 a threatened evil. If tie lution, then will come our time to act. Do not let us break it because,forsooth, he may. If lie does, that is the time for us to strike. (Applause.) I think it would bo injudicious and nil wise, to do this sooner. Ido not an ticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do anything to jeopard our safety or security, whatever may be his spirit to do it; for he is bound by tho constitutional checks which are tliown around him, which at this time renders him powerless to do any great mischief. This shows the wisdom of our system. The President of the United States is no Empe ror, no Dictator—lie is clothed with no ab solute power. He can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him. lathe very face and teeth of the heavy ma jority which he hasobtained in the Northern States, there has been large gains in the House of Representatives to the Conserva tives to the Constitutional party of the coun try, which, here I will call tho National De mocratic party, because that is the cogno men it has at the North. There are twelve of this party elected from New York to the next Congress, I believe. In the present House there are but four,ltfiink. In Penn sylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, and Indiana there were 113 Republicans, when it takes 117 to make a majority. The gains in the Democratic party in Pennsylvania, Ohio, New Jeasey, New York, Indiana and other States, notwithstanding its distrac tions, have been enough to make a ma jority of nearly thirty in the next Hcuso against Mr. Lincoln. Even in, Boston, Mr Burlingame, one of the noted leaders of the fanatics of that section, has been defeated, and a conservative man returned in bis stead. Is this the time then to apprehend that Mr. Lincoln, with this large majority in the House of Representatives against mm, can carry out any of his unconstitutional prin ciples in that body ? In the Senate he will also be powerless.— There will be a majority of four against him. This, after the loss of Bigler, Fitch, and oth ers, by the unfortunate dissensions of the National Democratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln connot appoint an officer with out the consent of the Senate—he cannot form a Cabinet without the consent of tho same. He will be in the condition of George the Third, (the embodiment of Toryism,) who had to ask the Whigs to appoint his Ministers, and was compelled to receive a Cabinet utterly opposed to his . views “ and so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to ask of the Senate to choose for him a Cabinet,, if the Democracy of that body choose to put him on such terms. Ho will be compelled to do this or let the Government stop, if the National Democratic men, (for that is their name at the North,) the Conservative men in the Senate, should so determine. Then how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which would aid him, or allow him to violate the Constitution ? Why, then, I say, should we disrupt tie ties of this Union, when his hands arc tied, when he can do nothing against u/ ? I have heard it mooted that no man in tie State of Goorgia, who is true to her inteests, could iioid office under Mr. Lincoln. But I ask who appoints to office ? Not the-President alone; the Senate has to concur. No man can be aappointed with out theconsent of the Senate. Should any HAMILTON, HARRIS COUNTY, GEORGIA, Tlf RHDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 29, 1860. “T h.> Constitvuion--ihe 1 Tnion, and tho wpfVu-. •<.-merit of thejLaws.” man refuse to hold office that was given him by a Democratic Senate ? (Mr. Toombs interupted and said if the Senate was Demo cratic it was for Mr. Breckiuridge.) Well, then, continued Mr. 5.,1 apprehend no man c-ould be justly considered untrue to the inter ests of Georgia or incur any disgrace, if tho interests of Georgia required it, to hqld au office under which a Breckinridge Senate had given him, even though Mr. Lincoln should be President. (Prolonged applause, mingled with interruptions.) I trust, my countrymen, you will be still* ana si ent. lam addressing your good Sense. I am giving you my views in a calm and diJ passionaje manner. and if you JirtVyJj ‘ytrfir vlfßelsun doiug now, and let rea son and true patriotism decide between us. I' l m 7 judgment, 1 say, under such circum stances there would he no possible disgrace for a Southern man to hold office. No°man will be suffered to he appointed, I have no doubt, who is not true to the Constitution, if Southern Senators are true to their trusts, as I cannot permit myself to doubt that thev will be. My honorable friend who addressed you last night, (Mr. Toombs,) and to whom I listened with the profoundest attention, asks if we would submit to Black Republican rule? I say to you and to him, as a Georgian, I never would submit to any Black Republi can upon our constitutional rights. I will never consent myself, as much as I admire this Union, for'thc glories of the past or the blessings of the present, as much as'it has done for civilization; as much as flic hopes of the world hang upon it; I woulik never submit to aggression upon my rigifts ] to maintain it longer; and if they can not bo maintained in the Union, standing on the Georgia platform, where 1 have stood from the time,of its adoption, I would be in favor o#rdisrupting every tie which'binds the States together. 1 will have equality for Georgia and for tho citizens of Georgia, in tho Union, or I will look for nowstfeguards elsewhere. This is my position. The only question now, is, can they ho secured in tho Union. That is what lam counselling .with you to-night about. Can it be secured ? In my judgment it may be, but it may not be ; but lot us do all we can, so that in the fiw tu-ue, if tho worst come, it may never be said we were negligent in doing pur duty to tho last. W countrymen, I am not of those whft believe this Union has been a curse up to J this time. True, men, men of integrity on- Ici'taJ^gffgvent views from.me on thw,3JTtvj not question their to Govern is perfect. Then*, is nothing world of bitmap origin. Nothing connected with huuftm ma ture, from man himself to any of ou may select the wisestjmd best inefffoi* your Judges,iind yet how many defect I !are there in the ad mi lustration of justice? You may select the wisest and best men from your legislators, anil yet how many defects are apparent in your laws? And it is so in our Government. But that this Govern ment of our fathers, with all its defects,, comes nearer the objects of all Governments than any other on the face of tho earth, is my settled conviction. Contrast itnow with any on the face of the earth. (England, said Mr. Toombs.) Mr. Stephen's: England my friend says. Well, that is the nextbest, I grant, but I think we have improved upon England. Statesmen tried their apprentice haiid on the Govcnnment of England, and then ours was made. Ours sprung from that, avoiding many of its defects, taking most of the good and leaving out many of its errors, and from the whole constructing and building up this model Republic—the best which the history of the world gives any account of. Compare, my friends, this Government with’inat ofSpain, Mexico, the South American Republics, Germany, Ire land. Are there any sons of that down trodden nation hero to-night? Prussia; or if you travel further East, to Turkey, or China. Where will you go, following the sun in its circuit round our globe, to find a government that better protects the liber ties of its people, and secures to them the blessings we enjoy. (Applause.) I think that one of the evils that beset us is a sur, feit of liberty, an exuberance of the priceless blessings for which we are ungrateful, wj listened to my honorablo friend who acf dressed you last night (Mr. Toombs,) ash icvvuitUd tio vilK of tips Till; first was the fishing bountidippaid mostlyti/ the sailor Q f New England. Our friend stated years of our Govern ment w:ijiJ(^i^^^a(j m inistration of South ern Well, tLctc fishing bounties began under the rule of a Southern Prcsi dent, I believe. No one of them during the whole forty-eight years ever set liis adminis- tration against the principles or policy of them. It is not for me to say whether it was a wise policy in the beginning; it prob ably was not, and I have nothing to say in its defence. But the reason given for it was to encourage our young men to go to sea and learn to manage ships. AVe nad’jjjtthe time but a small navy. It was thought best to encourage a class of our people to become acquainted with sea-faring life; to become sailors; to man our naval ships. It requires practice to walk the deck of a ship, to pull the ropes, to furl the sails, to go aloft, to climb the mast; and it was thought by of fering this bounty, a nursery might be form ed in which young men would bcjrfme per fected in these arcs, and it applied to one section of the country as well as to any oth er. The result of this was that in tho war of 1812, our sailors, many of whom came from the nursery, wero equal to any that England brought against us. At any rate, no small part - of the glories of that war wero gained by the yoteran tars of America!, and the object of these bounties was to foster that branch of the national defence. My opinion is, that whatever may have been the reasbS ntgrst, this bounty ought to be <lis ?**!* reason for it at first no longer oxistrfff* A bill for this object didpass tho Scnata&he last Congress t was in, to which mv honorable 4'iend coirtributed greatly, but it yas not reached in tho House ofKep rcsernailves. I trust that Jo will yet sec that jhemay with honorcontinue his connec tion with the Government, and that his elo quence, unrivaled in the Semite, may liero att ottJWieretotbve, be displayed iti hayingthi* so.obnoxions to him, repualodsand wi jii ‘tf iit'from tho statute book. y i evil that my friend copidtaWt§ o£ pwalot us look at Xhat for 1 cottL^nccd agiiJfWthe fearfully as thc MavcNjucstiou now is. In 1832 when I ” a /. A ‘coCssfe, South Carolina was ready to nullify the Union oh this ac count. And what have we seen ? ‘The Tar-< riff nq loftger distracts tho public councils. Reason has triumphed!. ThC rent Tariff was voted for by Massachusetts and South Carolina. Tho lion and the lamb lay down together-kevery man in tho Senate and House of Massachusetts, andSolith Carolina *- voted tor it, as did my honorablo friend himself. And if it ho true, to use the figuro df speech of my honorable friend, that every man in tho North that works in iron aSd crass and wood has his muscles strength ened by the protection of the Government, ‘Lat sdimulant was given by his vote and I betfeYc every other Southern man. So wc ought not to complain of that. Mr. Toombs. That Tariff assessed the ■plr. Stephens. Yes, and Alassaehusetts with unanimity voted with the South to les sen them, and they were made just as low .psSouthern men asked them to he, and that they are now ht. If reason and argument with experience produced such changes in the sentiments of Massachusetts Trout 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the Tar iff, may not like changes bo effected there* by the samo means, reason and argument, and appeals to patriotism on the present vexed question, and who can say that by .1875 or 1890, Alassaehusetts may not vote with South Carolina and Goorgia upon all tlio.ie questions that now distract tho coun try and threaten its peace and existence. I hi lievo in the power and efficiency of truth, in the omnipotence of truth, and its ultimate triumph when properly wielded. (Ap- Igpiausc.) j ‘Another matter ofgricveanco alluded to. jeby my friend, was the navigation laws.— M ids i.'Oik v was also commenced under the 1 !. f and t;i\ ■■■. vii do m>(B||pwsr the same vw gwa It is not my’'purpose to dt-lend them) no w. But it jyproper to state some matters (JOnnected wjth their origion. f One of.th j objects was to build up a com jgercia! Ampriean Alarino by giving Ameri can bottoms the exclusive carrying trade be tween our own ports. This is a groat arm of national power. This object was accom plished. We have now an amount of ship ping not ohly coast-wise hilt to foreign countries which puts us in the front ranks of the nations of tho world. England can no longer he styled the mistress of tho seas.— What American is not proud of the result? Whether these laws should ho continued is anbther question. But one thing is certain no President Northern or southern ’has evor yet rlcommended their repeal. And my friend's efforts to get them repealed was mot wifjh lut little favor North or South. These, then, wore tho true main griev ances or grounds of complaint against the general system of our government and its work'ngs, I mean the administration of tho Federal Government. As to tho Acts of sev eral oftho States, I shall speak presently, but these three were the main ones used against the common head. Now suppose it bo admitted that all ofthoso are evils in the system, do they over-balance and outweigh the advantages and great good which this same government affords in a thousand in numerable ways that cannot bo estimated? Have wo not at tho South as well as tho North gi-own great, prosperous and happy undor its operation? Has any part of the world evjer shown such rapid progress the devcßopment of wealth, and all tho ma terial rcsfources of national power am# great c- -tJ. -irrir'iitilwrn have u/ider the “Gene ralv 0 vern m ent/not wTt Ii st an din a all its defects? Air. Toombs—ln spite of it. Air. Stephens—Aly Honorable friend says we have, in spite of the General Government, that without it I suppose he thinks we might have done as well or perhaps better than we have done this in spite of it. That may he, or it may not be, but the great fact that we have grown great and powerful under the government as it exists, there is no conjec ture or speculation about that, it stands out bold, high ami prominent, like your Stone Mountain, to which the gentleman alluded in illustrating home facts in his record—this great fact of oar unrivaled prosperity in tho the Union as it is admitted—whether all this is in spitoof the government—whethet* wo ofthe Soutii would have been better off without the government is to say the least problematical. On the one side wo can only put tho fact against speculation and conjec ture on the other. But even as a question of speculation 1 differ with nty distinguished friend. What we would have lost in border wan without tho Union,, or what wo have gained simply by the peace it has secured, no istimate can bo made of. Our foreign tralo, which is tho foundation of all our prosperity, has the protection of the Navy, wtich drove tho pirates from the waters ncir onr coast, where they had been bucca neering for centuries before, and might have bean still had it not been lor tho American Navy, under the command of such spirits as Commodore Porter. Now that the coastri*- clear, that our commerce flows I'redy’ out wardly and inwardly, we cannot well esti mate how it would have .totm under other eire 11 mstances. The influence ofthe govern ment on us is like” that of the atmosphere around ua Its benefits are sosilcnt and un seen: that they are seldom thought of or ap preciated. We seldom think oftho single element of oxygen in the air we breathe, and yot let this simple and unfelt agent be withdrawn, this life-giving element he taken away frony this aUqiervading fluid around us, and wlqrt appalling changes would creation! , M** “spite of the Gentaal may be that without it we sli(Mj>fl7ave been far different from no w. It is true there is no equalTpart ofthe earth with * natural resources superior; porhaps, to ours. That portion of thiij country known as the Southern States, alFetohing from the Chesa peake to*tho Rict/Grande, is fully equal to the picture by tho Honorable and eloquent Senator last night, in all natural capacities. But how many ages and centu ries passed before these capacities wero de veloped to reach this advanced stage of civ ilization ? There these same hills, rich in ore, samo rivers, same valleys and plains, are as they have been since they came from the hands oftho Creator, uneducated and unciv ilized man roamed over them for how long no history informs us. It was only under our institutions that they could he developed. Their develon rnent is the result of the enterprize of our people under operations of the Government and institutions under which wc have lived. Even our people without these would never have done it. The organization of society has much to do with the development of the natural resources of any country, oy any land Tho institutions of a people, political and moral, are the matrix in which the germ ’ of their organic structure quickens into life, takes root and develops in form, nature and character. Our institutions constitute the basis, the matrix, from which spring all our characteristics of development and great ness. Look at Greece; there is the samo fertile soil, tho same bluo sky, the same in lets and harbors, the same Egean, the same Olympus; there is the same land where Ho mer sung, where Pericles spoke; it is in na ture the samo old Greece, but it is living Greece no more. [Applause.] Descendants • of tho same people inhabit the country; yet what is tho reason of this mighty difference? In the imdst of present degradation, ayg see ‘k ■ k” glory has departed. Vt H swer, their institutions have Those were but the fruits of th/ r forms of “ government, tho matrix from which their grand development sprung, and w once the institutions of a people have been de stroyed, there js no earthly power that can bring hack tho Promethean spark to kindle them hero again, any more than in that an cient land of eloquence, poetry and song.— [Applause.] The samo may be said of Italy Where is Rome, once the mistress of the world? There are tho same seven hills now, the same soil, the same natural resources; nature is the same, hut what a ruin of hu man greatness meet's the eye of the traveler throughout tho length and breadth of that most downtrodden land! Why have not the people of that Heaven-favored clime tho spirit that animated their fill hers? Why this sad difference ? It is the destruction of her institutions that has caused it; and, my countiymen, if wo shall, in an evil hour, rashly pull down and destroy those institu tions which tho patriotic band of our fathers labored so long and so hard to build up, and which have done so much for us and the world, who can venture the prediction that similar results will not ensue? Let us avoid it if wc can. I trust tho spirit is amongst us that will enable us to do it. Let us not rashly try the experiment, for if it fails as it did in Greece and Italy, and in tho South American Republics, and in every other place, wherever liberty is once destroyed, it may never be restored to us again. [Ap plause. aro defects in our Government —er- rors% .administration, and shot comings of many hut in.spite of these defects and errors Gel State. Let us paxiso hero a moment. In 1850 there was a great crisis, but not so fearful as this, for of all I have ever passed through this is the most perilous and re quires to be met with the greatest calmness and deliberation. There were many amongst us in 1850 zealous to go at once out of the Union—to disrupt every tie that binds us together. N oiv do yon believe, had that policy been carried oar at that time, we would have been tho same great people that? wo aro'jtO-dav ? It may be that we would, hut have you anv assurance of that fact? Would we have made the same advancement, improvement and progress in all that constitutes material wealth and prosperity that we have.? I notice in the Comptroller General’s re port that the taxable property of Georgia is 8670,000,000, and upwards, an amounf not far from double what it was in 1850. I think I may venture to say that for the last ten years the material wealth of the peo ple of Georgia has been nearly if not quite doubled. The same may be said of our ad vance in education, and everything that marks our civilazation. Have we any as surance that had we regarded the earnest but misguided patriotic advice, as I think, of some of that day, and disrupted the ties wlqeh bind us to the Union, wo would have advanced have ? I think not. Well, then, let us be careful now before we attempt anyfrash experiment of this sort. I know KOITOR A t *j q-fj ! her net intend to think tvw JB *.• a cm-se, ami that we w •*'•* • out it. Ido not so *'i” v about a * 1 IW / A this ,• vel b” m - • ; JB ■ . , • Us hot toojjesfd i1 v wp tat ion —• do so. pur first paints, tho gregt projenl tors ol cho human race were not without a like temptation when in the gardenofEden. They were led to believe that their con li tion betterod-dihat their eyes would beflßppil—and that.they would be come Hjtfifm-i. They, in an cMjteH^uehh. G •saw I lieir tnvn nah-lness. l look upon this country wi‘h wB aMSj| tions, as the Eden of the wor-l—theTß disc of the it wo may becoinegroata- and moi-e^xiHß porous, but I am eondki-and sin-ore IfIBHSI ing you that I fear if ‘™EGlttft.evi : n ••ion. and without snilk-rjvffug, . : ,SHB| that st, p. that in.steauL gib. ••n.u:tnflHHßH| or more peaceful, pi‘osg#ouS. instead of becoming #ods Vo will bccnne demons,.and at no distant da) - commence cutting one another’s Vhroats. ’ This.is my apprehension. Eot us^jt therefore, whatever’ we do, meet these dialectics, great as ilicy are, like wise and sensil; le\men, and consid er them in the light ot all the consequences which may attend our action, hot us see tirst clearly where the path of doty leads, and then we may not fear to tread'therein. I come now to the main question put to me, and pn which my counsel has been ask ed. That is, what tho present Legislature should do in view of the dangers that threat en ns, and the wrongs that have been done us by several ot our confederate States in tho Union, by the acts of their Legislatures nullifying the Fugitive Slate Law, and in direct disregard of their constitutional obli gations. What I sflail say will be in no spirit of dictation. It will bo simply mv own judgment for what it is worth. It pro ceeds from a strong conviction that aflem-d ----ing to it, our rights, interests and uoatt'— p n wpo.° ~i yp'it that T in -. }'* J -L u! I I “ I JBp"-’ ■’ •.’ 1.1 regard i - . ■ Al< luijn h i-cif premises accordin'?- to your of duty as patriots. I speak novrnarticular ly to the members of the Legislature pres ent. There aro, as I have said, great dan gers ahead. Great dangers may come from the election I have spoken of. Ifthe policy of Mr. Lincoln ‘and his Republican associates shall be carried out, or attempted to be car ried out, no lhan in (ieorgia will bo more Willing or ready than myself, to defend our rights, interest and honor at every hazard and to the last extremity. [Applause.] What is this policy? It is in die first place to ex- . elude us by an act of Congress from the Territories with our slave property. He is for using the power of the Goneral Goveriy mout against tWb extension of our tions. Our position on this point is and J ought to bo at all hazards for perfect equal- | iiy between all the States and the citizens of all the States in the Territories, under tho Constitution of the United States, if Con gress should exercise its pow er against this, t then 1 am for standing where Georgia od herself in I*so. These were plain positions which were then laid down celebrated platform, as - sufficient tor ruption ot.tlu- Union ifthe occasion ever come? v‘„ these (ieorgia, has dcciaH that six’ will go out of tho Union; these she would be justified by die of the earth in so doing. I sav the sanw jH said it then; Isay it now, if Air. LincoiMH thatlAtonotti I cause; but if his policy should be car ried out iu violation of any of tho principles set forth in the Georgia Platform, that would >o such an act o&iTgression, which ought to 10 ,U( d as therein provided for. Jf his poli cy-shall be carried oitt in repealing or modi tymg the l ugitive Slave-Law so as to weak cn its ethcacy, Georgia has declared tfmteshe will in the last resort disrupt the ties of t !'>*. union, and I say so too. 1 stand upon Georgia platform and upon every plank, and s.vy it these agressions therein provided for, 0 W 1 Kay-tosyou and to the people of Georgia, keep youwpowder dry and let your assailants then lufve ‘lead it- need be. [Ap pJauso.l I would wait for an 'act ofi^a:rcs- # , sion. This is mv position. jSow upon another point, and t?iaf ? lisfl most difficult and deserving your most sent ous consideration, I will speak. TRat is’thn * course which this State should pw-Sifc toLi wards these Northern States whidOWfll Lsgishit.ivc u< is haw attempted to the fug, live Slave Law. 1 know sonieot these Stales their acts prctcJH .-0,1 11,0 l>i ii,, i|,lo s .01 forth ,Ha si„,o. “"■-’■H „ia • tlnt.ilw 1 ■?’ :l - ;Ullrit Poni^H out the provisions kouud that the Federal G duties upon State , A