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THE COUNTRYMAN.
TUKNWOLD, GA., APRIL 11,1805.
“ We take it all Back.”
So says the Confederate Union of 28th
ult.—And what is the occasion of its say
ing so ? In its issue of 21st ult., it de
clared this journal to be a ‘fair paper,’ but
called upon us to show cause why we
should not be condemned for certain edi
torial utterances of ours, concerning Gov.
Brown’s course. In our issue of April
4th, wo endeavored to ‘show cause/ and
tried to play the amiable, and agreeable
with our neighbors. But our neighbors
would not wait for our answer to reach
them, but have proceeded to condemn us
unheard. They seem not to understand
nisi prius practice. But we understand
the cause of their failure to do so, now.
There is a mighty rushing tide against
their governor’s course, and they feel the
necessity of losing no time in damming
the crevasse that rushes, like the whirl
pool, against their executive friend. Be
easy, gentlemen 1 You had a« well at
tempt to dam the Nile with bull-rushes—
you h^d as well attempt to span the Mis
sissippi with sand, as to undertake the
task you have before you. Popular opin
ion will wash your governor away. We
admire your heroism, and magnanimity,
in placing yourself in a position to share
his fate.
In our answer to tho call of the Confed
erate Union, we congratulated ourself that
our cotemporary thought well of us—
thought us a ‘fair paper.’ Now, it says it
does not think us so. Well, this gives us
some concern, becauao we do like for our
friends to think well us. It is a weakuess
—perhaps a vanity—of ours, possessed in
common with the human family, to wish
to enjoy the confidence of our confreres ;
and we are glad when the Confederate
Union thinks well of ua. But we became
accustomed to our cotemporary’s caprices
in 1854—eleven years ago. At that time,
we edited the Independent Press, and up
on the appearance of our first number, our
esteemed cotemporary spoke well of us.
But in our second number, we showed
that we were a union man, and our friends
of the Union, then, as now, retracted the
compliment they had paid us. Tho rea
son was, they were secessionists, and we
were not. Here is the manner in which
our friends retracted tho compliment paid
us, eleven years ago:
“Too Fast.—We were, perhaps, too
fast in locating our brother of the Inde
pendent Press, politically. In an article
in his last issue, headed ‘The Southern
Convention,’ we could not get the hang of
his position. May-be when he gets fairly
under way, he will settle down, so that we
can count him.”
Now, when the Confederate- Union re
tracted the compliment it paid us, eleven
years ago, it caused us no small trouble:
but then we have survived its censure, up i
to this date, and have received a good
many compliments from it since. This
induces -us to hope we may still sur
vive the censure of the Confederate UniOD,
and live eleven years longer, and perhaps
more than that number of years: and we.
do not despair, either, of even receiving
further compliments at the hands of our
cotemporary, at some future day, when
we agree with each other better than we
do now.
Let us examine, however, a few things
said by our cotemporary. First it says,
with reference to us, ‘ Now any fair man
would never have attempted to make ah
issue between the governor and the cause
for which all good men are fighting.’—As
Gov. Brown has done this, what say our
friends of him ? Is he a ‘fair man ?’
Again, our cotemporary says, ‘ Gov.
Brown is as good a friend to the Confed
erate States as Mr. Davis, or Mr. Turner/
—That may be true, but the parties have
different ways of showing it. Pr. Davis,
and Mr. Turner, the latter in his very
humble way, show their friendship to the
Confederate States, by showing their op
position to the yankees, all the while,
while Gov: Brown vents all his antagonism
upon the man whom tho southern people
chose to be their president—and in this
he agrees with the yankees.
But, according to our cotemporary,
‘Gov. Brown has taken an oath that Mr.
Turner has not, viz., to defend and sup
port the constitution of the Confederate
States, and he would perjure his soul,
were he to keep still when he saw that
constitution violated by Pr. Davis, or any
other power, capable of doing that consti
tution a violent wrong/
This all sounds very well. But will our
cotemporary tell us why Gov. Brown is so
silent, in all his state papers, about tho
wrongs inflicted upon our ancient consti
tution by Abraham Lincoln, and Sher
man ? Why is he so silent about the
wrongs inflicted by Joe Brown, in seizing
salt?—in seizing stills?—in threatening
the Inferior Court of Worth county?—in
threatening to send patrols from Hancock
county to the front, without a hearing ?—
in overriding the habeas corpus in Wilkes
county ? Why can Joe Brown and Abra
ham Lincoln disregard our ancient consti
tution as they please, and yet, if Jeff Davis
does so, our governor is loud in his con
demnation, but never says anything
about Abe Lincoln, and his friend Joe
Brown ? Come, now, Confederate Union,
. tell us this, if you please : If Joe Brown
‘perjures his soul’ when he does not re
prove Jeff Davis’s violations of the consti
tution, does be not perjure his soul, when
he does not reprove Joe Brown’s, and Abe
Lincoln’s, and Sherman’s violations of tho
same constitution ?
But Brown has ‘sworn’ to support the
constitution, and Mr. Turner has not.—It
makes no difference with us whether wo
have sworn to do a thing, or not. What
ever is our duty, we endeavor to do, with
out any swearing. Our word is our bond ;
and our moral obligation is equally our
bond. Therefore there is no need for us
to swear to support the constitution. We
can support it, without swearing to do so,
“If friend Turner wishes to make an is
sue between Gov. Brown, and Pr. Davis’s
official acts, we have no objection—we are
ready for the question. But he can not
make an issue between Gov. Brown and
the cause, or the confederacy. No such
trick as that can be palmed off’ on the in
telligent voters of Georgia. The Coun
tryman will gain no laurels in any such
undertaking. We advise the editor, if ho
intends to fight Gov. Brown, to use tho
weapons of fairness, justice, and truth,
particularly if he wishes to succeed/’
We have quoted from our cotemporary
at some length. Let us pay some atten
tion to its propositions, seriatim.
‘If friend Turner wished to make an is^
sue between Gov. Brown, and Pr. Davis’s
official acts/—We wish no issue. It is
Gov. Brown who makes the issue.
‘But he cannot make an issue between
Gov. Brown and the cause'—We make no
such issue. It is Gov. Brown who does
that, too.
‘The Countryman will gain no laurels
in any su||$ undertaking.’—We do not
aim at laurels. We aim at truth, and tho
independence of our country.
‘We advise the editor, if he intends to
fight Gov. Brown, to use the weapons of
fairness, justice, and truth, particularly if
ho wishes to succeed.’—It happens that
our friends of the Union think, at this
time, that we do not use the weapons of
fairness, justice, and truth. In timos past,
our friends have Said that we were very
skillful in the use of thoso weapons. That
was when wo agreed with them in senti-.
inent. When we agree with them, then
we are fair, just, and truthful. Whea we
disagree with them, then we are the con
trary. The test of the Confederate Union,
then, with reference to fairness, justice,
