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jj v Joseph Clisby. fmm TELEG1UPH . pc KI.ISHKD KVK1IV f VKsnAY MORNING. ^ TKKMS: Jo dollars, in anvasce. L 50 in every case where the subscription 1 out of the Office. jsident s Message. Lif-eni of Oit Senate 'ami House of Representative*: men we compare the condition of tho coun- Jar with wliat il w «-, onc fUo. it the meeting of Congrcaa. we have L ri-a«on for gratitude to that Almighty tiJeuce, which has never failed to iuter- Vfor our relief, at the most critical periods Lr history. One year ago, tho sectional fbetween tho North and the south on the rrrous subject of slavery, had again bo Uo intense as to threaten tho peace and Ami,,-of the confederacy. The applica- Iflr the admission of Kansas us a State m- Ll'nion, fostered this unhappy agitation, * UR bt the whole subject once more be- IConp***’ It was the desire of every 1 i that such measures of legislation might te d, as would remove the excitement l dieStatr*' sad confine it to tho Territo- Lera it legitimately belonged. Much has idane Ism happy *o 8 “y< towards the Ljiduaent of this object, during tho last ” i of Congress. Supreme Court of tho United States i previously decided, that all American cit- [,h»ve an equal right to take into tho Ter- L,., irhstcver is lield as property under flaws of any of the States, and to hold such 1 frfy there under the guardianship of the ral constitution, so long as the territorial liliou shall remain. hi» is now a wcli-established position, and proceedings of the last session were alone Itiug to give it practical effect. The prin- iha* been recognised, in some form or | r< by an almost unanimous vote of both les of Congress, that a Territory has a It to come into the Union either as a free I slave State, according to the will of a frity of‘1=* people. The just equality of *he Slates has thus been vindicated, and source of dangerous dissension a- rttan has been removed, hilst such lias been the beneficial tenden- fyour legislative proceedings outside of us, their iuflnence has nowhere been so fcy as within that Territory itself. Left to lags and control its own affairs in its own f, a itliout the pressure of cxternalinfluence, ■.'evolutionary Topeka organization and all pance to the territorial government estab- I by Congress, have been finally aban- 1; As a natural consequence, that fine |riiory now appears to be tranquil and pros- i, and is attracting increasing thousands nigrauts to make it their happy home. f .e put unfortunate experience of Kansas [, uforeed the lesson so otten already taught, S resistance to lawful authority, under our tu of Government, cannot fail in the end trove disastrous to its authors. Had the be of the Territory yielded obedience to I'lavs enacted by thei .■ legislature, it would Ihr present uoment hare contained a large Hitioaal population of industrious anil enter- citizens. who have been deterred from Lung its borjers by the existence of civil Ife sail organized rebellion. It was lie resistance to rightful authority ft the perseu-ring attempts to establish a ■olutionary government under the Topeka Istitution, which caused the people of Kan- [ to commit the grave error of refusing to e for delegates to the convention to frame ka-titution, under a law not denied to be j and just in its provisions. This refusal ote has been the prolific source of all the i which have followed. In their hostility |tLe terrriforial government, they diaregar- p the principle, absolutely essential to the rkiog of our form of government, that a jority of those who vote—not the majority omiy remain at home, from whatever cause nut decide the result of an election. For kraiME. seeking to take advantage of their i error, they denied the authority of the — on thus elected to frame n constitu te convention, notwithstanding, proceo- S t a constitution unexceptionable in its features, aud providing for tho Sah ara of the slavery question to a rote of pafie. which, in my opinion, they were ml to do, under the Kansas and Nebraska . This was the all-important question idi bad alone convulsed the Territory; d yet tho opponents of the lawful govern- at, persisting in this first error, refrained Battening their right to vote, and pre- wd tUt slavery ahould continue, rather ■ surrender their revolutionary Topeka or- A wiser and better spirit seemed to prevail totbe first Monday of Janaary last, when flection was held under the constitution. BVrity of the people then voted foragov- ■T sad other State officers, for a member of tC'", and members of the State Uegisla This election was warmly contested by •two political parties in Kansas, and a great- >«e wjj polled than at any previous clec- ®- A large majority of the members of the r sl»tare elect belonged to that party which jwtiously refused to vote. The anti-sla- 7 party were thus placed in the ascendant, d the political power of the State was in 'ir own hands. Had Congress admitted ** into the Uniou under the Lccompton titution, the legislature might, at its very session, have submitted the question to a t of the people, whether they woold or "id not have a convention to amend their titution either on the slavery or any other tion, and have adopted all necessary means giving speedy effect to the will of the ma- *T; Thus the Kansas question would have ^immediately and finally settled. I'sder these circumstances, I submitted to ■pets the constitution thus framed, with all "ftetrs already elected necessary to put 7*te government into operation, accorn- njcdVr i s t r ong recommendation in favor L " vlzuuion of Kansas as a State, In the of my long public life I have never per- **y official act which, in the retrospect, i: 'Jrd me more heartfelt satisfaction, audition could have inflicted no possible ■*# any human being, whilst it would, a brief period, have restored peace to 1 »»d harmony to the Union. In that ’he slavery question would ere this ■ been finally settled, according to the 1c- •ftpressed trill of a majority of the vo- »nJ popular sovereignty would thus have ’indicated j n a conatitutional manner. ;l “ ®y deep convictions of duty, I could Pnnued do other course. It is true, that, « mdividmi, i had expressed an opinion, •ure and during the session of the con- ia faror of submitting tiro remaining pf the constitution, as well as thatcon- - ““very, to tho people. Hut, actiug " character, neither myself nor any authority had the power torejuJge the 'agiof the convention, and declare the ton wliich it had framed to be a uul- have done this would liavo been a j' 8 °f the Kansas aud Nebraska act, the people of the Territory “perfect- . w form anil regulate their domestic in- 5?J their own way. subject only to tho of the United States." It would violated the great principle of •O'creignty, at the foundation of our iftij®*’*° deprive the people of the pow- i£j-Jthought proper to exercise it. of [Zi* ^.delegates elected by tlicmselvcs ihmik. a constitution, witliout re- trMiw m *° ,u bj*cb their constituents to expense, and delay of a second „ .It would have been in opposition to ^procedeutq in our history, commencing a n?r*^ *** °I ’* 1C republic, of the ad- 01 t erritories as States into the CaiM^ MACON, DECEMBER It is to bs lamented tbit a question so insignificant when viewed in iU practical effects on tha people of Kansas, whether decided one way or the other, should have kindled such a flame of eicitetnp.it throughout the country. This reflection may prove to be a MMjoa of wisdom and of warning for our lutura g i dance.. Practioally oouaideted, the question is simply whether the people of that Territory should first come into tho Union and then change any provision in their censlitu- tion not sgveeublo t< themselves, or accomplish the very same object by r« mining out of the Union and frvming another constitution in accordance with their will ? In either ease, the rtstlt would be precisely the same.— The only difference in point of fact is, that the object would have been much sooner attained, and the pacifi cation of Kansas mere speedily effected, bad it been ad' mitted as a State daring tbe last sc sic n of Congress. My recommendation, nowerer, for the immediate ad- miss'on of Kansas, failed to meet the approbation of Congress. They deemed it wiser to adopt a difierent measure for the settlement of the question. For my own part, I should lrnve been willing to yield my as- s»t to almost any omsli rational measure to accomplish this object. I, therefore, cordially acquiesced in what has been called thoXugUah Compromise, and approved the "Act for the admission ofthe State of Kansas into the Union” upoo the terms therein prescribed. Under the ordinance which accompanied the Lecomp- ton constitution, the people of Kansas had claimed doable the qnantitr of public lands for tbe support of common schools, wl ich bad ever been previously grant ed to any State upon entering the Union; and also the alternate eectiona of land for twelve miles on each side of two railroads; proposed to be constructed from the northern to the southern boundary, and from the east ern to the western boundary of the State. Congress, deeming these eieins unreasonable, provided, by tbe set of May 4, ISM, to which I have just referred, for the admission ol the Slate on an equal footing with the original Slates, bat " opon the fundamental condition precedent” ibat a majority of the people thereof, at an election to bo held :'or that purpose, should, in place of the very large grants of public lends which they had demanded under tbe ordinance, accept each grants as bed been made to Uinnetsola, end other new States. Under this act, should a majority reject tho propoei- tion offered them, “ it shall be deemed and held that the people of Kansu do not desire admission into the Union will, said uenstitnlien under the condition set forth in said proposition.” Jn that event, tbe act au thorizes tbe people of the Territory to elect delegates to form a constitution and State government for them selves, " whenever, end not before, it is ascertained by a census, duly and legally taken, that the population of said Territory equals or expends the ratio of i sprssenta- tion required for a member of the House of Itepr.eota- tivesof the Congress of the United States.” The dele gates thus assembled " shall first determine by a vote whether it is the wish of tbe people of the proposed State to be admitted into the Union at that time, and, if ao, shall proceed to form a constitution, and take ell nea.ary ate pa for the establishment of estate govern ment in conformity with tbe federal constitution.” After thia constitution tball hare been formed, Con- greee, carrying oat the principle* of popular sovereign ty end noD-intcrreoliou, hare left "the mode and man ner of its approval or ratification by tbe people of the proposed State” to be "prescribed'by lew,” end they "stall then be admitted into the Union as a State un der inch Constitution thus Curly and legally made, with or without slavery, as such constitution may pre scribe.” An election was held throughout Kansas, in pursu ance of the provision of this act, oo the second day of August last, and it resulted in tbe rejection, by e large majority, of the proposition submitted to the people by Uoogross. This being the case they are now authorized to form another constitution, preparatory to admieaioo into tbe Union, bat oot until their number, as ascer tained by a census, shall equal or exceed the ratio re quired to elect a member to tbe House of Represents- lives. It it not probable in tbe present state of the case, that a third constitution can be lawfully framed and presented to Congress by Kansas, before its population shall have reached the designated number, nor is it to be presumed that, after their sad experience in re sisting tbe territorial laws, they will attempt to adopt a constitution in express violation ol tbe provisions ot an act of Congress. During tho session of 18M, much of the time of Coogross was occupied on tbe question ot admitting Kansas under the Topeka constitution.— Again, Dearly the whole of the last session was devoted to the question of its admission under tho lccompton constitution. Surely it is not unreasonable to require the r*eop)e of Kansas to wait, before making a third at tempt, until the number of their inhabitant* stall amount to ninety-three thousand four hundred and twenty. Daring this brief period the harmony of *he States, ss well as the great business interests of tbe country, demand that the people of the Union shall not for e third time be convulsed by another agitation on the Kansas question. By waiting for a short time, and acting in obedience to lew, Kansas will glide into tbe Union without the slightest impediment. This excellent provision, which Congress tare ap plied to Kanias, ought to be extended ana rendered ap plicable to all Territories which may hereafter seek ad mission into tha Union. Whilst Congress possess tbe undoubted power of admitting* new State into the Union, however email may be the number of inhabitants,yet this power ought not, in my opinioa, to be exercised before the popula tion stall amount to the ratio reqoired by tbe act for the admission ot Kansas. Had this been previoush the rale, the oountry would hare escaped all the evil and misfortunes to which It tas been exposed by the Kaneaa question. Of course it would be unjust to give this rale a retro spective application, and exclude s State watch, acting upon the peat practice of the government, has already formed its constitution, electedits legislature and other officers, and is now prepared to enter the Union. Tbe rale ought to be adopted, whether we consider its bearing on tbe people or tbe Territories or upon the people of the existing States. Many of tbe serious dis sensions which have prevailed in Congress and through out the country, would have been avoided, bad this ral* been established at an earlier period of the govern Immediately upon tbe formation of a new Territory, people from different States end from foreign countries rush into it, for tbe laudable purpose of improving their condition. Their first doty to themselves is to open end cnltiTite farms, to construct roads, to establish schools, to erect places of religions worship, and to de vote their energies generally to reclaim tbe wilderness and to lev the foundations of a flourishing and prospe rous commonwealth. If, in this incipient condition, with a population of a few thousand, they should pre maturely enter tbe Union, they are oppressed by the burden of State taxation, end tbe means necessary for the improvement of the Territory and the advancement of their own interests, are tbns diverted to very differ- The federal government has ever been a liberal pa rent to the Territories, and s generous contributor to the useful enterprises ofthe early setllere. It has paid tbe expense* of their governments and legislative as semblies oat ofthe common treasury, end thus relieved them from a heavy ebarge, Under these circumstan ce!, nothing can be better calculated to retard their material progress, than to divert them from their use ful employments, by prematurely exciting angry po litical contests among themselves, for tbe benefit of as piring leaders. It i* surely no hardship for embryo governors, senators, and members of Congress, to wail until the number ol inhabitants shall equal tbo*» of a single congressional district. They snrely ought not to bo pennilled to rush into tho Union, with a popula tion less than one-bairot several of the large counties in the interior of some ol tbe Slates. This was the coo- dilion of Kansas when it made application to be admit ted under the Topeka constitution. Betides, it requires some time to render the mass of a population collected in e new Territory, *t all homogeneoa*, *nd to uml* them on anything like a fixed policy. Establish ths rale, end sell will lock forward to it and govern them- ap|rsj aeoordimrlr. But justice to the people of the several Slates requires that this rule should be established by Congress — Each State is entitled to two senators and at ><«st one epresemativ* in Congress. Should the people of the the road by felliog trees, and destroying the fords of rivers, Ac., Ac., Ac. These orders wire promptly and effectually obeyed. On tbe 4tb October, 1857, the Mormons captured and burned ,,n Green River, three of our supply trains, cu:- -usting of seventy-five wagons loaded with provi rions and tents for the army, sad drove away several hundred animals. This diminished tbe supply of pro visions so materially that General J obr>:oD was oblig ed te reduce tbe ration, and even with this precaution, there was only sufficient left to subsist the troops until the first of Jane. Oar little army behaved admirably in their encamp ment at Fort Bridger, under these trying privations. In the midst ofthe monntaias, in a dreary, unsettled, and inhospitable region, more than a thousand miles from home, they passed the severe and Inclement win ter without a murmur. They looked forward with con fidence for relief from their countiy in dne season, and in this they were not disappointed. The Secretary of War employed all hi* energies to forward them the necessary supplies, and to master and send such a military force to Utah is would ren der resistance on the part of the Mormons hopeless and thns terminate the war without the effu-ton of blood. In bis efforts he was efficiently sustained by Congress. They granted appropriations sufficient to eovar the deficiency that necessarily created, and also provided for raising two regiments of volunteers, "for thepurpoM ot quelling disturbances in the Territory of Utah, for the protection of supply and emigrant trains, aud the suppression of Indian hostilities oo the frontiers.” Uspptly, there was no occasion to call these regiments into service. If there had been, I should bare felt serious embarrassment in selecting them, ao great was the number of our brave and patri otic citixeoa anxious to serve their csuutir in this dis tant and apparently dangerous expedition. Thus it has ever been, and thns it may ever he I The wisdom and economy of sending sufficient rein forcements to Utah are established not only by tbe event, but in the opinion of those who, from their po si lion and opportunities, are the most capable pi form ing a correct judgment. General Johnston, the com mander of the forces, in addressiog the Secretary of Wur from Fort Bridger, under date of October 18,1857, expresses the opinion that "unless a large force is sent here, from the nature ofthe country, protracted war on their (the Mormon*) patt is inevitable.” This he con sidered necessary, to terminate the war "speedily and more economically than if attempted by insufficient representative in uungnrss. n«w« i—r-—--- States foil to elect a Vice President, tho power devolres upon the Senate to select this officer from the two highest candidates oo the list. In case or the dreth of the President, the Vice President thus elected by the Senate, becomes President of tno United kfoto*- On vote of the people apiirov- the ratification of treaties, and of Executive a,>pmnt- menta. All this hss worked admirably in procure, whifot it conforms inprindpU with the chirocterof a government instituted by sovereign States. I presume no American citizen would desire the slightest change in tbe arrangement. Still, is it net unjust and unequal to tbe existing States lo invest some forty or h.ty tbon- aand people collected in a Territory with the attnbotre of sovereignty, and ptare them on an equal footing with Virginia and New'York in the Senate of the United Sl For these reasons, I earnestly recommend the pass, age of a general act, which shall provide that upon the application of a territorial legislature, declaring their belief that the Territory contains a number ortnbaot- tanti* which, if in a State, would entitle them to elect a member ofCoQgia^ it ahull be the duty of the Prc?i* dent to cause a census of the inhaDitants to he talren, and if found suflident, then bv the terms of this act to authorize them to proceed “in theirown w*y t<> frame a State constitution preparatory to admission into toe Union* I also nooanCDd that an appropriation may be made, to enable the President to take a census of the people of Kansas. The present condition of the Territory of Vfab, hen contrasted with what it was one year ago, is a subject for conirrmlnlation. It was then in a state of open re- hellionf ar.d, cost what it might, tbe character of the curernmeet required, that thia rebellion should be sup- pressed and the .Mormons compelled to yield obedience ir> the constitution and the laws. In order to accom plish this object, as I informed you m ay last annual message, I apin.inted a new ^oremor instead of ling- ham You op, and other federal ollicera to take the place of those who, consulting their personal sutety, had found it mccsaary to withdraw from the Terntorr.— To protect these ciril officers, and to aid them, aa a jkw comitotu*. in the execution of tbe Jaws in case ot need I ordered a detachment of the army to accompany them to Uub. 1 he necessity for adopting ihesc mess urea is now demonstrated. On the 15th September, 1>57, Gocernor ^ oune ia- Mod his proctomatfoo, in the ntyle of an independent sovereign, announcing hn purpoii lo re»,»t by force ot arms the entry of the United -Mates troops into our own Terrilor/of Utah. Hr this he required ,11 the loress to the Territory, to "hold themselvee in reudi- ne.-> to march at a moment's notice to repel eny ,r.i. til such fat various,- mid established martini fowftoss Bs dote throi'girotit the Territory. These proved to bo no fdle threat* Foru Bridger and Supply were vac., ed und burnt down by the Mormons, to depnve our troops ( ,f o .heller after their long ,nd tangoing ™ krc h. It- der, were issued by Daniel 11. W ells, .n lmg himself •I ieutenant (Jenernl, Nauvoo troops on their march, toil'lfireU their trains, to burn the grao, ,nd the whole country before them und on thetr flseks, to keep them from •leepingby eight ,urpri*e*. snd to blockade Jn the mean time, it was my anxious desire that the Mormons should yield obedience to the ooaslitulioo sod the lews, without rendering it neceusry to resort to military fore*. To aid in accomplishing this object, 1 deemed it advisable in April last, to dtsjialch two dis tinguished citizen* ol the United State*. Messrs. Pow ell and McCulloch, to Utah. They bore with them a proclamation addressed by mysell to the inbsbitants of Utah, dated on the sixth day of that month, warning thorn of their true condition, and how hopeless it was on their part to persist in rebellion against the United States, and offering all those who should submit to the laws a full panton for their past seditions aud treasons. At tbe same time, I assured those who should persist in rebellion against the United States, that they must expect no further lenitr, but look to be rigorously dealt with according to their deserts, Tbe instructions to these agents, a* well as e copy of the proclamation, and their reports, are herewith submitted. It will be seen by their report ofthe 3d of July last, that they have fully confirmed the opinion expressed by General John ston in the previous October, ae to the necessity ot sending reinforcements to Utah. Io this they state, that they “are firmly impressed with the belief that tbe presence of the army here and tbe large additional force that bad bees ordered to this Territory, wore the chief inducumeoU that caused the Mormons to aban don tbe idea of resisting the authority of the United States. A leas decisive policy would probably have resulted in a long, bloody, aud expensive war.” , These gentlemen conducted themselves to my {entire satisfaction, and rendered useful services in executing tbe humane intentions of the government. It also affords me great satisfaction to atatc, that Governor Cummioghas performed bis doty In an able and conciliatory manner, and with the happiest effect. I cannot, in this connexion, refrain from mentioning the valuable services of Col. Thomas 1,. Kane, who, from motives of pore benevolence, end without nay of ficial character or pecuniary compensation, visited U- tah daring the last inclement winter, for the purpose of contributing to tbe pacification ofthe Territory. 1 am happy to inform you, that the governor and other civd officers of Utah, arc now performing their appropriate functions without resistance. Tbe autoer- ity ol the constitution and the laws has been fully res tored, and pesce prevails throughout tho Territory. A portion of the troops sent to Utah are now en camped io Cedar valley, forty-four miles southwest of Salt Lake City ; and the remainder bare been ordered to Oregon to rupprest Indian hostilities. The march or the army to Salt Jake City, through the Indian Territory, has bad a powerful effect in res training the hostile feelings against the United States, which existed among the Indians io that region, and in securing emegrentt to tbe Far West against their depredations. This will also bethe means of establish ing military posts and promoting settlement* along tbe route. I recommend that ths benefits of snr land laws and pre-emption system be extended to tbe people of Utah, bythe establishment of a fond office in that Territory. I here occasion, also, to congratulate you on the re suit of our negotiations with China. You were reformed by my last annual message, that our minister bad been instructed to occcnpy a neu tral position in the hostilities conducted by Great Brit- **• s»n J Pr—wk tagraBB* OSD VOO. HO HI*,’TlOYCBYCr, ft( the same lime, directed to oo operate cordially with the British and French ministers, re all peaceful- measures to secure by treaty those just concessions to foreign commerce, which the nations of the world had a right to demand. It was impossible for me to proceed fur ther than this, on my own authority, without usurping the war making power, which under the constitution, belongs exclusively to Congress. Besides after * careful examination of the nature and extent of oar grievance*, I did oot believe they were of aooh a pressing end aggravated character, as woold have justified Congress in declaring war against tbe Chinese empire, without first making another earnest attempt to adjust them by peseefol negotiation, I was tbe mure inclined to this opinion, because of tbe severe chastisement which had then bat recently been inflic ted apoa the Chinese by our squadroo, in the capture and dcstraction of tbe Barrier torts, to avenge an al leged insult to our Bag. The event has proved the wiadam of oar neutrality Our minister has executed bis instructions with emi nent skill and abili'y. In conjunction with the Rus sian plenipotentiary, be baa peacefully, but effectually, co operated with the English and French plenipoten tiaries sod each of the four powers has concluded a separate treaty with China, of s highly satisfactory character. The treaty concluded by our own plenipo tentiary will immediately be submitted to the Senate. I am happy to announce that, through the energetic yet coociliatorv efforts of our consul general in Japan, a new treaty has been concluded with that empire, which mav be expected materially to augment our trade sod intercourse in that quarter, and remove from our countrymen the disabilities which bare here tofore been imposed upon the exercise of their religion. Tbe treaty shell bo submitted to (he Senate for appro val without delay. It is my earnest desire that every misunderstanding with the Government of Greet Britain, should be ami cably and speedily adjusted. It has been the misfor tune of both countries, almost ever sines the period ol the revolution, to have baen annoyed by a succession of irritating and dangerous questions, threatening their (risudly relations. This has partially prevented the full development of those feelings of mutual friend ship between tbe people oi tbe two countries, so natu ral in themselves and so conductive to their common interest. Any serious interruption of the oommeree between tbe United States jand Greet Britain, woo'd be equally injurious to both. Io foot, no two nations have ever existed on the face of the earth, which could do each other so much good or so much harm. Entertaining these sentiments, I am gratified to in form you, that tbe loog-pending controversy between tns two governments, io relation to the question if visitation and search, has been amicably adjusted. The claim no tbe pirt ol Great Britain, forcibly to visit A- merican vessels on the high seas in time of peace, could not be sustained under the law of nations, and it had been oremtled br her owa most eminent jurists. This question was recently brought to an issue, by the repeated acts of British cruisers, io boarding and searching our merchant vessels in the Gulf of Mexioi and the adjacent seas. These acts were the more in jurious and annoying, as these waters are traversed by m large portion of tbe commerce and navigation of the United States, and their free and unrestricted use is essential to the security of the ooastwise trade between different States ofthe Union. Such vexatious inter rupt ioDS could not fail to excite the feelings of the coun try, and lo require tbe interposition ofthe government. Remonstrances were addressed to the British govern ment against these vjoiationi of our rights of sover eignty, and a naval force tvaa at the same time ordered to the Cuban waters, with directions "to protect all vessels of tbe United States on the high seas, from search or detention by the vessels of war or eny other nation.’’ These measures received the unqualified snd even enthusiastic approbation ofthe American people Most fortunately, however, no collision took place, and tbe British gorernment promptly avowed it* recogni tion of tbe principles of international liw upon tips subject, as laid down by tho government of the United Stales, in the note of the Secretary of Sta'e to tbe Brit ish minister at Washington, of April 10, 1813, which secure the vessels of the United States upon the hirli seas from visitation or search in time of peace, under any dreumstanees whatever. The claim hss t een abandoned in a manner reflecting honor on the British government, and erincingajust regard for the law of nations, and cannot foil to strengthen tbe amicable re lations between tbe two countries. The British government, at the same time, proposed „ the United States that some mode should ue adop led, bv mutual arrangement between tbe two countries ol a character wliich may he found effective wiltont being offensive, for verifying the nationality of vessels suspected on good grounds of carry false colura. They bare also inrued the United States to take tbe initia tive, and propose Bees lures for this purpose. Whilst declining to a.-unme so grave a responsibility, tbe Sec- reiarv ot State h»s informed tbe British government that wc are ready to receire any proposals which they muV feel di-l-osid I. _-tl..- t :u ’ to consider them in cu amicable spirit. A strong oeiaion i.-however, ei; ... i,-.iiat tlu-occum n.d ahu.-e ol the flag “f any nuti : enl for less t.i he depre cated, than would be the establishment of any regula tions which might be incompatible with the freedom of the seas This government has yet received no com munication speedying the manner in which the Brit, ish government would propose to carry out their sug- gesiiou and 1 am inclined lo beliere| Ibat no plan which can be devised, will be free from grave emlur. niasments. Slid. 1 shall form no decided opinion on the subject, until I shall have carefully and in the best spirit examined any proposals which they may think proper to make oomilicationa between Great Britain end tbe United 1 of the capital by & military chieftain, has been gone- Stans, * , rauHai to hope that, emancipating themselves from been raging f-. some time throughout the republic, bo- tnrttewnnavj.'ir.g discussions, tbe two governments ‘ **- * “ wouldproceed to settle the Central Americanqner’— in a practical manner, alike honorable and ratisb. to both; and this hope I have not yet abandoned. In my latt annual message, I stated that overtures had been taade-by the British government for this purpose, in a friendly spirit, which I eordialljr reciprocated. Their proposal was, to withdraw these questions from direct negotiation betweeu the two governments ; but to sco tmpliah the aunt object, by a negotiation betsreen the British gorernment and caoh of the Central Ame rican republics whose territorial interests are immedi ately Involved. The settlement was to be made in ac cordance with the general tenor of the interpretation planxl upon the Clayton and Bnlwer treaty by the Coiled states, with certain modifications. Aa nego tiations are still pending upon this basis, it would not be groper for me now to commnnicate their present coBcation. A final settlement of these questions is greatly to be desired, and this would wipe out tbe last remt.amgxu Eject of dispute between tbe two countries. Our relations with the greet empires or France and Rosa*, as well as with ell other governments on tbe continent of Europe, except that or Spain, continue to hoof tho most friendly character. With Spain onr relstions remain io an unsatisfactory condition. In my message of December last, I inform ed you that onr envojr extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Madrid bad asked for his recall,- and it wot my purpose to send oot a new minuter to that ooart, with special instructions on all questions pend ing between the two governments, snd with a deter- miaition to hare them speedily and amicably idjurted, if that were possible. This purpose has been hitherto delisted by causes which I need not enumerate. Tbe mission to Spain has been intrusted to a distin guished citizen of Kentucky, who will proceed lo Mad rid without delay, end make another and a final at tempt to obtain justice from that government Spanish officials, under the direct eootrol of tbe cap tain-general of Cube, bare insulted our national flag, anil, to repeated instances, have from time to time in dieted injuries on tbe persons and property of our citi- sens. These bare given birth to numerous claims against tbe Spanish gorernment. tbe merits of which hare been ably discussed for a series of years, by our successive diplomatic representatives. Notwithstand ing this, we bar* not arrived at« practical result in anv single instance, unless we may except the case of too Black Warrior under the late administration; and tout presented an outrage of such a character as would have justified an immediate resort to war. All our at temjiU to obtain redress have been bafllol and defeat ed. The frequent and oft-recurring changes io the Spanish ministry, hare been employed aa reasons lor delay. We bare been compelled to wait, again and again, until the new minister shall have bad time to investigate the justice ol onr demands. Eren what bare been denominated "the Cuban claims,” in which more than a hundred of onr citizens are directly interested, bare furnished no exeeption. These claims were for toe refunding of duties unjustly exacted from American vessels at difierent custom houses in Cuba, so long ago ss the year 1544. Tbe principles upon which they rest are to manifestly equit able and just, that aflar a period of nearly ten years in 1S54, they were recognised by the Spanish govern ment. Proceedings were afterwards instituted to as certain their amount, and this was finally fixed accor. ding to their own statement (with which we were sat. isfied) at the sum of one hundred and twentv-eighu thousand six hundred and thirty-five dollars and fifty- four cents. Just at tbe moment, after a delay ot four teen years, when we had reason to exptot that this sura would be repaid with interest, we hsre received a pro posal offering to refund one-third of that amount, fortv tw.o thousand eight hundred and seventy-eight dollars and forty-one cent*,) but without interest, if wo would accept this in full satisfaction. Tbe offer is. also, ac companied by a declaration that this indemnification is not founded on any i&ison of strict justice; but is made as a special fovor. Ooe alleged cause for procrastination in Ibe exami nation ana adjustment of our claims, arises from an obstacle which it is the duty of tbe Spanish govern - meat to remnre. Whilst toe captain general of Cuba is invested with general despotic authority iu the gov ernment of that island, the power is withheld lrom him to examine and redress wrongs committed by offi cials under bis control, on citizens ofthe United States. Instead of making our Womplaiqts) directly to him at Havana, we are obliged to present them through our ministar at Madrid. These are then referred back to the eaptaic^nnersl for information; and much lime is thus consumed in preliminary investigations and cor respondence between Madrid and Cuba, before the Spanish government will consent to proceed to nego tiation. Many or toe difficulties betweeu tbe too governments would be obviated, and a long train of negotiation avoided, if the captain-general were inves ted with authority to settle questions of essy solution on tbe spot, where all the farts are fresh, end cun! J be promptly and satisfactorily ascertained. Wo h*Te hitherto in rain nrged upon toe Spanish g -vernment, to confer this power upon the captain general, and our minister to .Spain will again be instructed to urge this subject on their notice. In this respect they occupy a difierent position from tbe powers of Europe. Cuba Is almost within sight of our shores; our commerce with it is tar greater than that of any other nation, in cluding Spain itself, and onr citizens are in habits of daily and extended personal intercourse with every mrut, we ahould be obliged to resort to Madrid, uqie- cially when the very first step to be token there is to refer it back to Cuba. The truth is that Cuba, in its existing colonial con dition. is a constant source of injury and annoyance to the American people. Jt is the outy spot in the civil ized world where tbe African slave trade is tolerated; and we are bound by treaty with Great Britain, to maintain a naval force on the coast of Africa, at much expense both of life and treasure, solely for the purpose of arresting slavers bonnd to that island. The late serious difficulties between tbe United States sod Great Britain respecting the right of search, now ao happily terminated, could never have arisen if Cuba baa not afforded a market for slaves. As long as this market shall remain open, there can be no hope for the civili zation of benighted Africa. Whilst the demand for slaves continues in Cuba, ware will be waged among the petty and barbarqns chiefs in Africa, for the pnr pore of seizing subject* to supply this trade. Io such a condition of affaire, it is impossible that the light of civilization and religion can ever penetrate these dark abodes. It hss been made known to tlie world by my prede- cessora, Ibat Ibe United Slates Jure, on several oeca sione, endeavored to acquire Cuba from Spain by hon orable negotiation. If this were accomplished, the last relie of the African slare-trado would instantly disappear. We would not if we con'd, acquire Cuba in any other manner. This is duo to our national character. All the territoiy which we hare acquired since tha origin of the government, has been by fair purchase from France, Spain, and Mexico, nr by tbe tree and voluntary act of the independent State of Texas, in blending her destines with our own. This course w« shell ever pursue, unless circumstances ahould occur, which we do not now anticipate, ren- deriog a departure from it dearly justifiable, under tbe imperative und overruling law of self-preservation. The Island of Cuba, from its geographical position, commands the month of the Mississippi, and the im mense and annually increasing trade, foreign and coast wise, from tbe valley of that noble river, now embra cing half ol the sovereign States of the Uoion. With that Island under the dominion of a distant foreign power, this trade, of vital importance to there States, is exposed to the danger of being destroyed in time of wer, and it bo* hitherto been subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time’of peaee. Our relations with Spain, which ought to be o^tho most friendly character, most always be placed in jeopardy, whilst the existing colonial government over the Island shall remain in its present condition. Whilst the possession of toe Island would be of vast importance to the United States, its value to Spain is, comparatively, unimportant Such was tbe relative aitoatioo of the parties, when the great Napoleon trans ferred Louisiana to the United States. Jealous, as he ever was, ofthe national honor and interests of France, no oerson throughout the world, has impnted blame to him, for accepting a pecuniary equivalent for this HThe publicity which has been given to our former I I negotiations upon this subject, and the large appropria tion which may be required to effect the purpose, ren der it expedient, before making another attempt to re new the negotiation, that I should lay tbe whole sub ject before Congress. This is especially necessary, as it may become indispensable to success, that I should be minis ted with the means of tasking an advance to the Spanish government immediately after (he signing of the treaty, without awaiting tbe ratification or it by the Senate. I am encouraged to make this suggestion] by the example of Mr. Jefferson previous to the pur chase of Louisiana from France, and by that of Mr. l’olk in view of the acquisition of Ibe territory from Mexico. I reter tbe whole subject to Congress, sod commend it to their careful consideration. j I repeat toe recommendation made in my message of December last, in favor of so appropriation "to be paid to the Spanish government for tbe purpose oil distribution among too otaimaots io the Amistad ease.” President Folk first made a similar recommen dation in December, 1847, and it was repeated by my immediate predecessor in December, 1853. I enter tain no doobt that indemnity is foirty due to these claimants under onr treaty with Spain of the 27th Oc tober, 1795; and whilst demanding justice we ought to do justice. An appropriation promptly made for this purpose, could not tail to exert a favorable inllucnco on | oar negotiation with Spain. Our position in rotation to tbe independent States I south of ns on this continent, and especially those with io tbe limits of North America, b of n peculiar char acter. The northern boundary of Mexico is coincident with our own southern boundary from ocean to ocean; snd wc must necessarily feel a deep interest in all that ooncerns too well being and the fate of so near a neighbor. We have always cherished the kindest wishes for the toccee* of that republic, and bare in dulged the hope that it might at last, after all its trials, enjoy pcAce ami prosperity under a free and stable gov ernment. V/c have never hitherto interfered, directly or indirectly, wi'h its internal affairs, and ,- t h * dutv which we owe to ourselves, to prelect the integrity of its territory, against toe hostile interference of any other power. Our geographical position, oar direct interest iu all that concerns Mexico, and "Ur well-set tled policy in regard to toe North American continent, render this an indispensable duly. Mexico hss been in a stale of constant revolution, al- m-»t ev«r anise i: i-., ,■ One military leader after another has usurped tbe govern ment in rapid succession; nnd the various constitu tions from time lo time adopted, have been sot at naught almost as soon us '.hey were proclaimed. The successive governments^ have till' -rued no adequate protection, either to Mexican citizens or foreign rtsi- 1 amtraiy sorry I eaanot site inform yon that the dents, agaiost lawless violence. Heretofore, a seizure thc-ct- -ral gorernment at tbe city of Mexico, -which has endeavored to subvert tbe coustitutiou last framed by military power, and those who maintain the authority of that constitution. The antagonist parties each hold possession of different States ot the republic, and the fortunes of the war are constantly changing.— Meanwhile, the most reprehensible means have been employed by both parties to extort money from for eigners as well as natives, to carry on this ruinous contest. The truth is, that Ibis fine country, blessed with a productive soil and a benign climate, has been reduced by civil dissension to a condition of almost hopeless anarchy and imbecility. It would be vain for this government to attempt to enforce payment in money of toe claims of American citizens, now amount ing to more than ten million dollars, against Mexico, because she is destitute of all pecuniary means to satis- ly these demands. Oar Uto minister was famished with ample powers and instructions for the adjustment of ail pending questions with tbe centra) government of Mexico, and he performed bis duty with zeal and ability. The claims of oar citizens, some of them arising out of the violation of an express provision ofthe treaty of Gan- dalupe Hidalgo, and others from gross injuties to per sons as well ss property, bare remained unredressed and even unnoticed. Remonstrances against these grievances, have been addressed without effect to that government. .Meantime,in various partsof therepub- ic, instances hare been numerous of the murder, im prisonment, and plunder of our citizens, by different parties claiming and exercising a local jurisdiction; but tbe central government, although repeatedly urged thereto, hare made no effort either to punish tbe au thorn of these outrages or to prevent their recurrence. No American citizen can now visit Mexico on lawful business, without imminent danger to bis person and property. There is no adequate protection to either; und in this respect our treaty with that republic is al most a dead letter. This state of affaire was brought to a crisis in May last, by the promulgation of a decree levying a contri bution jtro rata upon all tbe capital in the republic, between certain specified amounts, whether held by Mexicans or foreigners. Mr, Forsyth, regarding this decree in the light of a “forced loss,” formally protes ted against its application to his countrymen, and ad vised them not to pay the contribution,'but to suffer it to be forcibly exacted. Actiog upon this advice, an American citizen refused to pay the contribution, and bis property was seized by armed men to satisfy the amount. Not content with this, the government pro ceeded still farther, and issued a decree banishing him from tbe country. Our minister immediately notified them that if this decree should be carried into execu tion he would feel it to be his duty to adopt ''tho most decided measures that belong to tbe powers and obli gations of the representative office.’^ Notwithstand ing this warning, the banishment was enforced, and Mr. Forsyth promptly announced to tte government the suspension of the political relations of his legation with them, nntit the pleasure of his own gorernment should be ascertained. This government did not regard the contribution itnposed by the decree of the 15th May last to bo in strictness a “fotccd loan,” and as such prohibited by the lulh article of the treaty of 182S between Great Britian and Mexico, to the benefits of which American citizens are entitled by treaty; yet the imposition of their contribution upon foreigners was considered au unjust and oppressive measure. Beside*, internal fac tions in other parts of the republic were st the same time levying simitar exactions upon the property of citizens, and interruptiog their commerce. There had been an entire failure on the part of our minister, to secure redress for tbe wrongs which our citizens, had endured, notwithstanding hit persevering efforts. And from toe temper manifested by the Mexican government, he bad repeatedly assured us (hat no favorable chant could bo expected, until the United States shout _ •‘give striking evidence of their will and power to pro tect their citizens,” and that “ severe chastening is the only earthly remedy for our grievances.” From this statement of facts, it would have been worse than idle to direct .Mr. Forsyth to retrace his steps aod resume diplomatic relations with that government; and it was therefore, deemed proper to sanction his withdrewsl of the legation from tbe city of Mexico. Abu.idant causes now undoubtedly exists for a re sort to hostilities against the government still bolding pos-ess on of the capital. Should they succeed in sub duing tile constitutional forces, all reasonable hope will then have expired of a peaceful settlemrnt of our diffi culties. On the other band, should the constitutional parly prevail, and their authority be established over the Republic, there is remsoa to hope that they will be ani mated by a less unfriendly spirit and may grant that redress to American citizens which justice requires, so fir as they may possess tbe means. But for this ex pectation, 1 should at ouoe have recommended to Con gress to grant the necessary power to tbe President, to take possession of a sufficient portion ol the remote and unsettled territory of Mexico, to be held in plcdgi until our injuries shall be redressed, and our just de uiands be satisfied. We have already exhausted every milderniettniofobtainingjustice. In such a case, this remedy of reprisals is recognised by the law of nations, not only as just in itself, but as a means of preventing actual war. But there is another view of our relations with Mexi co, arising from the unhappy condition of affairs along our Soelh-weatcm frontier, which demands Immedi ate action. In that remote region, where there are but tew white inhabitants, huge bands of hostile and predatory Indians roam promiscuously over the Mexi- ?*** of Chihuahua and Sonora, and our adjoin ing Temtortw. Tne tne.1 p»w.««.ti of these States ere perfectly helpless, and are kept in a state of con- slant alarm by the Indians. They hsre not the power, if they possessed the will, even to restrain lawless Mexicans from passing the border, and committing de predations oo our remote settlers. A state of anarchy and violence prevails throughout that distant frontier. The laws are a dead letter, and life and property are wholly insecure. For this reason the settlement or Arizona is arrested, whilst it is of great importance that a chain of inhabitants should extend all along its southern border, sufficient for their own protection and that of the United States mail, passing to and from California. Well founded apprehensions are now entertained that the Indians and wandering Mexicans, equally law less, may break up the important stage and postal communication, reorally established between our At lantic and Facitic possessions. This passes very nesr to the Mexican boundary, throughout the whole length of Arizen*. I can 'imagine no possible remedy for these evils, and no mode of restoring law and order on that remote and unsettled frontier, but for tbe govern ment of the United Elates to assume a temporary pro tectorate over the northern portion of Chihuahua and Son ora, and lo establish military posts within the same —and this I earnestly recommend to Congress. This protection may be withdrawn as soon os local govern ment* shall be established in these .Mexican St&ti capable of performing their duties to the Unit— States, reatraiuing the lawless and preserving peace along tbe border. I do not doubt that this measure will be viewed in a friendly spirit by the governments and people of Chi huahua and Sonora, ms it will prore equally effectual for the protection of their citizens on that remote and lawless frontier, as for citizens ofthe United States. And iu this connection, permit me to re-call your attention to the condition of Arizona. Tbe population of that Territory, numbering, aa la alleged, more than tcu thousand souls, are practically without a govern meut, without laws, and without any regular admraislrs tion of justice. Murder and other crimes are commit ted with impunity. This state of things calls loudly for redress; and I, then-lore, repeat my recommenda tion lor the establishment of a territorial gorernment over Arizona. Tbe political condition of the narrow isthmus of Central America, through which transit routes pass, between tbe Atlantic and Facific oceans, presents a subject of deep interest to all commercial nations. It is over these transits that a targe proportion of the trade and travel between the European and Atlantic continents, is destined to pass. To the United States these routes are’hBuncalciiUble importance, as a means of comniunicatio^setween their Atlantic and Facific poeaessions. The latter now extend throughout sev enteen degrees of latitude on the Pacific coast, em- bracing the important State of California and the flour ishing Territories of Oregon end Washington. All commercial nations, therefore, hare a deep and direct interest that these communications shall be rendered secure from interruption. If an arm of the sea, connecting the two oceans, pen etrated through Nicaragua and Costa ■ tat these Rica, it could lese States would bsTe tbe not be pretended that right to arrest or retard Us navigation, to the injury of other nations. The transit by land, over this nar row isthmus, oocupies nearly the same position. It is a highway in which thay themselves have little inter est, when compared with the vast interests of the rest of the world. Whilst their rights of sovereignty ought to be respected, it is the duty of other nations to require, that this important passage shall not be in terrapted. by the civil wars and revolutionary out breaks which have so frequently occurred in that re gion. The slake is too important, to be left at the mercy ol rival companies, claiming to hold conflicting contracts with Nicaragua. The commerce of other nati. ns is not to stand still and await tbe adjustment of inch petty controversies. The government of the United States expect no more than this, sod they wilthot he satisfied with less.—> They would not, if they cauld, derive any advantage from the Nicaragua transit, not common to Hie rest of the world. Its neutrality and protection, for the com mon use of all nations’ is their only object. They have no objection that Nicaragua shall demand and receive a fair compensation, from the companies and individuals who may traverse tbe route; but they in sist that it shall never hereafter be closed, by an arbi trary decree of that government. If disputes arise be tween it and those with whom they may have entered into contract^ these must be adjusted by some fair tribunal provided for the purpose, and the route most u;--. be closed pending the controversy. This is our whole policy, and it cannot fail to bo acceptable to other nations. All these difficulties might be avoided, if, consistent ly with the good faith of Nicaragua, the use of this tran-it coold he thrown open to general competition ; proti ihig at the same time for the payment of a rea* - mable rale !<> tbe Nicaraguan government, oa passen gers and freight. In August, 1352, the Accessory Transit Company made its first inter-oceanic trip over the Nicaraguan route, und continued in successful operation,' with great advantage to the public, until the Wh of tebru- ary, 1854, when it was closed, and the grant to this company, as well as its charter, summarily and arbi- ir.ir;; -. revoked by the government uf President Rivas. Frevious to this dale, however, in 1854, seriaus dis putes concerning the settlement of their accounts had arisen betweeu the company and the gorernment, threatening the iateirupt.on’ ot the route at any mo ment. These the United States in vain endeavored to compose. It would be useless to narrate the van. ous proceedings which took place between the parties, up till the time when the transit was discontinued.— Suffice it to say that, since February, 1350, it has re mained closed, greatly to the prejudice of citizens of the United States. Since that time the competition has ceased between the rival rentes of l’ar.nma and Nicaragua, and, in consequence thereof, an unjust aud unreasonable amount has been exacted from our citi zens; for their passage to and from California. A treaty was signed on the 16th dav uf November 1357, by the Secretary of State and Minister of Nicara gua, under the stipulations ot which the use aDd pro tection of the transit routo would have been secured, not'Only to the United States, but equally to all other nations. How aud on what pretexts this treaty has failed to receivo the ratiffcatiou of the Nicaraguan gov ernment, will appear by the papers herewith commu nicated from tne Slate Department. Tho principal objection seems to have been to the provision authoris ing the United States to employ force to keep the route open, in case Nicaragua should fail to perform her du ty in this respect. From tho feebleness of that Repub lic, itS'frequent changes of goren-ment, and its con stant internal dissensions, this had become n most important stipulation, and one essentially necessary not only for the security of the route, but forthosafety of American citizens passing and repassing to and from our Pacific possessions. Were such a stipulation em braced in a treaty between the United States and Nio- aragm, the knowledge of this fact would of itself most probably prerent hostile parties from committing ag gressions ou the route, and render our actual interfer ence for its protection unnecesary. Tbe executive government of this country, in its in tercourse with foreign nations, is limited to the em ployment of diplemacv alone. When this fails, it cau proceed no further, ft cannot legitimately resort to force, without the direct authority of Congress, except in resisting and repeling hostile attacks. It wauld have no authority to enter the territories of Nicaragua, even to prevent the destruction of the transit, and pro tect tbe Jives and property of our own citizens on their passage. It is true, that on a sudden emergency of this character, the President would direct any armed force in tho vicinity to march to their relief; but in doing this, he would act upon his own responsibility. Under these circumstances I earnestly recommend to Congress the passage of an act authoriz: ng the Pres ident, under such restrictions as they may deem prop er, to employ the land and naval forces of tho United States in preventing the transit from being obstructed or closed by lawless violence, and in protecting the lives and property ot American citizens travelling tkereupaD, requiring at the same time tha: these forces shall be withdrawn tho moment the danger shall have passed away. Without such a provision, our citizens will be constantly exposed to interruption in their pro gress, and to lawless violence. A simitar necessity exists for the passage of such an act, for the protection of the Pauama and Tehauntepec routes. In reference to the Panama, route, the United States, by their existing treity with New Granada, expressl; guarantee tbe neutrality of the Isthmus, " with the view that the free transit from tbe one to the other sea may not bo interrupted or embarrassed ill any future time, while this treaty exists." In regard to the Tehauntepec route, whiob has been recently opened under the most favorable auspices, our treaty with Mexico of the 30th Dec., 1853, secures to the citizens of the United States a right of transit over it for their persons and merchandise, and stipulates that neither goverement shall “ interoose any obstacle” thereto. It also concedes to the United States the “ right to transport across the Isthmus, ii closed bags, tbe mails of the United States, not intended for distri bution along the line of the comm anication ; also, the effects of tbe United States govern ment and its citizens, which may be intended for transit, and not for distri bution on tbe Isthmus, free of custom house, or other charges by the Mexican govern me It. These treaty stiputa : ms with New Grenada and Mex ico, id addition to the considerafio-is applicable to the Nicaragua, route, seem t* require legislation for the purpose of carrying them into effect. The injuries, which have been inflicted upon our cit izens in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, during tbe last two or three ycara, have received tbe prompt attention of this government. Some of these injuries were of the most aggravated character. The transaction at Virgin Bay, in April, 1854, when a company of unarmed Americans, who were in no way connected with any beligerent conduct or party, were fired upon by the troops of Costa Rica, and numbers of them killed and wounded, was brought to the knowledge of Congress by my predecessor soon after its occurrence, and was also presented to the government of Costa Rica, for that immediate investigation and redress which the nature of the case demanded. A similar coarse was panned with reference to other outrages in these countries, some of which were hardly less aggravated in their character than the transaction at Virgin Bay. At tho time, however, when our pres ent minister to Nicaragua was appointed,in December, 1857, no redress had been obtained lor any of these wrongs, and no reply even had been received to the demands which bad been made by this government upon that of Costa Rica more than a year before. Our minister was instructed, therefore, to lose no time in expressing to those governments the deep regret with which tbe Fresidcnt had witnessed this inattention to the just claims of the United States, and in demanding their prompt and satisfactory adjustment Unless this demand shall be compiled with at an early day, it will only remain for this governmenf to adopt such other measures as my be necessary, in order to obtain for itself that justice which it has in vain attempted to se cure by peaceful means, from th! gorernment* of Nic aragua and Costa Rica. While it has ahown, and will continue to show, the most sincere regard for the rights and honor #f these Republics, it cannot permit this regard to be met by an utter ncglenj. on their part, of what is due to the gorernment and citizens ot tho United States. Against New Grenada we bare long-standing causes of comptaint, arising out of tbe unsatisfied claims of our citizens upon that republic; and to these have been mure recently added the outrages committed up on our citizens at Fanama in April, 1854. A treaty for the adjustment of these difficulties was concluded by the Secretary of State and the minister of New Grena da, in September, 1857, which contained just and ac ceptable provisions for that purpose. This treaty was transmitted to Bogota, and was ratified by the govern ment of New Grenada, but with certain amendments. It was not, however, returned to this city until after tbe close of the last session of tbe Senate. It will be immediately transmitted to that body for their advice and consent; and should this be obtained, it will re move all our existing causes of complaint agains New Grenada on the subject of claims. Questions hare arriaen between the two govern, raents as totherigbt of New Grenada to levy a tonnage duty upon the vessels of the the United States in its ports of the Isthmus, and to lew a passenger tamp on our citizens arriving in that country, whether with a design to remain there or to pass from ocean to ocean, by the traosit routo ; and also a tax upon the mail of the United States transported over the Panama railroad. The government of New Grenada has been informed that tho United Stales would consider the collection of either of these taxes as an zet in violation of the treaty between the two countries and as such would be resisted by the United States. At the same time we are prepared to discuss thesu questions in spirit of amity and justice, and with a sincere desire to adjust them in a satisfictory manner. A negotia tion for that purpose has already been commenced.— No effort has recently been made to collect these taxes nor is any nnticipati-d under present circumstances. With the empire of Brazil our relations are of the most friendly character. The productions of the two coun tries, and especially those ol au agricultural nature, are such as to invite extensire rnutur.1 exchanges. A large quantity of American flour is consumed in Bra zil ; whilst more than treble the amount in value ol Brazillian coffee is consumed in the United States.— Whilst this is the case, a heavy duty has been levied, until very recently, upon the importation of American flour into Brazil. I am gratified, however, to be able to inform you thahin September last this has been re duced from one dollar and tbirty-tw) cents to about forty-nine cents per barrel, and the duties on other ar ticles of production have been diminished in nearly the same proportion. I regret to state that the government of Brazil still continues to levy an export duty of about 11 per cent, on coffee, notwithstanding this article is admitted tree from duty in the United States. This is a heavy charge upon tbe consumers of coffee in our countiy, as we purchase half the entire surplus crop of that ar ticle raised in Brazil our mioister under instructions, wit! reiterate his efforts to have this export du ty removed; nnd, it is hoped that the enlight ened government of the Emperor will adopt this wise, just and equal policy. In that event, there is good reason to believe that the commerce between the two countries wiil greatly increase, much to the advantage Ted of employment and reduced to want. Universal I admonish ugall, in our roqeclivf- of duty, distress prevailed among the commercial, mann&ctn-[ (o the practice cn rigid economy. Tho objects cf f i ring and mechanical classes. This revulsion was 1 felt i p.ndlfpre ehqu'd bu limit"-! tn number, as fares 1 the more severely in the United Slates, because situ- j ; : - a - v practKSibuj, ami thoappronnafions nfce}S>r.v ttarcauses had produced the like deplorable effects I J® car *’>T r r .,.'"j S£ f* '"'^T throughout the commercial nations of Europe. All I’’ 1 ® atnelcst tfocaiiiilabuiljv ETOgwucd ecou mt were experiencing sad reverses at the same moment. es notcqns’st m the laraMtonpprepijatemoOeyTor Onr manufacturers overvwliere suffered severely, not constitutional purposes,. t-.c-j.ial to th® dvmnre. i- i- gress, and prospe : .-;- of tho republic;, bnt in taking care that none of this money shall he wasted fiy mi - ’ management, in its application to the objects design,.- ol both. The claims of our citizens against the government of Brazil are not iu the aggregate, of very large amount; hut some of these rest upon plain principles of ustice, and their settlement ought not to he longer de- aved. A renewed and earnest, and I trust successful effort, will be made by our minister to procure their fi nal adjustment. On the 2d of June last. Congress passed a joint reso lution authorizing the I’resident "to adopt such meas ures and use such force as, in his judgment, may he advisable” "for the purpose of adjusting the difference between the United States and the republic of Fara- guay, in connection with the attack on the United States steamer Water Witch, and with other measures referred to” in his annual message. And *n the 12th July following, they made an appropriation to detray the expenses and compensation of a commissioner to that republic, should the President deem it proper to make such an appointment. In compliance with these enactments, I hare appoin ted a commissioner, who has proceeded to Paraguay, with'fnll powers and instructions to settle these differ ences in an amicable and peaceful manner, if this be iracticable. His experience and discretion justify the lope that he may prove successful in convincing the Paraguayan government that it is doe both to honor nd justice, that they should voluntarily and prorapt- y make atonement tor the wrings which tbev hare committed against the United States, and indemnify our injured citizens whom they have forcibly despoil ed of their property. Should our commissioner prove unsuccessful, after sincere and earnest effort, to accomplish the object of his mission, then no alternative wi 1 remain but the employment of force to obtain "iuat satisfaction” from Paraguay. In view ol this contingency, the Secretary of tbe Navy, under my direction, has’fitted out and despatched a nuval force to rendezvous near Bunos Ayers, which, it is believed, will prove sufficient lor the occasion. It is my earnest desire, however, that may not be found necessary to resort to this i&st al ternative. When Congress met in December last, the business the country bad just been crushed by one of those pe riodical revulsions which are tbe inevitable consequence ol our unsound and extraragant system of bank cred its and inflated currency. With a!! the elements of national wealth in abundance, our manufactures were suspended, our useful public and private enterprises were arrested, and thousands of laoorers were depri- Our manufacturers crerywhere suffered severely, not because of the recent reduction in the tariff of duties on imports but because there was no demand at any pj-ice for their productions. The people were obliged to restrict themselves in their purchases to articles of prime necessity. In the general prostration of busi ness, tho iron manufacturers in different States proba bly suffered more than any other class, and much des titution was the inevitable consequence among the great number of workmen who had been employed in this useful branch of onr industry. There could be no supply where there was no demand. To ptesent an example, there conld bo no demand for railroad iron, after our magnificent system of railroads, extending its benefits to every portion of tho Union, had been brought to a dead pause. The same consequences have resulted from simitar causes to many other bran ches of useful manufactures. It is self-evident that where there is no ability to purchase manufactured ar ticles, these cannot be sold, and consequently must cease to be produced. No government, and especially a government of such limited powers as that of the United States, could baro prevented tbe lata revulsion. The whole commer cial world seemed for years to bare been rushing to thi3 catastrophe. The same ruinous consequences would hare followed in tho United States, whether tho duties upon foreign imports had remained as they wore under the tariff of 1849, or had been raised to a much higher standard. Tho tariff of 1857 hod no agency in tho result. Tho general causes existing throughout the world, could not have been controlled by the legislation of any particular country. The periodical revulsions which have existod In our past history, must continue to return at intervals, So tong as our present, unbounded system of bank credits shall prevail. They will, however, prpbably bo too less severe in future; because it is not to be expected, at least for many years to come, that tbe commercial nations of Europe; with whose interests our own arc so materially invoked, will expose themselves to simi lar calamities. But this subject wts treated so much at large in my lost annual message that I shall not now pursue it further. Still, I respectlully renew toe recom mendation in faror ofthe passage of a uniform btnk- rapt Isrr applicable to banking institutions. This is ail the power orer tbe subject which, I beliere, the Federal Gorei-nment possesses. Such n taw would mitigate, though it might not prevent the evil. The instinct of self-preservation might produce a whole some restraint upon their banking business, if they knew in advance their ciril death. Bnt toe effects of tbe revulsion are now slowly but surely passing away. The energy and enterprise of our citizens, with our unbounded resources, will, with in the period of another year, restore a state of whole some industry and trade. Capital has again accumu lated in our large cities. The rate of interest is there very low. Contidenco is gradually reviving, and so soon as it is discovered that this capital can be profit ably employed in commercial and manufacturing en terprises, and in the construction of railroads and other works of public and private improvement, pros perity will again smile throughout the land. It is rain, howerer, to disguise the fact from ouraelres that a speculative inflation in other countries whose manu factures come iuto competition with our own must ev er produce disastrous results to our domestic manu facturcs. No tariff short of absolute prohibition can prerent these evil consequences. In connexion with this subject it is proper to refer to our financial coodition. The same causes which hare produced pecuniary distress throughout the coun try hare so reduced the amount of imports from for eign couutries that the revenue has proved inadequate to meet the necessary expenses of the Gorernment — To snpply the deficiency, Congress, by an act of the 23d of December, 1857, authorized tbe issue of $20,000,- 000 of Treasury notes, and this proving inadequate, they, authorized, by too act ot June 14th, 1755, a loan of $20,000,000, “to be applied to the payment of appro priations made by law.” No statesman would advise that we Should go ou increasing the national debt to meet the ordinary ex penses of the Government This would be a moat ru tnous policy. In case of war onr credit must be cur chief resource, at least for the first year, and this would be greatly impaired by having contracted a targe debt in time of peace. It is our true policy to increase our revenue so os to equal our expenditures. It would be ruinous to continue to borrow. Besides, it may be proper to observe that tbe incidental protection thus afforded by a rcrenuo tariff would at tbe present mo ment, to some extent, increase the confidence of toe manufacturing interests, and give a fresh impulse to our reriring business. To this, surely, no person will object. in regard to tbe modes of assessing and collecling duties under a strictly revenue tariff I have long enter tained and often expressed the opinion that sound pol icy requires this should be done by specific duties in cases to which these can be properly applied. They are well adapted to commodities which are usually sold by weight or by measure, and which, from their na ture, are of equal or of nearly equal value. Such lor example, are the articles of iron of different classes, raw sugar, and foreign wines and spirits. In my deliberate judgment, specific duties arc tho best, if not the only means of securing the revenue against false and fraudulent invoices, and such has been the practice adopted for this purpose by other commercial nations. Besides, specific duties would afford to the American manufacturer the incidental advantages to which he is fairly entitled ttoder s revenue tariff. Tho present system is a sliding scale to his disadvantage. Under it, when prices are high and business prosperous, the duties rise in amount whon he least requires their aid. On the contrary, when prices fall, and he is struggling against adver sity, the duties are diminished in the same propor tion, greatly to his injury. Neither would there be danger that a higher rate of duty than that intended by Congress, could be levied in the form of specific dunes. It would be easy to as certain the arensgo value of any imported article for a series of years; and, instead of subjecting it to an ad valorem duty at a certain ratepercontarn, to substitute in its place an equivalent specific duty By such an arrangement the consumer would not be injured. It is true, be might bare to par a little more duty on n given article in one year;’but if so, he would pay a little less in another, and in a series of years these would counterbalance each other, and nmonnt to tbe same thing, so far os his interest is con cerned. This inconvenience would be trifling, when contrasted with the additional security thus afforded against frauds upon tbo revenue, in which every con sumer is directly interested. 1 have thrown out these suggestions as toe fruit of my own observation, to which Congress, in their bet t:r judgment, will give such weight aa they may justly deserve. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will ex plain io detail the operations’of that department ofthe government. The receipts into the treasure float all sources during the fiscal year ending 3uih June, 1358, including the treasury notes authorised by the act of December 23,1857, were $70,271,869,90, which amount, with tbe balanco of $17,710,114,27 remaining in tbe treasury at the commencement of the year, made an aggregate for the service of the year of $87,933,938,86. The public expenditure during the fiscal year ending Juoe SO, 1858, amounted to $31,585,667 74, of which $J,6S4,oST 99 were applied to the payment of the pub lic debt, and the redemption of treasury notes, with the interest thereon, leaving in the treasury, on July 1, 1858, being tbe commencement of the present fiscal year, $6,398,310 10. The receipts into the treasury during the first quar ter of the present fiscal year, commencing the 1st of July, 1856, including one half of the loan of twenty millions of dollars, with the premium upon it, antbo rised by the act of 14th June, 1S58, were $25,230,879- 46, and the estimated receipts, for the remaining three- quarters to the 30th June, 1859, from ordinary sources are $33,500,400; making,, with the balance before sta ted, aD aggregate of $70,129,195 56. The expenditures during the first qusrter of the pre sent fiscal year were $21,708,198 61, of which $1,010,- 142 37 were applied’lo the payment of the public debt and the redemption of treasury notes and the iaterest thereon. The estimated expenditures, during the re maining three-quarters, to tho 30th of June, 1S59, are $52,357,693 4S, making sn sggregate of $74,065,896 99, being an excess of expenditure beyond the estimated receipts into the treasury from ordinary sources during the fiscal rear, to tbe Seth of June, 1359, of $3,936,- 701 48. Extraordinary means arc placed by taw with in the command of the Secretary of the Treasury, by the re-issue ol treasury notes redeemed nnd by nego tiating tbe balance of the loan authorised by the act of 14th ol June, 185S, lo the extent of $11,000,040, which, if realised curing tbo present fiscul year, wilt leave a balance in the treasury on the 1st day of July, 185*, of $7,063,233 67. The estimated receipts during the next fiscal year ending the SOth of June, I860, are $62,000,000, which, with the above estimated balance or $7,043,293 57, make an aggregate for the service of ;he next fiscal year, of $69,063,298 57. The estimated expenditures lOlUUtUUUU Ul t Office Department occupies a position very om that of the other departments. Fur during the next fiscal year, ending 30th of June, 1S6 are $73,139,147 46, which leaves deficit of estimated means, compured with the estimated expenditures for that year, commencing on the >: ol' .Iuk, 1 $4,075.64S 89. In addition to this sum, the Postmaster General will require from the trea»ury, for the service cf the Post- offica Department $$,638,728, as explained in the re port of the Secretary of the Treasury, which wilt in crease ibe estimated deficit on the 39th June, 1S60, to $7,914,576 r'9. To provide lor the payment of this estimated deficiency, which will be increased hy such appropriations as may be made by Congress, nut esti mated for the report of the Treasury Department, as well as to provide for the gradual redeniplionftoa ye.it to year, ot the outstanding notes, the .'ccretnry of tbe Trea“ury recommends suefi a revision ot the present tarifl us will raise the required am- mi . After -flirt J have already said, I need scarcely, add that I concur in the opinion expressed in his report—that the public debt should not be increased bv an additional toau, aid would therefore strongly urge upon Congress the duty of making, at their present session, the nece.-.-ary pro vision for meeting these liabilities. The public debt on the 1st July, 1 -5S, tlie com mencement of the present fiscal year, was $25,155,- *77 66. During the first quarter of the present year, the sum of $19,006,000 has been negotiated of the loan tulth--- rized by the art of 14th Juue, 1858—makingthe pres ent outstanding pubiic debt, exclusive of treasury Doted $35,155,977 66. There was on the 1st of July, ls5r- of treasury notes issued by authority of the act m lu- cember28d, 1357, unredeemed, Ihesnm of$19,754,3 —making the amount of actual indebtedness, at tha: date, $54,910,777 66. To this will hcadded$10,')09,- 900 during the present fiscal year--this being the re maining half ot the loan of $20,'".'0,000 not ret nego tiated. The rapid increase of the public debt, und the neces sity which exists tor a modification of the tardf, tei by law; j ... Comparisons between the annual expenditure at the present time, and what it was tco or twenty .wan: ego, ■ are altogether fallacious. The rapid increase of oar countiy in extent and population, renders a cerrev pond .nip increase of expenditure, to some extent, dha- voi<R.bfc. This ls constant|y creating new objects of expenditure, and augmenting tho amount required f* r . thocld. The true questions then, are,have tho-e ob jects been necessarily multiplied f or, hail the amout t expended upon any or all of thorn, been It rger th: n comports with duo economy f Tn accordance with these principles, tho heads or the different executive - departments of the government have been instructed to reduce their estimates for the next fiscal year, totfio- lowest standard consistent with tho efficiency of tie ■ service, and this duty they.have performed iu a spirit of just economy. The estimates of theTieiuiy, War, Navy, und Interior Departments, have cacti (teen in so me degree reduced, and unless a sudden and un foreseen emergency should arise, it w not anticipated that a deficiency will exist in eitherwithin (ho present or th s next fiscal year. The Post-ofiiec Department is placed in a peculiar position, different from the' other departments, and to this 1 shall hereafter refer. I invito Congress to institn'e a rigid scrtiiiay td.as- certain whether tha expenses in all the departments cannot be still farther reduced ; aud I promise them all tte aid in my power in pursuing the investigation. I transmit herewith the renorts made to me Bjnhe Secretary of War, of the Navy, of the Interior, and °f tho Fost’master General. They each contain valuable information and important recommendations, to which I invito the attention of Congress. In my last annual message, I took occasion to recom mend the immediate construction of ten (small a" earn er.;, of light draught, for the purpose of increasing the efficiency of .the navy,. Congress responded to tha re- commendatlhtrby authorizing the construction of cfght of them. The progress which has been made in exe cuting this authority, is stated in the report of tho.Se- cretsry of the Nary. I concur with him in the opin ion that a greater number or this ctsss Of vessels is necessary for the purpose of protecting in a more effi cient manner tho persons and property of American citizms on the high seas, and in foreign countries, as well as guarding more effectually our own coast. I accordingly recommend ths passage of an act for this ** file suggestions contained in toe report of the Sec retary of the Interior, especially those in regard to the disposition of the public domain, tho pension and boun ty land system, the policy towards tho Indians, and the amendment of our patent laws, are worthy of the seriaus consideration of Congress. The Post Offi different from Ss many years it was the policy oi the gorernment to render this a self-sustaining department; and if this cannot now be accomplished, in tha present condition of the country, we ought to make as near an approach to it as may be practicable. The Postmaster General is placed In a most etubar- rassirg position by the existing laws. He Is obliged to carry these into effect. Ho has no other alternative. He finds, howerer, that this cannot be done without heavy demands ujion the treasury orer and above what is received for postage; and these have been progres sively increasing from year to year until they amoont • ed for tho last fiscal year ondiug on the 39th June, 1858, to more than four millions and a half of dollars; whilst it is estimated that for the present fiscal rear they will amount to $6,290,000. These sums arc ex clusive of the annual appropriation of $700,000 for “compensation for the mail service performed for the two houses of Congress and tho other departments and officer* of the gorernment in the transportation of free matter.” The cause of these deficits is mainly attributable to the increased expense of transporting tho mails. In 1812 the sum paid f ir this service was but a fraction shove four millions and a quarter. Since that year it has annually increased until in 1648 It lias reached more than eight millions and a quarter; aud for the service of 1859, it is estimated that it will nmwrat to more than ten millions of doltai-s. Tlie receipts of the Post Office Department can bo made to approach or to equal its expenditures, only by means of the legislation of Congress. In applying any remedy, care should be taken that the people shall not be deprived of toe advantages, which they are fairly entitled to enjoy from toe Post Office Department— The principal remedies recommended to tho considera tion of Congress by the Postmaster General, are to re store the former rato of postago upon single letters to five cents; to substitute for the franking privilege the delivery to those now entitled to enjoy it, of post office stamps for their correspondence, and to direct the De partment in making contracts for the transportation of the matt, to confine itself to the payment ot the sum necessary for this single purpose, without requiring it to be transported in post coaches or carriages of any particular description. Under the present sy stem, the expense to the government is greatly increased, by re quiring that too mail shall be carried in such vehicles as will accommodate passengera. This will be done without pay from tbe Department, over all roads, where the travel will remunerate toe contractors. __ These recommendations deserve toe grave couaiKl- rationof Congress. I wonld again call your attention to the construction of a Pacific railroad. Time and reflection have but served to confirm tne io the truth end justice of the observation which I made, on this subject, iu my last annual message, to which I beg leave respectfully to refer. It is freely admitted, that it would he inexpedient for this government to exercise the power of cenitruc- Ung the Facific Railroad by its own immediate agents. Such a policy would increase tbe patronage of the cx- eentire to a dangerous extent, and introduce a sys tem of jobbing and corruption, which no vigitanqc on tbe part of federal officials could either prevent or de tect. This can only be done by the keen eye, and ac tive and careful supervision of individual aud private interest. The construction of this road ought, there fore, to be committed to companies incorporated by the States or other agencies whose pecuniary interests would be directly invoked. Congress might than as sist them iu the work by grants of land or ct money, or both, under such conditions and restrictions as would secure tbe transportation ef troops and muni tions of war fieefrom anv charge, and that of tho-Uni- tod States mail at a fair and reasonable price. The progress of events since the commencement of your last session, has shown how soon difficulties dis appear before a firm and determined resolution. At that time inch a road was deemed by wise and patriot ic men to be a visionary project. The great distance to be overcome, aod the’ intervening mountains and deserts in the wav. were obttoclcs which, in the opin ion of many, could not ho surmounted. Now, after the lapse of but a sinqle year,these obstacIcs.it has been dis covered, are far less form'dable than dipv wenii sup posed to be; and mail stages, with paneengera, now pass and repass regularly, twice io eech week, hy a common wagon road between San Francisco and St. Louis and .Memphis; in less than tweakUr* days.— The set-rice has been regu ark performed, as ft Vras, in former years, between Nek York nnd this city.- Whilst disclaiming ah authority. to appropriate money for the construction of this road, except that derived from the war-making power of Uio Constitu tion, there are important collateral considerations urg ing ns to undertake tho work as speedlyns possible. Tbe first and most momeotons of these is, that such a road wonld be a powerful bond ol uuiou between the States East aud West of tbe Rocky Mountains.— This is so selferidedt ss to require no illustration. But again, in a commercial point of view, I consider this the great question of the day. With the eastern front of our republic stretching along the Atlantic, and its western Iront along the Pacific, if all the parts meet even the ordinary expenses of government, ougui: Had this been the intention should bo uailed by a safe, easy and rapid inL-rcom- munication, we must necessarily command a very large proportion of the trade both of Europe and Asia. Onr recent treaties with China and Japan will open these rich and populous empires to car commerce; and too history of the world proves tbst the nation which has gained possession of toe trade with Eastern Asia. has. always become wealthy and powerful. The peculiar geographic*I petition of California and our Facific possessions, invites American capital and enterprise into this fruitful field. To reap the rich harvest, how ever, it is an indispensable prerequisite, that we shall first have a railroad to convey and circulate its pro ducts throughout every portion of tbe Union. Be sides, Bitch a railroad to rough oqr temperate latitude, which would not bo impeded by the frosts and snoWs of winter, nor by the tropical neats of summer, would attract to itself much of the travel aod the trade bf all nations passing between Europe and Asia. On the 21st of August last, Lieut. J. N. Maffit ef the United States brig Dolphin,captured the sisver "Beho/’ (formerly the Putnam of New Orleans), ■ near Kay Verde on the coast ot Cuba, with more than three hundred African negroes on board. TJicjirize, under toe command of Lieut. Bradford ol Ibe United States nary, arrived at Charleston on the 27tbAegoSt;When the negroes, three hundred and six in airaber.qwero delivered into Ibe castody of the United Stales mar shal for tbe district of Sooth Carolina. They were first placed in Castle Pinckney, and afterward-; is Fort Sumier, for safe keeping, ana were detailed there un til tba 19th September, when the survivor*, two hund red and strenty-one in 'number, were ileUeorefl on board toe United State* steamer Niagara, to he trans ported to the coast of Africa, under the etiarge ot the • agent of the United States, pursuant lo tlie provisions ot the act of 3d March, 1819, •• in odditioa to tt»4 acts. prohibiting the slave trade.” Under tbs 2d section of thia uct, tbe I’resident is “ authorized y>- rnako such regulations and arrangements as he may Icem expedi ent, for tbe safe keeping, support, and rcnovat bqyoud the limits of the United States, ot all each negroes, matattoes, or peraoas of color” captured Ity vessels of (he United States, as may be delivered to,tba,anysltal of the district into which tney arc brought: “end to appoint a proper person cr persons residing Upon the coast of Africa, as agent or agents for recuivltifethc ne groes, mutattoes, or persons of color, doIkered from • on boardVesseis seized in the prosccu:i« t Af too slave trade by commanders of the United SlutiiSfirmed ves- A d 'iibt immediately arose as to the trachea it ruc tion of this act. It is quite clear, from flu MftkMp that the President u.;a uuibcrized to j roridoM* r ifco safe efiNMitf ji JgNPRJIP I'M the time of their dcli^try to tha agonl k op tha coast of Africa; but no express provision was uafrrfnwr protection and support alter they baa reached tMJtoce of their destination. Still, an igfctt iofbo 6fltoint- ■ 1 to receive them in Alr.ca; .>en supposed that Congress i*lcH dedhetoomd*scr» hem at Ido moment th'-nrere rttviVL 1.^3“ U*U tnuin Dose on Hut inh«w»*ffl.‘ coast tu of to beecmi