Newspaper Page Text
• (/
J?r Joseph Cubby.
MACON, JULY 86, 1869.
Volume XXXHX—No. 44.
the GEORGIA telegraph
1-i praUSHXp EVERY
, t |.;SI)A V MOKNING.
terms:
IDOLLARS, IX ADVANCE.
I' j(>j n every case whore (lie suliscriptior
■' .' tM i‘iii of the Office.
SPEECH -
, non. AIFKED IVERSOX,
p, ,a\ J Griffin- July J4, 1859.
. tder of » pihlie dinner, and thn highly
tV/. 0 ., rv demo Miration* which yon hnvo this
f,,irarii mi, would fill me. I fe«r. with too
r ii l did > Ot feel and understand that the
iiisivl nt.ire of the movement were to en-
ItS^pnrove', in in iminwingand emphatic man
fcfJJtin.ents u blob l uttered in the Senate of
P^. iVirs daring the last session, in my speech
I- ' l ivilie Rail Road Hill.—ArJ whilst I am
fi^riWe *" the honor conferred open me. per
; "*T t ,h,«(i manifestation*, of your favor and
l tin more gratified to ronaid Jr them oa
•"* iktt ” ir hearts snd the hearts of the people
“CJeissrr sound and right upon the (Teat Hues
rkM iitr."* themselves upon the public atten
****'-Jin which I am called to address you to-
: z, IS n i
>’ , A .mill' ntjofsuch peculiar and nomplicated
■»‘”' rott n—of iueh vast, multiplied and im-
s ** nnaitsry. commercial and political inter
' al , „ r j, extended and extending territorial
’.., M tiens of a most grave and important
f rver arising to agitate the public: to
h *y*»’ hl» botaw | in gigaatte proportions In the memorable contest
thou 'h rr't itlvirtYiir*#! upon-^ I of 1B5G, could not but arrest the attention, excite
yet 2S n *** e ' ** *■“*•»* arouse the indignation ofevery South*
country are
:
,„, r gics of the ststesinsn snd pstriot.
til the (feat subjects which have excited the
■ sin'drd t'srli'". and threatened the peace
tdlit* 4 tl |r tiovernment. since its formation,
„foitiiccd more sensation, more bitterness
j jD ,. r r than the question of slavery in the
?<!«;"*oi this eontederacy. And well may
i—these extraordinary effects. It ia
tbj ; jiioo of paramount importance, and
■ .i’c to grow wider and deeper, in interest,
V. swill*"'* U P alt others which concern the
|“ • .y, t aion. It is not a question in which
..Si Slone, at tin* South, is interested; it ia
• 3 which nil are deeply concerned—the
iwl the poor man—the owner of Jiis nun-
r , „„i tlmusauds of broad acres, nnd the
—HI who never owned a negro nnd never
m*n’em—all are vitally interested in the
5'. of slavery and its preservation, as it now
V o the Southern States. Indeed, fellow citi-
if there be one class of nnr people more in-
ia its preservation than another, or all
’• i. that class who •• cam their bread by the
’of their brow.” Kmancipate the slaves of
aih. snd what would be the condition of the
hrkberisg white man ! It is said that slave labor
— ia competition with, and cheapens the labor
Z shits man. Set the negro free, and how
-tmoid that competition he lessened? The
* Maa4 . jive; he must he fed, clothed end housed
‘k’lin these necessaries of life, he must labor:
-am all he works for now. he would work for
' «ifhs were free: In either condition his labor
competition with the white man to that
IS aadno more in the one ease than the other,
'the Whole Mack race at the South, was extin-
Xi-rteed out of existence, then there would
i aolshotG for employment hut that of the poor
r man. and his labor might bo increased in va-
hut who suppose* that w e shall ever get rid of
ic black race tor centuries to come, even should
hr emancipate! ’ «>»r Northern brethren
oald not receive and ksep them.—The free black
‘imlatioB of tlic Xorthcm Statea is confessedly the
cafest curse whir!) afflicts that country. The
jihern people would he the very last on the face
the earth to welcome nor liberated negroes
themselves. Instigated by feelings of fa-
aael-in. eavv and hatred towards the Southern
{lie. they are evrr ready snd willing to s/cal them
oas-tbst anuoys. harasses and injures ns, and
ihie, thftr malevolence; but take away these
Sirs, and there i* not a free State in the Union
twosM sot prohibit the emigration of free per-.
, coI t amongst them. What disposition,
s.ecM be made of our four millions of email-
^sd siarrs I Would they be sent to Africa at
ipeueofthe (lovegnment ? To say nothing
»iit-xaaitv i f subjecting tliem to a certain
L into h irbarianisin, the process of removal
sUnkrmt the national treasury. Such a
would he impracticable, and would not be
The yen, rvut ;Adanthropy of our North
ern, would never stimulate them to the
re uf millions upon millions of their mo-
rid the Southern people of their liberated
pa. So. sirs, there would be bnt one solution
potion. When our slaves are set free, with
i ur consent, they will bo left upon our
2 gid to compete, in an altered condition,
ithe labor of the pewir white man, and to curse
jtorswiih their vicious, degraded and disgust-
kabata How much better, then, would bo the
ot the poor white laborers in onr country,
r the tffroes free? How much more demand
ildticrc be for white labor, and how much mere
Itabir would it Ill-come ? To say the least of it,
would be no material improvement, whilst in
vial relations between the two classes, the very
results would follow general emancipation,
ronsidcrations connected with such a change
upon the mind, all pointing fo its terrible ef-
ponthe social condition, prosperity and hap-
ef tV poorer classes of our white population
time will not allow mo even to advert to them
o the present occasion. There is one view of the
e, however, to which no sensible man, rich or
or, can shut his eyes:—African slavery, as itjtx-
s ia the Southern States, elevates the character
‘tod.tiou of the poor white man, although he
i that there is* class above him in wealth, edu-
and social refinement, be feels that there is a
isr below him. which looks up to him, yields
i and >bcys him. fu political privileges, per-
ngb . and social intercourse, this class can
* sppj oach him. or interfere with him. This
devstrs his pride, enhances his consequence,
u- hi. morality, stimulates bis ambition and
pibj manliness.
- ■wits erect in the dignity of his color and
■ixf—k that he is a superior being, with more
“ era and privileges than others, and ho
the proud advantages of -uperlority.
the slave, and the distance lo twcen the
s at once lessened—the white ins i sinks
tise.s, until all distinction i.- sooner or
. S ill both assmne a degraded equality,
ii. countries where slavery does not exist ?
tcondition of the poor white clauses in
and Southern States of this Union, in
l ~ poor man is the dependent and ser-
, with a class above him and none
. "■ tn the latter he is free nnd ind -pendent,
“joe-ftr below him in the scale of political,
V iv P ow, : r - There the distance
-"'ll and ins rich neighbor and employer is
. - tir degrading—hire it ia measurably and
.. tt , 1 extinguished; there the poor man
-te ihc rich man's liouse on business or oth-
**• •****» scat in tile kitchen, or stands in
* Itdl and transacts his business with the
f” cr, i* p proprietor; he no more presumes
'■ ' I'lrlor, „r tab,, a seat at the rich man's
, !j c vcri.*t slai e in all the South would
^ things here At the South, and all over
_‘ J ” < - decent poor man and laborer, visits
- heron ''nsiness or pleasure, with the
• i a iretman. and the assurance of boa-
* ;■»<»• «. II„ is invited to the parlor, or
I'ttientaijd decent room—he imitakesof
'(•*: a -M.*t the table of the owner, and ia
civility, respect and kindness. Whst
'* ouerence in the condition of the same
‘^,r r ^ sectional issue andvoted for ^one bT^hU ioS
n in,h ® S ainte “ nce of and upon that issue-opposition to slsvery-what
thiniYeTallTa^^cn 0 owa * be ffKToes- X did thismeant Did theymerely wish
theiiw>eei« d ^ Und ,h « f «« Un 8* nnd sentiments of session of the government to enjoy the
thepeopieofourownStstenponthis greatsnbiect, fishes" ofpublicpstrona'eeT J ’
"? ,^Jj“J , l”,t b ® 0 P !n , 0,, k * h * t j P,he /location was It would be paying a poor compliment tothekeen
crois ahmw bw epe »°. P ® n - f Gf* 1 * 1 * 1 whether the ne- sagacity and statesmanship of thorn able and adroit
■** lo tho country, nice ont of I leaden who controlled that movement, to inppose
«iir 12? W ^° ow ? * would vote In | that such was the only, or the main object of the ir
if "aa’ K°. r ®:i h ®7^ d Uke U P »"“*• ; nor did they disguise their object—their
> essuy, and fight to the aeath to prevent the in- I battle cry was : downwiththe Democracy—down
rl ‘v " n r^*° with the accursed alaveocracy of the South-fre^
*2"* wjpoW'Cjtixena, the preservation of slavery in I dom shall reign eternal and uni venal over tbeA-
inebonthern States is indeed of incalculable impor- I merican Sutes. Theltepublican papers in all of
i «nl«»g« upon the subject I the free Ststes teemed with the most abnsive snd
i ,l l on, !*Jwen my remarks to a good siaedvol. I vituperative articles, not only against slavery but
“®, c :, bnt •H'itber my own strength, or yoor patience, I against the Southern people—a hatred more "bitter
would permit ench a discussion. Slavery must be I and vindictive towards ns than ever rnled or ran-
maintained—in the Union, if possible—ont of it If I kled in the tory breast, daring the Revolution to-
lf we msy—forcibly if we wsrd the immortsl Whigs of thst glorious and mem-
VO( */ of the Northern abolitionist snd I "rable period—s jealousy and envy more violent
theI Southern snbmissionut would cry, ‘"The Union I than that which instigated the brethren of Joseph
it most and shall be preserved—. My voice and I to conspire his death, and which doomed him to ex-
yonra is, "Slavery^ at the South—it must and shall I He and Egyptian bondage, filled all their thongbts
tie preserved, nntil in onr own good time, onr inter- I —poisoned all their words and blackened all their
esta and our philanthropy shall decree its extinc- I dseds daring that exciting and excited contest.
U 0 j’ ,*s the institution-In danger in the present I If they had succeeded, do yon snppoie they wonld
rederal Union 1 This is a great, important, mo- I have been satisfied with the mere possession of
mentonsquestion. IJke the commandments in scrip- I power 1 That power would bnt have stimulated
lure upon which 'hang all the law and Prophets,’ np- I them to other and more fatal assaults upon the
°”}!»» great question hang the interests and fate of I rights of the Southern people,
millions. If it be in danger, then onr interests, onr I In all ages and in all countries fanaticism grows
Honor, our peace and prosperity, nay onr safety and I more ravenous and voracious as it devonrs the vic-
setr-preservation demand that we shall avert the I tims of its fury. It feeds and feeds nntU all being
danger snd nee from the wrath to come whilst we I consumed, nothing is left to gorge its gloated maw.
have the power to eaeape. I know that there are I And so with the fanaticism of the Northern Statea
many Southern men who believe or affect to believe, I what bnt envy, hatred, and malice conld have atir-
t hat the institntion of slavery is on a safer fonnda- I red up ao much sympathy lor the deserved chastise-
fatuut,” lures only to destroy, and without serious
lion now than it has ever been since the formation | ment ofa contemptable paltroon, even though it...
or the Confederacy. Some of these parties are hon I done in the Senate Chamber of the CapUol f If „
eat in their views, whilat in others, “the wish is fatln I Southern Senator had been chastised in the same
er to the thought," and in many selfish considers- I place and in the same manner for a personal insult
“?*■* (five utterance to sentiments and opinions I or Injury, what Northern man, or Northern Press
which are not seriously felt or entertained. My I would have raised a voice in condemnation f It
own opinion is, t bat the institntion of slavery in the I would have given them unmitigated pleasure. It
Southern cutes is not only in danger, bnt without a I was no sympathy for Sumner’s person, that prodne
irompt, bold, firm and manly course on their part, I ed such a luror of indignation and excitement
* /loomed to inevitable destruction. The evidenoes I throughout the Northern States, it was sympathy
of the truth of this proposition are numerous and I for the cause of abolition of which he was the msuf-
unmiatakable. Upon the present occasion. I can I ting advocate. It was no personal dislike to Brooks
only glance st a lew of them—their history is writ- I as a man, it was s deep rooted and violent hatred to
ten upon the outspread pages of the times, and in I slavery and the Southern people of which he waa
characters so large thst "be who runs msy read.”— I the noble and honored champion. Who bnt a peo-
The first dawning of Northern hostility to Southern I pie steeped in fanaticism and malice and lost to aU
slavery was exhibited upon the admission of Mis- I sense of justice snd forbearance toward their South-
aouri inlo the Union. I need not deUil the ciraum I ern brethren, conld have presented s mere msu of
stances of that exciting and eventful period of oar I straw for the highest office in the gift ofa great na
il is tory—they are as familiar to yon and all the A I tion, and rallied to bis support upon a sectional is-
merican people as "household words.” In tbevio- I sue, the electoral votes of nearly one half of the power of'Congress under the constitution
lent opposition of the Northern Sutes totbe admis- I Sutes of this union J Whst is to be expected of wise, to prohibit slavery from entering th
sion of Missouri because slavery was tolerated by I such u party when firmly seated in office and look- " ' " '' - — - —
her Constitution, the Southern people recognised a I ing to slavery as the only impediment to the consol-
decided hostility to tbeir "peculiar institntion" | idation and continuance of its power 1 It has al-
amongst the masses of the Northern Statea, and a I ready violated every constitutional obligation whieh
design to cirenmscribe its ares, to prevent its ex- I it conld violate with impunity. The right of the
tention, and finally to aboliah it altogether. It was I Southern people to a peaceful and prompt reclama-
not only the violation of a constitutional right, but I tion of their fugitive slaves, guaranteed by the con-
a manifestation of implacable hostility to tbe “In- I stitntion and protected by law, bas been diapised,
stitution" itself. Tbe Sontb saw and felt it in this I contemned and trampled under foot. Congressional
light and resented the dangerous and daring attack. I statutes enforeing the right have been openly repn-
The controversy was angry and bitter. The North I diated by legislative enactment in many of the tree
S ressi'd the subject with that obstinate snd unyiel- I States, in others it bas been resisted and set at
ing tenacity and acrimony which always accom- I naught by organized mobs and rendered utterly vab
pany fanaticism, and the South, to preserve the I ueless to the Southern people. Organised societies
Union, with short-sighted wisdom yielded to a de- I have been formed in all the free States, and laige
grading and unconstitutional arrangement, which I sums of money raised to pay abolition Pirates tat
has anbsequently been tbe fruitful source of stilt I stealing away the slaves ot the border States to hsr-
more degrading and insulting exaction from the I rasa, irritate and injure their lawful owners. In
North. If the Southern States, had then, planted I short the conduct of the masses of tbe northern Peo-
their feet upon the Constitution and demanded Mir I pie exhibits more bitterness snd hostility towards
rights os tbe only condition upon wnich they wonld I their Southern brethren, than ever marked the
remain in the Union, we should never again have 1 bloody contest of border nations since the world
heard of Missouri restrictions, Wilmot Provisos, or I began. They are this day, the most unscrupulous.
Squatter Sovereignty. A weak roan never secures I the most violent and vindicative enemies which the
£cyh.d the necessarily resulting right ofpro.ee. "tories. and demands
tion in the enjoyment of that property, daring the al „ , trine o{ jj ou gi«a and his
existence oft fie territorial government. As a matter ThetkTutnwa. en-
of constitutional obligation, and ‘ I [m-Si toKansas, and H juStice had been done her,
the Southern people.it waa tbe duty of Congresa, I titled to Kansas, idisaeree with those
immediately alter the acquisition of these territories. *•>« “, n ZpSoCT fot^heliriendM
to organise territorial government, not only without I Southern men who as , j,at ,he soil and
a prohibition as to slavery, but providing tor itsireg- of K *f*“ , re unsuUed to slavery,
action snd protection in esse it either existedin or chmste of.that Temtoo are^
> muld enter any of them by the voluntary emigre- I Its soil *°/j c *‘ ivr M (crn > Missonri and it is a noto-
■ion of tho Southern people. Bnt bow was U ? 5 he der coonure Wratora MlsMUrt^o^u a^noto
Northern abolitioniseTWhig P«ty h»^th«°»- SXbfc^h»n Miuou-
jority in the Honae of RepresentatiyeaI C ensns tables of teso exhibit the fact that
■eat sections! how much more proud, refused reorganliegqveratnentsforthoieterritonra 2avervhadincreas«d in a greater ratio in the State
except with a provision exolndtr g slavery. Sucn at slavery uaaiucr e ten years, than in
biU passed that body, but the Southern I t i» T e State in the Union, and that increase
dedby the. votes ofjlorthere auiajl confined to the 'Ve*tern portion of the
Here enviable and happy the pon
'■ fieutbirn than Hie Northern man! Let
•‘""iisbed in the Southern States, and the
*■ poor laboring whiten ivonld »oon
' ^Mha» that of tli« nimilar «laaant the
’.Vinb w n boast of ti f ••••aperior
■ to* ‘i more ueuerat dll , •do-
all < !*»*(*, wbUat it » ii aacer-
‘ lii ‘t morn ignore ace pre' "nongst
»»ir du»«» hum in any oth* *> tion of
Tbay C4u* road and write at d cypher,
* g'-aeral knowledge of men and thinga.
®l'v*tively profu !y igoorjint; they
• ! thtir own, and it of other countriee.
:!h - I^gu, the poorer olasaes mi) not be
**od in book learning, their general
_ ’nrn and things, ia far more extennve
Sft Xi do with . h higher and i ore edo-
^ quire a knowledge, aml take
; c dy ii* relation to the alfaira of their
f foreig.. *and«—they are famil-
politir of the day—with the
W uj 1 "* (i «Vfrnmen f . They are, in abort,
a most intelligent, moat prond,
jcr poor daaa of any nation in the
f°P l nority is, to a great extent, at-
existence of slavery amongat us,
v!,:5 K t^uduncies of that Institution,
n r ,Ran knows nnd feels it. When the
J m ‘s told that bis continued aggres-
I
Xi ? :a *’ iustitutjun,
1 '
I that his continued aggri
ion, will drive the South
2 replies, tliat a largo msjori-
:eJ!j? trn people do nut own alaves, are
(C,T""**tbi! maintainr.nce of slavery, and
Ue-u ~ ,!| c slaveholders to break up the
t —. '' l . t '' r . 1: ’-'»t»k<i, in my opinion, was ever
i; ’■ *ver existed. The poor
'■*« ofTt'/ . kll0w * too well what would be
b lf.., , IUua designs—he knows what would
p25i?f ,a »»cipition—he well understands
P*iau? • * b< d'»hed the value of his own
S ! in —h*”*' b >* political and social oon-
Uia personal safety itseit greatly
^-isrits j ,h * “egroes free, and the rich man
ViT®‘! Ml **r,snd dreading tbe evils that
'bln,,p:r"‘follow, can escape them by re-
“i Tv — * * tuor some other safe and quiet
—berths s* r mi " msofa vpon the soil, to
^torsr^T*^ "fthst "black plague," which
5 6 *«tw£ , “? Kt - And that is not all, tho eman-
Jkvta , ,**. l M, Pot»tlon would sooner or
^•edfislVk-'r twwn ,h * races, the moat
n.i ” w stained tbe annals of
that war would neoes-
1 !“ i ^-tt:ss# ” i ><K,rt:r classes oi the white
*rau ,5““ »»«ld f*U mainly upon them,
r . il * —filch i,*R * r J ch bervest of all those Ur-
t^-» *“*•'•« Ht* sUveholdsr and
Ue ceatunes to repair; but tbe
the forbearance of his more powerful enemy by sub- I Southern people have on the face of the wide earth,
initting to a wrong or compromising a right—his 11 speak of the abolition hordes of the North and the
safety lies only in a firm and manly resistance at I Black Republican party of the free States. I admit
the outset, a resistance, if necessary, even unto I that there are exceptions.
death. It has been the constant readiness of tbe I Tbe interest of tbe commercial classes in tbe large
Southern people to submit to unconstitutional ag- I cities, smother their fanaticism, bnt like a hidden
greaaionand wrong, “to save this glorious Union,” I volcano, its fires are only pent np for the present,
that has whetted the appetite of Northern fanati- I to burst forth at a future day. carrying devastation
cism and made the Northern abolitionists bold and | and death in their train. The Democratic party ot
defiant in their arrogant and dangerous demands.— I tbe free Sutes. allied with tbeir Southern brethren.
It remains to be seen whether once more and again, I in political contests, and looking to them for the ob-
the South will be lulled to sleep by the "Union's” I tainment of political power, bas for many years,
syren voice, and be lead on to inevitable destruction. I given to the constitutional rights of the South a
Having made an entering wedge, by the Missonri I manly support; but like an army in tbe face of a
restriction, towards the accomplishment of the final I superior and more vigorous foe. doubtful of its po
overthrow of slavery, the apirit of abolitionism, a- I sition and conscious of inferiority, it has kept pp, a<
larmed at threats of disunion from the South, al- I it were, only a retreating fire, whilst its ranks nave
though feebly uttered, rested for a brief period. I been constantly thinned by desertion snd death.
It broke out again in a few yeara aud presented it- I until at length it has surrendered nearly every inch
self in tbe form of petitions to Congress from all the I of ground to the enemy. From the beginning of
Northern Sutes, demanding ths anolition of slavery-1 this abolition war, to the present day, not a man has
in the District of Columbia. The *' 'tb, by a united I goneoverto the sound Democracy, from the free-
effort successfully resisted this um-iiStitutlonal, in- I soil ranks, whilst the lessening and wavering hosts
suiting and dangerous innovation upon her rights; I of the former, have year stter year melted sway
bnttheapirit ofaoti-alavery at the 'forth waa fed by 1 before tbeir fanatical enemy like the snows before
the contest, and fattened !• :o such huge propor- the rays of a burning sun,
tions, that in a few years i' * sallowed vp the great I Whatever others may say—whatever delusive
Whig party of that section, snd tnreatened the over- | hopes msy be entertained to the contrary, I consid-
throwofall opposing elements. The Wilmot Pro- I or all lost attl|e North. Thu constitutional sound
viso and the outrages of 1850 were tho bitter fruits I Democracy ol the free Sutes, If not dead and bur-
of that increasing and rampant power of abolition-I ied, are parelized and powerlea—even the bold,
ism on the one band, and toe submissive ,i, ! yield* I g ib. ,.t- -once sound and anfiincliing Douglas—once
ing temper of the Southern States on the other. The I tbe able and manly defender of Southern Rights.
Wilmot Ihroviao—which waa to ah-A ont atavery I has yielded to the storm and bowed his thick and
from all the Territories acquired from Mexico, and I stubborn neck to the yoke. He has not it is true,
from all that might be acquired in the future from I gone over “bag and baggage” to the ynemy. and an-
any and every quarter. If Empires were obtained I uounccd his allegiance to them, but he Stands to-
with the blood or treasure of the Southern people, I day with one foot in our ranks and one ia the ranks
they were to be consecrated to freedom, and the I of our mortal foe; and he is surrounded by the very
South and her institution forever excluded. The I flower of the Northern Democracy, who are ready
manly voice of a few Southarn patriots, the voice of I to follow him, body and soul, “horse, foot and dra-
the Southern Rights Party, of Georgia, and some of I gocna” into the enemies’ camp whenever his bon-
iier surrounding sister Sutes, drove the North slow- I eat convictions or his selfish interests may speak the
ly and reluctantly into tbe Compromise Measures I word of command. Judge Douglas has been accns-
0 f 1850. ed of deserting the South and carrying off thousands
FeUow Citizens, there arc doubtless sbme here to. I of the Northern Democracy with him in the I«w»r
day—there are thousands elsewhere in Georgia, and 1 ton war. lie deserted us, it is true, in i • r
tbs whole South, who thought them "wUe, liberal I tant and exciting struggle, but it waa no M“
and just.” They were advocated and supported by 1 ton, a voluntary desertion—be w **
many Southern men, equally as honest, and much | sition by tbe public sentiment of . h “
iser than myself—they have been acquiesced in I he w«» Wije along by a current which be found
sor, and behold the array of Northern Free Sod
Governor! over Kansas.—Reeder, Gaery, Shannon,
Walker and Medary, all hailing from the same sec
tion, all of the same materials made, and all conse
crated and devoted to the same great end of ma
king Kansas a free State, and thus Kansas was lost
to the South. If the Southern Ststes had planted
their feet upon the firm plank of their sovereign
Equality aud constitutional rights, when Territo
rial Governments were formed, and demanded pro
tection to their slave property by federal laws, du
ring the existence of the Territorial Governments.
as a condition of remaining in the union, we should
never have been cursed with the wretched uncer
tainties snd unmeaning generalities of the Kansas
Nebraska bUl and the thousand bills of which it has
been the prolific source. Will it be argued that un
der that bUl. slavery has been established In New
Mexico ? Who believes that it will become per
manent or be maintained as the settled policy of thst
Territory T It has been adopted through official
intrigue and under the influence of official patron
age and power—it was covertly and suddenly done
—it took the South, as well as the North by sur
prize. Butthe North would even now. snd before
this have overcome snd obliterated it from/be Ter
ritorial statute book,by her hordes of abolition scum
sent there by her emigrating aid societies, “to reg
ulate the domestio institutions of the people,” if
she had not reserved it as an element of agitation
snd success in the next Presidential campaign.—
Whenever she chooses she can wipe it out in twelve
months. She has only to bring the guns of her aid
societies to bear upon tbe doomed land and slavery
will flee from it as it did from Kansas. No. fellow
citizens, give no legal and tangible proieetic
slavery, snd it wiU never plant an abiding loot pnnt
in any Territory of the United States. I shall not
stop here to argue the doctrine of congressional
protection to slavery in the Territories, nor to com
bat tbe errors of “squatter sovereignty.” I take
the occasion to confess that I waa once the advo
cate of the latter heresy—carried sway by its attrac
tive but delusive sophistry, which, like the “ignis
examination into its truth ana general bearings, and
looking at it as the only alternative of the Wilmot
Proviso, I was ready to take it as the “best we could
S it.” I was wrong and 1 admit, regret and recant
e error. Subsequent investigation and reflection
soon convinced me that the only true theory in i
lation to Territorial Governments in the Union,
thst both tbe power snd the duty are conferred and
imposed upon Congress to pass laws for the pro
tection snd regulation of slavery, wherever it ex
ista or may exist upon the common soiL
I am as well convinced of the truth and propriety
of this doctrine, ms I am of the doctrine of salvation
declared to man in the sacred word of God, but
whilst I Insist upon the absolute right of tbe South
ern people to legal protection in the possession snd
enjoyment of their slave propertv in the Territories
of the United States snd the power and duty of Con
gress to give sneh protection, 1 utterly deny tbe
»n or other-
„ the Territo-
rlea, or of abolishing it. if there. To regulate and
S rotect the property of the citixen is one thing—to
eprive him of it, is another and altogether differ
ent thing. One is not only within the power of all
Governments, but is one or the main objects snd ob
ligations of aU Governments. The other cannot be
done in onr Government and under our Constitu
tion. except for “the public use” and not then with-
out just compensation to the owner. Such is the
language of the Federal Constitution. This right
of the southern people on the one hand, and this
power and duty ofCongress on the other, are, 1 hope
and believe, fast becoming the settled doctrine of
the Southern people and will sooner or later be de
manded by them, with a spirit and powerwhich can
not be resisted. But this doctrine, so dear as it is,
and oughtto betothe South, will never he recog
nized or admitted b/ the North, whilst the South is
divided in sentiment or undecided in action. The
Black Republican party at the North scouts it. Tbe
Northern Democracy anrinks from it. It will never
with severity or harshness—a proper respect for tho I upon the heresy °f l / l l ,,,I,w •’’["JP'JIl”.*"""
opinions and actions of a majority of my fellow- and middle ground b *‘*** n ,b ?
citizens leads me to characterize their adoption on- I tbe North on the one bud,rand the Congressional
fvas amost unfortunate and dangerous political er- Protection" doctrine of the tJouth “ntheother.-
rnr ^The Terriloriea acquired from Mexico were They wore either not bold enough or honest enough
nhtained «ith the blood and treasure of tho whole I to take the true Constitutional ground of securing
country they were the common property of the peo- equality to the people of allthe Mates by Congres-
of^£^^?5rfi25te5 t S£SS: , ?f
---"I- reanlnnir rirht ot Drotec-lritones.anddemsna.ita.exc.ua. A I860, but I do not hesitate to declare for myself, that
I should consider it as a declaration of war against
the institution of slavery in the Union, and a fore
shadowing of a settled policy to break it down by
the influence, power snd action of the Federal Gov
Immediately alter tbe acquisition oi tnese lerriiorii-!'. ■ u an apology for"the surrender eminent. 1 cannot stop to enlarge upon the process
to organlae territorial government, not only withent Southernmenwno^asan^apooKj thrt ^ ^ ^ hich luch a re3u f t wonld f, e r 7„. hed . r With
every branch of the government in the bands of a
party steeped in the g .1 and wormwood of anti
slavery hostility, ambitious of success, and madden
ed by opposition, no stone would be left unturned,
no means neglected, no effort untried to accomplish
its diabolical purposes. In the Union, its powers
wonld be omnipotent The rejection of slave Ststes
snd admission of free Ststes. wonld soon swell their
majority in both Houses of Congress to an over
powering snd irresistible number, against which tbe
feeble voice of the South wonld be raised in vain.
The reversal of the Dred Scott decision—the exclu
sion of slavery from the territoriee by Congression
al enactment, the repeal of the fugitive alave law,
tbe abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia,
the imposition of high protective tariffs to burthen
and cripple slave labor in the South, in short, tbe
exercise of every power, for which an excuse may be
found or invented, calculated to weaken the institu
tion snd finally destroy it, wonld be the first and
early fruits of tbeir daring and malignant experi
resi«i„d this foul demand and defeated the infamous . "““““/.r''”Kansas. The staple products of
proposal. Theconsequencewastbatno temtonal S ate.c.m„ st^t*.^ Ind - mn ,„rn. tobacco, and
slave-holder having no proection for his property, I ton m the planting Start^ ,^ mjn who ^grated
and dreading the haxxardto^hich it would bo ex- I intelligent and , '; ed a f,. w «i a ves
posed, kept aloof, even from s l!s land of -milk and at « early day, to Kansas «*d meJ* "ZtureTf
honey.' and the political d-atin.- of the country was with him, that he cou d realizel , „ ° nnnum
settled again-« Us. The South w* entitle.! to Cali- hemp, from tbr« to ..xhun^doll^ per annum
forma. It U a notorious fact that ill mining opera- I to the hand. \\ here, in alt tb j » . Tlt .„ rn
tions can be.carried on more o»Mjnly and more l*>r ^d multlpiy and 7 thrive in Missonri, menu. If tbe South submits to one. she wUl submit
mi. hi* oteTn' i it not in' Kansas T Kansas was contigu- to another, snd to all of these abominable and dan
inlv Ins P«rao..l exnen- I whv ms* it not in Kansas ^ . nabIo aggressions, until she will find herself both
unable and unwilling to resist a decree of universal
emancipation. In my opinion, the true safety of
the South, as well as her true honor, dictates a firm
and manly resistance to the tint success of the abo
lition party, which shall bo founded upon opposition
to slavery and iooks to its overthrow in the Union.
If, therefor.;, the Republican party o: tho free States,
which is only another same lor the abolition party,
shall present sectional Northern candidates in lsco
—shall run them as sectional candidates, and upon
a sectional platform of opposition to Southern slave
ry. and shall elect -them by a sectional Northern
vote, it would, in my opinion, be sufficient cause
aud ample time for separation. I care not in what
specious form of words, such a sectional platform
may be made; if the spirit of anti-slavery shall be
ita soul and its animating element—if hatred to
slavery and those w^o uphold and defend it, shall
be its coutroliug power over the Northern masses,
and shall carry them to tire polls to vote for their
abolition candidates and thus the true, sound, con
servative men of the North and South shall be borne
down and defeated, it will be time for the Southern
people to look to the safety of their “institution,”
and to seek it, if need be, in the formation of a
Southern Confederacy.
And now you will ask me how is that to be done—
by what steps and through what process is such
object to be accomplished ? F,-now citizen*. I -
hut hu humble man, with little pride of pinion h|c!
no great confidence in my ability to suggest or ad
i’* 8 - 11 ^'/Iroatiaitmient of so important a re-
“ '* indeed a momentous subjec t. No ques-
tbn vlnch bas occurred since the times when our
taru-rs commenced the revolutionary straggle and
Uecixred their independence of the British crown,
!!“ ai .‘: , ' f ', J or , could “ ri *e to half its importance—
-'nil deserve a more serious consideration,
SSd C^otihel?' I«r is onlyhi. pWiVnl «pen- I why may »t wet
wduii^ysathahd snd constantly enrage^, be g^ionM protection to ^ve property taK_a»u.
ana is a. wassail. , profitable mu* be I the Southern people would have
cU^yapplfe^ ,r * ,1 ^**p , “^ 1 ®^ ,l " d i “ Cllliforn J a ^i taking‘their,m^rore
been rareeyed upaml Offered in market, as bsdaf-
SBESS* sSmheraproplehsd Seen^.ran-
teed protection and security to their slave prop-erty,
thousand, of her adventurous snd entetpnsmg sons
SEfiagsg
refusal either to organise a territorial govern
with protection to.l.vere, or to,.areey «»««•£
i&nri If tho South thkh nxd act* 4 with man
ness-a-if it bad said in authoritath © •
bSSS3«SSss%3
S£533gfiSgSi
would have been t . jsao. But under
lent, w ld ely exti nut'; j (ben and held
Southarn eUvery. wmcn i d , et f rom * par-
the Northern mind m bondage. mi to
ty and a people who had the power a eiw hjk]ftbu
Inflict flthknaht 1 a?f sidu that we are to appre-
Unlon.Riathouglftana»aiau Ut - oni of South
hend no danger! These gHf Southerc
luturc. The demon of abolition
felt an abiding se
cure in mui.uk u.J —. into that rich and
beautifir. country. Emigration would have poured
■rt* it from Missouri and the neighboring stave
.States, and Kansas would have been oura. Bnt how
was it 1 ' ,
Congress refund to give legal protection to slave
S roperty inKansa*andleft alave holders to the ton
er mercies of tbe .matter sovereigns who were
precipitated upon her »qi by the Northern abolition
emigrating aid societies..^ make it a free State.—
No prndent man would car*, hi, slaves into the Ter-
ritore under such circumst-V'e*. Slsvety is pro
verb ally timid and wiU not go where it is not made
safe in advance from the fang, w-that voracious ser
pent, which is ever ready snd ea|* r «, ,wailow and
e The^oss tf Kansas to the South wsi*ho legitimate
and inevitable fruit of the -Sqoatter L,vereignty"
elements of the Kansas Nebraska Bill, construed
and enforced by its Northern authors am Mends.
•Sievwcre enough in themselves to prodigu that
result, but ms a part and parcel of the fnflueo-e and
nowt-r of tbe tree-soil sentiment of the Not^ara
515“ the administration of even Gen. Pierce fcve
w,v IW its bold and impudent demands and put ow
k-.Las a batch of fiwaoil Governors am. othy
F, b-ral officers to. warp will, official |.atrona Bl
ami SSfiW.ee, Hie sentiments and pol.Ucal action ot
Nebraska waa a Mrelky Territory
no by all parties to free institutions—Kansas
a Suthern Territory and oughtto have been
"S ,'. ,11,, Southern control; but vo iding to the
of Nortlo ru Anti slavery hostility nnd the
r ,r ( urroot to make Kansas a free State—to xp-
' ,r ' 'll q-p- tit.- "t ■•'" -‘ii -n nou.-t. r,
““"book hi* bloody Augers at the President, he
locracy.
be granted or acted upon, nntil the South, united
upon it, speaks in authoritative, positive and deter
mined language to the North ana teUs it, “we are
entitled to this right— we most have it—if we can-
not get it in the Union, we will seek it ont of tbe U
nion.” If the South ever brings its united mind
snd heart up to that point, then her Constitutional
rights will be respected snd conceded by the Feder
al Government: nut without such a bold, manly
and decided coarse, whst are we to expect from the
Northern States, or from Federal Legislation 1 Look
st the present condition and future prospects of
public sentiment in the free States—at the present
and fbture state of poHtical parties in Congress.—
There are s tew sound and tree Northern men still
lingering in the Senate.nearly every vestige ofsonnd
Northern conservatism in tho other house has al
ready been extinguished—four years morewUl give
to the abolitionists the control of the Senate—1861
will witness ttie inauguration of a free soil Presi
dent and then, with both branches of Congress, and
an abolition Pnaident, the Supreme Court, the last
barrier to fanatical encroachment, will soon give
way. Vacancies upon that bench of stern old men
will occur by natnre, or be made by Congressional
legislation, to be fiUed by tbe creatures of party
dictation, nntil that angust Tribunal will bow its
neck to the yoke of unrelenting fanaticism, and
then the acta of an abolition Congress, sanctioned
by an abolition President, will be upheld bv the de
erees of an abolition Conrt and enforced if neces
sary. by tha bayonets of an abolition army. Tbe
great high Priest of the abolition Church, Wm. H.
Seward, has already declared in bold and vaunting
terms in tbe Senate of the United States, that “tbe
Supreme Conrt must be reformed,” and he has
more power and influence over the Black Republi
can party of the North, than the Pope of Romo has
overthe'Catholic world. It ia in vain tobopethat
a reaction wiU take place in the Northern mind and
that a sound conservatism wUl eversgain rale the
Northern heart. We have heard that cry and that
hope repeated again and again, for more than
twenty years, and yet the spirit and power °r abo
lition have continued to spread, increase and
strengthen, nntil now, they control the ooll'tcal ac
tion of nearly every free State •“ •/Union, and
ODenly Proclaim rotenuon of wiping out alave-
in iuie American States. The bold and del ing
declaration of tbe great leader of the Republican
party In bis Speech at Rochester, last fall, that free
dom snd slavery cannot exist together in the same
Government snd thst one or the other must fall, was
bnt the echo of tbe popular sentiment all over :' e
free States. It has been repeated on the floor of the
National Congress; it has filled the unblic press ;
it has been re-echoed from the bastings of many
popular assemblies and will be tbe great shiboteth in
the campaign of I860. The Northern clans are to
be mastered to the ery of “down with Slavery,” and
the black flag of “universal emancipation” will be
raised aloft, never again to be furled nntil it shall
wave in triumph over a disgraced, degraded nnd
destroyed South, or met at tbe threshold by a man-
ly spirit of Southern resistance, be driven back to
ita native regions to lead on the dark destiny and
fortunes of a separate Northern Government. May
such be its fate—and sneh will be its fate and its
only mission, if tbe Southern people are only true
to themselves, true to their rights, their interests
snd tbeir honor—true to thatapirit of independence,
and those sacred principles of civil and religions
liberty which animated their immortal sires in the
straggles of the Revolution.
-wwiosuiors serious consideration,
or w mild demand the exercise ot greater wisdom,
courage and patriotism. If, however, the Southern
people wareconthnetd nf ti,„
„ t, fere nee, as totbe political late of Kansas, has men to devise the steps, form the oiau, perfect the
followed the example ot its ”iUastnous predeces- Wctnre and inaugurate a Govemmeut which woui.1
be the “wonder, the glory and pride of the world.'
with an experience of more than three quarters of
a centnry of Republican Government, with the de
fects of onr present system seen, felt snd understood,
with the lights of the past, the intelligence of the
present and the inspirations of the future, we should
be able to form a Government more perfect and
more stable than any upon which the world ever
looked. Doubtless, the most proper, ready snd cer
tain mode of forming a Southern Confederacy, if the
Southern people were united in the wish to do it,
would be to hold a Convention of all the slave
States, declare their independence of snd separation
from the North, form a Government and put it ioto
immediate operation. Then wonld follow as a mat
ter of coarse, an amicable adjustment between the
two Governments, Northern and Southern, of all
questions arising ont of their former association—a
just and honorable division of the public property
and the public debt of the old Government, and a
friendly arrangement of all fatwe relations and in
terconrse. I know that many - ntertain the opinion
that a separation conld not tak> place without blood
shed and civH war. There wanld not, in my opinion,
be the least danger of each a result. What motive
would impel tbe Northern States to make war upon
the Southern Confederacy? Nations do not go to
war, except to resent an insult er injury, to gain an
advantage or accomplish seme important or attain
able object. What object could be hoped to be ac
complished by a hostile demonstration on the part
of the States from which we may have separated T
Wonld it be to force us back into a Union with
Vain foolish, impotent thought! No mao of
-• -se in all the Nofth—no statesman would
ever entertain it tor a moment. To invade and con
quer the Southern States and force them back as
revolted and subjected coloniesjinto a fraternal m-
brace v. ith their imperious masters! never-never.
The -sgacious statesmen who guide the councils of
Northern people would know too well that such
an effort would be fruitless—nay, worse than fruit
less—it would be wicked and suicidal. The South
ern Ststes contain a white poy ' tion of eight mil
lions, snd could in such a contest raise and maintain
an army of a half million of men, equal to any
troops in the world; fighting on their own soil, in
defence of their country, their rights, their honor,
their altarsj snd their firesides, would it invincible.
Defend themselves against the North? they‘could
stand against the world in arms.
There are bnt two instances 1 in modern times, in
which a nation nnited, though weak, has ever bee:
invaded snd conquered by a foreign foe. Mex : -
was overcome by the arms of the United States.
Mexicans are a feeble race, and no match for the
courage, skill aud physical prowess of the Anglo
Americans. Hungary, with less than eight millions
of people, was conquered by Austria, but it required
the aid of the colossal power of Russia, and the
treachery of her own sons, to bow her neck to the
yoke of the oppressor. Talk of driving the South
back into the Union, when once she cats loose from
it! The thought is preposterous, ridiculous and fool
ish. No, sirs no attempt would ever be made to
force a re-union of these dismembered States. Tbe
North might humble herselfat onr feet and beseech
us to try once more, the pleasures of her fraternal
embrace; and if the terms of the proposed copart
nership suited ns—if sufficient guarantees could be
presented and agreed upon for tbe future preserva
tion of our rights in another Union—if we could be
impressed with sufficient faith in their fidelity snd
honesty, we might again form, with our old friends,
a bond of Union, and try onr fortunes once more in
an American Confederacy; but not otherwise. It
has been suggested that trouble would grow out of
a division of the public domain, snd other property
of the United States—the army, the navy, and mate
rials of war. It is amistakeu apprehension—no dif
ficulty, whatever, could or would arise from that
source, (f no arrangement conld be made, each
’overnment wonld moat naturally and properly be al
owed to retain the pnblic lands within its bounda
ries. The largest share in quantity might fall to the
North, but the South would care little for that—re
taining those within her own limits, she would wil
lingly surrender all claim to the mountain peaks
and sterile plains ofthe Northern provinces. The
army and its material are nothing. In case of sepa
ration, its present elements would soon dissolve snd
be merged with the masses of its own respective
section. We conldsoon reconstruct an army of any
size, which the exigencies of our country would
justify or demand. The fortifications and armaments
paid for out ofa common fnnd, would belong to the
party on whose soil they were lonnd at the time of
separation. The ships of war lying in Southern
ports, or commanded at sea by Southern oflicers,
and brought into Southern ports would fall to us,
and we should want no more—if we did, we could
build them. The public buildings st Washington
City, costing over twenty millions of dollars, being
on Southern soil, and in the Southern Confederacy,
wonld belong to us; snd they are worth more than all
the public buildings in all the free States, In this
way, if no agreement conld be effected, a satisfac
tory division would be made of all the public proper
ty, of any value or importance. But the South
would hola a sword over tbe Northern States which
would compel a fair and amicable settlement of all
such matters. The National debt, in case of a separa
tion, would fall upon the old Government—certain
ly we would be bound in good faith and honur, to
; lay our proportion of it, and so we would, if the
sorth gave ns justice in other matters; but whether
we should pay at all, how much we should pay and
when or how, would be questions for us to decide.—
The settlement of this one question of the public
debt, amounting to nearly one hundred millions of
dollars and not likely to be diminished, would draw
after it, and as a necessary incident to it, an amica
ble and just arrangement and settlement of all other
questions—negotiation and treaty would soon close
tue door against all disputes or difficulties on these
points. I
No, fellow-citizens, there would be no earthly dif-
fi culty in tbe way ofa peaceable separation. If the
Southern people were united and determined, to
« k» th» step, tbe way would be easy and plain.—
0 *ar. would ensue, not a gun wonld be fired, ex
cept in joy at our deliverance; not a drop of blood
would be shed—no quarrel would arise between the
two sections, over the spoils or trophies of onr for
mer association. The muiu„i interests ofthe two
Governments and people, and more especially tne
superior interesta of the Northern section, wonld
produce treaties of friendship, of commercial snd
personal intercourse which would secure peace and
make ns more observant ofthe rights of each other,
than we are now in the present “glorious union.”—
These would be the immediate, necessary and cer
tain results ofa separation willed by a united South.
But I admit that the prospect of ajiarmonicus union
of all the slave States, in a great movement l : ke this,
wonld be doll and doubtfiu under any, except ex
treme circumstances. Circumstances might arise,
which would unite them all, and bring about prompt,
decided and successful action. Any act of the Fed
eral Government in tbe hands of a dominant aboli
tion party, looking tqfthe general emancipation of
the slaves of the Southern States, wonld, 11 -e no
doubt, arouse a universal spirit of resistance . * the
South, and lead to immediate disunion. But io.-any
cause less powerful than some wanton aggression
upon Southern rights, it would be scarcely possible
to unite the Soutberu States in a spontaneous and
general revolutionary moment Tbe border States,
lying contignons to the North dread the effects of
separation, upon the safety of their slave property.
Forgetting, or rinsing their eyes to the fact that
both the motive to abduct tbeir negroes, and tbe
opportunity to tbe negro for escape, are a thousand
times stronger and greater in the Union, than they
could poisibiy be in separate Governments, they
urge this ak a great bug-bear in the way of any
movement tending to separation, or even the manly
assertion of oar rights in the UnioD. Why, sirs,
whst guards or guarantees now exist against the
wholesale abduction of the slaves of the border
States, or their escape into the free States ? none,
save the domestic ties and fidelity of the slaves
themselves, snd the watchful vigilance of tbe own
ers. The Northern people are allowed by our Con
stitution and laws, as well as by social courtesy, to
come amongst us at pleasure; they travel with im
punity in every State, county and neighborhood,
and have abundant opportunity to inculcate insub
ordination and seduce our black population from
their allegiance. The facilities for escape now, are
quite as great, if not greater than they would bu if
we were separated by a national dividing line, whilst
the outside pressure upon the slave towards escape
snd freedom, and his security from reclamation,
are far more powerful and effective than they ever
could be in the other condition. Now, under tbe
Constitutional guarantees, we cannot .exclude the
Northern Pirate from our soil—in a separate Gov-
ernmjnthe would be an alien and a stranger, with
out the right ever to enter, exoept b; legal permis
sion. Now, all the laws which Congress has passed
for the capture and rendition of fugitive alaves,
stand as a dead letter upon the statute book. What
are they worth to the Southern people ? Not tbe
value of the paper and ink with which they have
been recorded. In a separated State and independ
ent Government, the abduction and detention of our
slaves from the service of their owners, would be
cause ol war, or of retaliating measures of resent
ment and redrew—and the overruling cupidity and
commercial necessitiesof the Northern people—the
paramount importance to them ofpeaceful relations
with us, and of enjoying the benefits of our trade
and social intercourse, would impel them ioto trea
ties with us, which would afford infinitely better
guarantees against the abduction of our alaves, and
for the return of those who might voluntarily escape.
Give me the power over the commercial relations
between the North and the South, and tbe foot
prints of Southern slaves, North of Mason A Dixon's
line, would be “like angels’ visits, few and far be
tween.” If a stray negro should now end then es
cape aud flee into that far and tree country, he would
be caught and sent back to his owner in less time
than he occupied in his vain race for freedom. The
Nortbeic people may be controlled by their interest
—they never have been governed by constitutional
obligations, and never will be wbvti there is a negro
slave in tbe case.
But whilst I am satisfied that the people ofthe
border States are mistaken in their opinions and
fears in this natter, still it is a powerful, perhaps a
controlling objection in their minds to the tormauon
of a separate confederacy of the slave States. These
and other emsiderations, both local and general,
would, in all probability, prevent a common con
currence of al the Southern States in a movement
towards separation, even for causes which might be
held sufficient by a majority of th*™* an 5*. \
whether a general Convention could be obtained to
consult upon the common safety, and to consider
and .decide the question of disunion;
convention was assembled, whether llke
unanimity would prevail in its counsels. How then
shall those States less than the whole, or less
than a majority,satisfied ofthe necessity* policy and
red dutv of some action looking to tneur security
tc ofthe Union—how shall they proceed towards
* iKomplbhment of that object f of.***
fellow-citizens, the action of a single ota.e, ex
cept under circumstances enlisting the strong sjm*
pathiesof her contignons sixers, might lead to de-1 sepiration even by a single Btatc. would bring the
I Nortfc P^ to their if any thing could
people .
ailedn-ed onnrsasiI open e ears and hearts to the voice of rea.ron
five Tariff^which at 0 P ne time was'aidft.^re'beet d i 08 ** 06 ’ The North does not believe that tne
seriously considered and contempl.* e( ] i s b 0 could
not have resisted th ; combined oppo»; on of all her
sister States, snd the power ofthe Fedta,] Govern
ment, upheld ss it was by the approving voice of
the country, j,” 'aiurv of her sons woud have
maintained a haru struggle against Federal coer
cion, either in the form of Federal laws or Fed'.ji
bayonets.but they would have been forcedto yield a*
last, snd resume their former position as a State in
the Union. Whatever, therefore,might be my con
victions of the unconstitutional and dangerous ag
gressions of the Northern States, and the necessity
and propriety of a Southern Confederacy to secure
the rights, interests and honor of the South, I "should
be slow to commend or approve tbe secession of a
single State, without the probable co-operatii of
her coterminous sisters, and stiU less again* *.
expressed wUl and wish. But whenever a reap-
South will dissolve the Union for any cause, and
that they may push their fanatical schemes upon
us with impunity: Conv’ ce them that the South
is in earnest, by an in-posing step towards separ
ation, and even fanat’ sm will pause and “look
before it leaps.” The ? io. is far more necessary,
useful and importer m than us, and they
t-now it. They woi. probably drive us to
tlm alterative of sc ..a t. n, if they were advised
and believed that such would be the result of their
hostile Ounouatrat: 3 ag- lust slavery apd the
rights of the South •-,! In 1850, when a
movement towfty], s , n v as made in Georgia,
and a few of the . States, and there
seemed to be some Vu,. . extreme measu es,
the Northern mind lief .q recoil - the North-
ble number ofthe Southern States, convincedef the 1 ern papers for the fi- ;t tin*. el nce the Union was
necessity or policy of seeking their safety or happi-
ness in a new Government, shall determine in
such a step, they can accomplish that object, it not
without difficulty, at least without bloodshed or ci
vil war. Let the States ef South Or ’ i, Georgia,
Alabama and Mississippi, become animated by a
common spirit of resistance to Northern aggressions
—let them become convinced that their safety, their
interests or their honor demands, separation from
the North and the formation of an independent
Government for themselves and their posterity, and'
a concerted and determined movement by the. 1
wonld draw every other slave State into their poli
cy, and compel them to join, sooner or later, in a
Southern Confederacy. Unless conciliated snd re
concUed to their former associates and the Union,
by the concession of additional and saiislactnry
Constitutional guarantees, those four States could,
in twelve months, break ” . nft ■ Union so
far asunder that no p ; ’ vver re-
unitethem. Let any . f C
vention called by authorire-i -* -legislature, ....
lemnly resolve thst th»' • ; [tuf / of the South was
to form a separate and express a wil
lingness and readiness .<q oin any of her sister South
ern States in the formation and maintaiDance ofsuch
a Government. Let her invite in au imposing and
solemn '. all others agreeing with her in opinion
. to appoint Delegates to a Convention to
• st a time and place designated, for the pur
pose of declaring their independence and setting up
a Government for themselves. Let such Conven
tion of the States suggested and others meet, and in
obedience to the will and wish of their constitu
ents, declare their independence ofthe present Fed
eral Government; frame a Constitution and form of
Government and proclaim themselves to the world
a free and independent nation. Would any effort
be made to force them back into the Union ? How
and by whom? Conld the Federal laws ot the old
Government be enforced over sovereign States
thus united and determined to be free ? Federal
laws and Federal officers would be alike powerless
and impotent. Would ships of war be sent to block
ade our ports, to enforce the collection of Federal
revenues, to cripple or destroy our trade and break
up our intercourse with Foreign nations ? Vain at
tempt! Tbe million and a half of cotton hales pro
duced by these four States, to say nothing of other
articles of export, would burst asunder every bar
rier which Federal power could throw around them.
Prohibited by our owrn laws from passing into and
through the adjoining Ststes of the’old Government,
these immense objects of commerce snd wealth
would find their way to the ocean snd over it to all
other countries in spite of Federal laws or Federal
guns. Any attempt to shut out such a supply from
the cotton looms ofthe old world, would set all Eu
rope in a blaze and bring to onr aid the libel ating
navies of.every commercial nation. Would an
attempt be made to invade and conquer us as rebels
with Federal arms and Federal armies ? The first
Regiment thst crossed Mason A Dixon’s line on
such an errand, wonld be the signal for the rising up
of thousands of stout hearts snd stalwart arms, e-
ven in those Southern States that had not joined us,
to drive the abolition invaders back to their dens.
Who can for .moment suppose that the other slave
Ststes would either stand indifferently by, or join in
.movement of the Federal Government, usurped
or controlled by Northern abolitionists, to strike
down the spirit of Southern resistance snd coerce
their kindred and friends into degrading submission?
No. sirs, the very first attempt st Federal legislation
looking to coercion—the very first military move
ment towards our conquest would arouse the sym
pathies of all our sister Southern States, and drive
them out ofthe old and bring them with hasty steps
into the open and inviting arms of the new Repub
lic. Such would be the inevitable effect of any hos
tile demonstration against the new Confederacy,
and no such demonstration would be made. Nor
would it matter whether any effort were made or not,
to coerce the seceeding States into their former po
sition in the Union. A new Government once form
ed and pat into operation would attract all the other
slave States to it—no human power could hold
them off. The attractions of a common interest and
a common sympathy—of a common race, language
and religion—of common danger, insult and injury
—ef kindred associations and kindred institutions—
of similar pursuits and similar objects—ofa like or
igin snd a like destiny, would be as potent ss the aU
powerful snd all-pervading natural laws of attrac
tion snd gravitation, to unite, fasten and bind them
togetner by a bond two strong to be broken by the
combined efforts of all the nations ofthe earth. No,
fellow-citizens, let a Southern Confederacy be once
formed by even a few of the slave States, snd all the
laws which control human action would stamp their
impress upon every Southern State of this Union,
and be irresistable.
forme i ?gan to -a 1 ulute ; t"walue and to urge
the dang nd im.rol -y ofwrivjbg [be South to
xtreirities. Meetings of the peon* were held
and safe; 7 commit; • ,rt fi d to revike an
ti slavery agitation J ■ s .0 power os.be
abolitionists, and it tt-e So had acted with spir
it and manliness ti e he :o’ sublet would
have been settled ;.t ■ e a. I forever, by such
Constitutional guar u a as -nuld have placed
our rights and our . a. upo sure 1 ud lasting
basis. But unfoitv. -U- for ue South, we bad
then, and I fear we 1 shall ve, too nanyam-
oitious public mc.i, i, j ere -iking to National
honors,and who, fro-, i -e-q or fear, were wil
ling to sacrifice our * .ts, “ "it ve the U-
expeetcu so many person-
And now, for what cause, and on what occa
sion shall such a movement be made by any of
the Southern States f This question is already an
swered, to a certain extent, by the solemn declar
ation of our own State, enunciated at Hilledge-
viUe in the Convention of December, 1850. That
Convention was not one formed by voluntary pri-
marv meetings of the people assembled in small
numbers, ana as usual tu —-.i-nW! hy
a few leading and ambitious men—it was a con
vention caUed by the Governor under the author
ity and instruction of the Lcgislature*-the dele
gates were elected by the people of the several
Counties under the usual rules and regulations of
law—they were chosen after a protracted and
heated contest, in which all the objects and bear
ings of the proposed Convention were fully dis
cussed and considered by the people—it was an
authoritative and imposing Convention, composed
of some ofthe ablest and best men of both politi
cal parties in the State—it spoke the voice of the
people in unmistakable language, and although
there was a large and respectable party in the
State, which did not think that the Convention
went far enough, yet they acquiesced in its final
action and its solemn .resolutions of resistance in
the future. I may safely say that if the people of
Georgia were never before, or are not now, uni
ted upon any other political subject, they are uni
ted upon the platform framed by that convention.
The 4th Resolution of that Platform declares,—
“That the State of Georgia, in the judgment of
this Convention, will and ought to resist, even (as
a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which
binds her to the Union, any action of Congress up
on the subject of slavery in the District of Colum
bia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction ofCon
gress, incompatible with the safety, domestic tran
quility, the rights aud honor of the slaveholding
States; or any act suppressing the slave trade be
tween the slaveholding States; or any refusal to
admit as a State any Territory hereafter applying
because of the existence of slavery therein; or
any act prohibiting the introduction of slaves in
to the Territories of Utah, or New Mexico; or
any act repealing or materially modifying the laws
now in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves.”
Since the adoption of that platform the unmis
takable voice of most of the Southern States, has
applauded and approved it, and expressed their
determination to stand by Georgia in its mainten
ance, “even to the disruption of all the ties that
bind them to the Union.” Now, let any one of
the provisions of that Platform be violated by an
abolition Congress, and the Union would be dissol
ved in less time than it took to form it It wonld
tot, in my opinion, live another year. So far so
good—come what may, the true-hearted South
ern man, who i4 ready and willing to risk the al-
ledged and apprehended dangers of separation
and a Southern Confederacy, has the consolation
to know that Congress can do neither of the acts
embraced and prohibited in that bold and defiant
declaration without producing disunion and bring
ing about the ultimate and permanent protection
of our institutions in another and better Govern
ment. Let the abolitionists of^ie North take the
Federal Government, if they can, and put our pluck
to the test by violating any portion of the Georgia
Platform. Jet them do it if they can—let them do
it if'they will—let them do it if they dare. But is
there no other cause, no other action ofthe free
States which would justify separation and proba
bly produce it?
Fellow-citizens, I have said elsewhere,—“The
election of a Northern President, upon a section
al and anti-slavery issue, will be considered cause
enough to justify secession. Let the Senator from
New York, (Mr. Seward,) or any other man avow
ing the sentiments and policy enunciated by him
in his Rochester speech, be elected President of
the United States, and, in my opinion, there arc
more than one of the Southern States that would
take immediate steps towards separatioa. And,
sir, I am free to declare, herein the Senate, that
whenever such an event shall occur, for one, /
shall be for disunion, and shall, if alive, exert all
the powers I may have in urging upon the people
of my State the necessity and propriety of an im
mediate separation.”
This I deliberately said on the floor of the Sen
ate in the face of our enemies—this I deliberately
say here to day in the presence of friends and
neighbors. I should consider such an event fraught
with the greatest danger to Southern institutions,
and I would not wait for the development of its
results. I would nip the danger in the bud, and
take immediate steps to unite tho South in a move
ment which should end, either in safety within the
Union, or safety out of it. A movement towards
nion,” from which th
al blessings.
Fellow tizens, if ' South would
preserve their rights ' obtain their
independence out of .t, they . c. take 'heir sub
ject into tbeir own bends—speak out their senti
ments with a joldue; that becomes freemen and
teach politicians the aialutary lesson, that “he who
dallies is a dastard, and he who doubts is damn
ed.” Whether the election of a Black Republican
President upon a sectional anti-slavery Platform,
and by a sectional abolition party, shall be con
sidered a sufficient cause for alarm and separation
by a majority of any one or more of the Southern
States, remains to l-e seen. I do not hesitate here,
as I have elsewhere and every where, to express
my own opinion, that it ought to be so consider
ed, and if the time shall ever arrive, and the event
ever happen, com3 what may, in office or out of
office, if alive and able, I shall raise my voice in
vindication of the sincerity with which I have ut
tered the sentiment.
Fellow-citizens, let no man suppose or infer
from what I bare said here, or elsewhere, that
am in favor of dissolving this Union as a matter
of "hoice It :s t e, that much of my confidence
in ; t has been shaken—much of my respect for it
lessened—much of my love for it weakened, by
the ever** of recent years. It cannot be denied^
that in respect to some of the most important ele
ments with which it was intended to be invested,
and many of the objects of its creation it has prov
ed a failure. It was intended as a Government of
defined and limited powers—it has become one of
construction and almdst unlimited, consolidated
powers. It was intended to be a creature—it bas
grown to be a Lord and Master. From its forma
tion to the present time its powers have been grad
ually enlarged, whilst the powers of the State hai
been diminished until the latter have scarcely any
left,that are worth preserving, and the former
scarcely any wanting necessary to absolute domin
ion. The States, their offices—their honors—their
interests, and their powers are all overshadowed
by the more dazzling rfnd seductive attractions of
Federal honors—Federal offices—Federal interests,
and Federal powers. Constitutional barriers are
broken down with impunity—Constitutional rights
are trampled under foot without remorse, regret,
or redress. Sectional interests, sectional preju
dices, and sectional power, if they have not al
ready, soon will control all the operations of the
’irul Government and make it little less than a
urSj'o.i.^i, subject only totbe capricious will ofa
numerical majoritv. Not content to exercise the
powers granted in tbe constitution, this majority,
composed of the bitter enemies of the Southern
people do not scruple to usurp powers not grant
ed whenever the interests or prejudices dictate
the assumption.
Heretofore, a national party organized upon the
i-asis ofState equality and State sovereignty—of
equal rights, equal privileges and equal burthens
to all and upon all sections of the Union, has to
some extent withstood the encroachments of this
irresponsible majority and preserved the Union
from destruction. But that party is last melting
away before the re-ieated and vigorous assaults of
ourNorthern foes, andthe discordant character of
its present elementsaffords little hope or prospect
of its future ability to preserve the constitutional
rights of the weaker section.
■ Such, fellow-citizens, are the present condition
and future prospects of the American Union, pre
senting but a faint hope to the Patriot or the States
man of the permanence of that true Republican
Constitutional Government upon which our rights
alone depend. Still, “habit is a second nature”
and early affection —ancient associations and ha
bitual love and reverence for institutions, founded
by our fathers an • emented by their blood, ap
peal with a powet difficult to resist to all the feel
ings ofthe American neart. They affect me—
they anect you, nd I doubt not affect every son
of the South. I would surrender this Union only
when convinced that it had failed ofthe great ob
jects of it- creation, that its powers were perver
ted to unholy ends and that instead of proving a
blessing, it had become a curse to the Southern
people—a Union administered for the equal bene
fit of all—respecting the Sovereign rights of the
's and the rights and interest of the people
ctions—a Union which confines the gov-
, power to the limits of the constitution, and
ally guards, observes and protects that sa-
inst -ment, would have my love, my revtr-
ex.ee and support, to the latest hour of my exis
tence. But when I see and feel that tho great,
paramount objects of its creation have been or
are about to be defeated and prostituted to up
hold the power, promote the interests and pander
to the prejudices of one section—to exalt one and
oppress another of its equal and constituent parts
—to bring blessings upon one and curses upon
another portion of its wide domain, I am ready to
surrender it, at any and all hazards, and to try a-
nother experiment for the preservation of those
rights which are dearer to you and to me than
the existence of any Government or Union on
earth. If this be treason, let those who call it so,
make the most of it. I will not take back one jot
or tittle of the declaration. Nor do I consider it
absolutely essential to the prosperity and happi
ness of the Southern States that they should re
main in the present Union. They hare the abun
dant elements of both within their own borders,
and they would possess and enjoy in a confedera
ted Government of their own, sources of wealth,
prosperity, progress and power, unsurpassed by
any nation on the face of the earth. In what sin
gle respect would a Southern Confederacy be wan
ting in all that is necessary to make a nation great
and a people happy ? In agricultural wealth and
plenty, we surpass the world. Iu *11 the varieties
of soil and climate, we arc richly blessed. We
can raise breadstuff-* and all the necessaries of life
in sufficient quantities to supply the increasing
population of centuries. In Geographical area,
we have even now, length and breadth enough to
sustain a hundred mUlions of people, without be
ing as closely packed as England or France. Flor
ida, Louisiana and Texas can supply all our de
mands for sugar. The Carolinas and Georgia can
give us rice. Maryland and Virginia can admin
ister to our taste for Tobacco. Kentucky and
Missouri can make the Hemp to cover our cotton
bales. The Atlantic and Gulf States can furnish
the world with Timber and Naval Stores, and the
cotton crops of the planting States are at this time
worth annually two hundred millions of dollars.
We have navigable rivers running almost by the
very doors of our whole people, and where nature
is deficient, artificial high-ways afford facilities for
the transportation of all our products to cheap and
ready markets. We have outlets to the ocean
and to other countries in Harbors of unlimited ca
pacity along a line of coast over two thousand
miles in extent. Tbe bowels of the earth contain
inexhaustible mines of mineral wealth. We have
iron, copper, lead, saltpetre, gold and silver in
quantie? equal to any region in tho world. Our
streams afford facilities lor the abundant manufac
ture of cloth to cover our people and administer
to their comforts, conveniences and luxury. We
have a population, healthy, hardy and industrious
—a people, “native and to the manner born,” ho
mogeneous in rpce and language, habits and laws
—in pursuits and interests, in politics and religion
—in all that bind men together and make them
latriotic and poweiful. In the language ol Louis
Napoleon, our Government “wonld be peace."—
Our agricultural products would attract the com
merce of the world and keep all nations at peace
with us—whilst other Powers might depend upon
the sinews of war, ours would wield the elements
of peace and would command it with the civilized
world, and no nation on earth would be so much
interested and so anxious to preservo friendly re
lations with us as our quondam Northern brethren.
So deeply concerned, would they be for our fa
vor, our commercial friendship and our social in
tercourse—that they would ever be to us what
ranee is to Sardinia, au ally ready and willing to
drive every invader from our soil. With all these
elen-'-nts of wealth, prosperity and happiness in
creasing, expanding and developing themselves as
population thickened and consumption required,
what limit world there be to our progress, our
power and jnr glory ? But we should not stop
here. Our expanding policy would stretch far be*
youd our present limits. Cuba, now withheld from
us by the voice and votes of our abolition ene
mies, would scon be ours. She could not be held
by Spain a year after our Government wasformed
No neutrality laws wouldreftrain our adventurous
sons, and Spain would feel the necessity of her
situation and the certainty of its loss, aDd would
soon transfer it to the Southern Republic. And
Central America, so rich in tropical products,
essential to the wants and luxuries of mankind—
Sugar, Coffee, Cocoa and every variety, of delic
ious fruits—a land abounding in rich soil and cov
ered with dense forests of valuable woods—a coun
try highly adapted to slave labor, and requiring
only the supetior genius and enterprise of the an-
glo American race to make it “bloom and blos
som like the rose"—Central America would at an
early day fall under the vigorous influence of our
enterprising people and join their destiny to ours.
Now, the same feeling of anti-slavery jealousy and
hatred which heejx, Cuba from our grasp, suppres
ses every attempt to revolutionize Central Ameri
ca and make i: what natnre intended it to be part
and parcel of a great siavcholding Confederacy.
Separated from the North and united together
as an independent power, we should take all Cen
tral America within our sisterhood of States and
soon settle it with a thriving, prosperous and
growing population of Southern people, with lan
guage, religior tastes, habits, interests, pursuits
and objects similar to our own. With do abolit
ion emigrating aid societies to impede our march
orinterfere wiia our legitimate and natural ex
pansion, we should stretch our arms all along tbe
line of Northern Mexico to the Pacific ocean, and
soon have a chain of slave States from that Sea to
the Gulph of 1’exico; and then With our Central
American pope lation on one side pressing upwards,
and oursouth-'restern population on the other side
pressing downwards, all Mexico would fall by de
grees into our possession, and become American
ized and translormed into slave States. As our
slave population by its rapid increase would fill up
the Atlantic St lies and the valley of the Mississip
pi, and become too dense within present limits for
safety or profit, it would gradually and naturally,
overflow across the line into vast regions of invi
ting climate and soil, and here ana there under
the dominion of the white man, live and flourish
for agesto come. And thus, with a Republic lar
ger in extent titan all Europe, united under a Gov
ernment more perfect than was pver formed by
the wisdom an! patriotism of man—with funda
mental laws to preserve onr institutions from de
cay for all time to come, homogeneous in every
thing, we should exhibit the world an example of
greatness, prosperity and power, which nothing
but the hand of God could ever weaken or destroy.
Spring & Summer Fashions for
1859.
ro THE LADIES!
MRS. F. DESSAU,
TRIANGULAR BLOCK.
Adjoining Bostick, Kein & Co’s Store.
G RATEFUL for the very liberal patron- f
age of whic 1 she has so long been the re I
cipient from both city snd country, begs to"
announce to her patrons and the ladies generally,
thst she is now receiving her 8pring and 8ummer
Stock, consisting of every description ot
iTIillinerv & Dress Trimming
G-oodLs,
which for richness of material, elegance of style,
extent and variety, are worthy of attention. Her
SILK, BAREGE AND ORGANDY ROBES,
Laces, Mantillas and Cloaks. Traveling Dress
Goods, Embroideries, Ribbons, Head Dresses, Flow
ers, Wreaths, and Bouquets are all of the very la
test importatioca, and will be sold at reasonable pri
ces. All orders by mail promptly attended to.
mar 29—tf
Mrs. S. Andoin,
H AS returned from New York with a beautitcl
assortment of
SPRING AND SUMMER GOODS,
Consisting of all the Newest and most desirable
m styles of
Fronola Hats,
of every variety. Also, many rich and fancy arti
cles, beautiful Km broidery, elegant Laces, Pompa
dour Lace Settf, Hair Ornaments of every style,
Grecian Curls, Hide and Back Braids, Wigd, Fans.
Sec. Call and e:tamine for yourselves before pur
chasing, as it will be much to your interest. She is
thankful for patt favors, avd solicits a share of the
liberal patronage of our thriving c^ty and surround
ing counties. Pereas Cash. [mat 29.
WAR! WAR!! WAR!!!
ON
DRY GOODS,
AT
E. EINSTEIN’S.
. we have com-
eztermination of
L>EIXG obliged to repair our Store,
D manned a general warfare of ex
prices on our Goods.
We are now selling the balance of our stock of
Goods at
New York Cost,
To make room, among which wiU be found a beau
tiful Stock of
French Lace M uitlcs and Points, Double Jupe and
two Flounced Silk Robes, Double Skirt aud two
Flounced Barege Robes, Organdies and Ja
conet Double Jupe Robes, Figured and
Stripec Fancy Silks, Plain and Fig
ured Black Silks, Swiss and Ja
conet Collars and Sleeves,
Embroidered and Lace
Setts, Kid Gloves,
Ladiea&Misses
Hosiery,
Hoop Skirts, Mt slins of all kinds. Men’s and Boy’s
wear, Bleached and Brown Sheeting and Shirting,
Irish Linens. Tible Damasks, Linen Drills and far
mer's Satin, Cottonade, Ac., Ac.
t3P*Call and tee for yonrseives.
ELIAS EINSTEIN,
jnne 7 Cor. 2d St. and Triangular Block.
IALEGANT SPRING CASIMERE SUITS, at
JL C. H. BAIRD'S
N OVELTIES IN NECK-TIES. COLLARS, Ao.,
at C. II. BAIRD’S.
N ovelties in cassimere vestings at
C. H. BAIRD’S.
UPERIOR FRENCH BLACK CASSIMERE
C. H. BAIRD’S.
INE BLAC K CLOl'll FROCK COATS at
C. H. BAIRD’S.
S I
COATS at
F
I ISLE THREAD SHIRTS, SOCKS A GLOVES,
Lt at C. H. B URD’S.
A nother £ot of sufekiorkidgloves
at C. H. BAIRD'S.
A nother lot superior English cot
ton SOCKB, at C. H. BAIRD’S.
D RAP D’ETE, ALPACCA and LINEN COATS.
C. II. BAIRD’S.
QUPERIORFANCY MARSEILLES VESTS just
O receivedby c. n. RAireu-
april 5 Telegraph Building.
STRONG & WOOD,
Dealers in
BOOTS & SHOES,
Lea ther, Hats & Caps,
At their old Stind on Second Street, Opposite
BOSTICK & KEIN,
MACON,.. GEORGIA,
H AVE now Ii full supply of Goods in their line,
to which 'hey are making constant additions,
of all the different styles of workmanship and wear,
and which will lie sold on ss good terms, for cash or
approved short iredit, as any Shoe establishment in
Georgia. They solicit a continuance ofthe liberal
patronage so long enjoyed by the firm,
msy 31—ly
Give me your Likeness!
S an exclamstion often heard when friends are
X parting, an 1 as the season is at hand when
friends are lea\ ing for the North, or Summer re
treats, they shoild remember that they have no as
surance that they will return—considering Railroad
accidents—but they have an a*8urance that at
.Pugli’s
FINE ART GALLERY,
they can obtain a fine likeness of themselves and
friends.
Pugh is still st his poat, and gives his personal At
tention to ever)- picture. His GnUery will be open
the entire Summer, and all persons visiting the city
should visit his Gallery also. Admittance tree.
A Urge nuftoer of life-size Photographic Paint
ings on exhibition, which will be found to surpass
any thing in point of Artistic merit ever before seen
in Miicoii. (.'<* mnissioni for this style of picture
[which can be taken from Daguerreotypes of de
ceased personal attended to with promptness and
special care.
Ambrotvpes, Vc , from *1 up- Fine fancy esses,
cheaper thane> er. J. A. PUGH,
june14