Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, August 12, 1910, Image 4

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Atlanta semi-weekly journal., August 12, 1910, Page 4, Image 4

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Newspaper Page Text4 THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ■■ter-l at tb* Atlaata Psstefnee •• Mali Mat tar of the Cl»«». JAMXB M. GRAY, Bditor and Gan oral Maaayr. BUTOCKIPTIOX ?»icr Tw»lt« month. •£ Blx month. ** Thrw month. Th» Brail-Weekly Jonrnal la publl’bed on Twaday aad FHtlay. and is mailed be the »bort aat raatea for early delivery. It contain, new. from all oeer the broncht by leaned wire. Into ear office. It baa a ataff of dl.ttnrnlahed conirtbutora. with etrong department, of apectal value to the home and the farm. Agent, wanted at every pnetoffice Idberal nammlaatoo allowed. Outfit free. Write to F. B. RamMpb. Cftemattoo Manager The only traveling repreeentathree we hare are J. A. Bryan. BF Bolton C. C. Coyle and M H Gilreath. We will be reaponalble only for money (M ifd to the above named traveling repreeentarivee. ♦ NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS- ♦ ♦ The label uaed for addreeeing ♦ ♦ your paper shows the time your ♦ ♦ subscription sxplras. By renewing ♦ ♦ at least two weeks before the date ♦ ♦ on this label, you Insure regular ♦ ♦ service ♦ ♦ In ordering pane' '' -» ♦ sure to mention your old. as well ♦ w as your new address If on a ru- ♦ ♦ ral ‘route, please give the route ♦ ♦ number. * ♦ We eannot enter subscriptions to ♦ ♦ begin with back numbers Remit- ♦ ♦ tance should be sent by postal or- ♦ ♦ der. or registered mall. ♦ ♦ Address all orders and notices fnr ♦ ♦ this department to THE SEMI- ♦ ♦ WEEKLY JOURNAL* Atlanta. Ga. ♦ Friday. August 12, 1910. Still the Georgia counties continue to pile up increases. * • Senator Aldrich plans to reply to In surgent attacks in Kansas. Sagamore Hill is a sort of San Juan hill for some of the politicians. The total abstainers are in session tn Boston. Boston is a bad example. Can't sell near-beer tn Coffee, says an item. Queer place for near-beer, any how. Edison says aeroplanes can be made safe. But where would the excitement come in? The political aloo rans will have the consolation of knowing that they are in the majority. « . Judging by the recent silence. Can non and Ballinger must have agreed that their time Is up. 'Taft would rend the solid south," ■ays a headline. He tried to break it with his tariff. John D. Rockefeller has paid a fine without protest. Mot the 119,000,000 fine, however. Article says farm conditions in Geor gia are good, and other conditions, too, it might nave added. Texas is going to vote on prohibition. If the state should go dry, wouldn't It be the great desert! The president of Chile, to be consist ent, ought to tell Colonel Roosevelt how to ran New York politics. Taking It all in all. the legislature did most things well, and left undone few things it should have done. A paper refers to Aldrich as being "stung to the quick." But think of how many others were stung on the tariff. WAtcA F<7Jgr? (Bavannh Press.) Thomas B. Polder is ths Maa. There seems to be some confusion as to which one of the Felders is running for attorney general of Georgia. Now. there are Felders in Georgia, both Tome. There is Thomas B. Felder, of Atlanta, and there is Thomas Swift Felder, of Macon. The Macon Felder is the man who is running for attorney gShersl. and who stands a pretty good chance of being elected. He represented Bibb county in the legislature and his •tstrict in the state senate four years ago He is a very bright, resourceful, aggressive young man who was Identi fied with the other important matters Hl« candidacy has been received with much favor in every part of the state. Now. tn this race, it la _veijr necessary that the right name should oe r»it upon the ticket, and the right man should be voted for Mr. Thomas B Felder, of At lanta. who is also a prominent lawyer and a popular man. is not a candiate for any office, and the mistake of a let ter with the middle name would prove to be fatal to the gentleman who is a candidate. Tn order that the Identi ty may be complete It may be stated that Mr. Thomas B. Felder at one time lived in Dublin >”d moved from there te Atlanta several years ago. Thomas ffw’ft Felder, the candidate for attorney general. has always lived in Macon, •nd can be distinguished in this way. Georgia is rich in having two Tom Folders, both active lawyers and well known men. Mr. Thomas B. Felder is the Atlanta man. Mr. Thomas 8. Felder Is the one we are supporting for attor ney general Harold Chose the Easier Way Delineator. Maynard bad been naughty, and his father, after showing him his fault, had •ent him up to his room to ask God to forgive him for being a bad boy. Three-year-old Harold waa present, but seemed to take no notice of the conver sation. It waa hia turn, however, before many days to receive punishment, and kts father took him across his knee ••Oh. don’t, papa.." he said. “I would rather, go upstairs and pray.” Not His Hat London Tit-Bits. Principal—Johnnie. I'm surprised hat your French is so weak Now. th in IT. rt-vnf-nj whet is that? What does your father throw up when he's merry? Johnnie—His Job. sir. A Legal Difference Cleveland Leader. The Client—How much will your opin ion be worth In this case? The Lawyer— I m too modest to say But I can tell you what I'm going to charge you for It. A Sign Chicago Record-Herald Whenever you hear people referring to any one as "an original genius" you may be sure that they are prepared to ■sake excuses tor him. GOV. BROWN'S APPEAL FOR RE-ELECTION. Yesterday we printed the long talked of and widely heralded card of Governor Joseph M. Brown in defense of his administra tion. We did this in a spirit of the utmost fairness to the gover nor, as well as to the people of the state, which has been our fixed policy throughout the campaign. The governor’s message bears the unmistakable imprint of the combined political “talent” that is supporting him, and which constitutes his chief dependence for re-election. What is said in this address, therefore, may be accepted as the very best that can be said in his behalf, since it is apparent that this address was pre pared in part by some of his shrewdest political associates, and that it bears the official approval of the “inner circle.” This, then, being the summum bonum of all the reasons upon which the governor’s claims for re-election are predicated, we may accept it as his platform. It may be remarked in passing that the governor had not. up to this time, deemed it necessary to give out any platform or po litical utterance setting forth the reasons for his belief that the people of Georgia should re-elect him. Recently, however, some thing seems to have stirred him into action. There is nothing particularly new in this card. His reasons for asking re-election are: First, that he wishes the registration law changed so that the registration lists will close thirty days before elections, instead of six months. Second, he advocates the reduction of the railroad commission from five to three, and withdrawing street car, telephone and other corporations from its jurisdiction. Third, that he voted for the reduction in passenger rates. Fourth, he adheres to his demand that the state shall create an additional bonded indebtedness of $600,000 to meet current ex penses, though he manifests considerable uneasiness over this proposition by stating that he is not wedded to the bond issue and invites the proposal of a better plan. He objects to the plan proposed by Governor Smith, of offer ing an inducement in the shape of a discount of one per cent for early tax paying in order that the state may have sufficient funds, without borrowing, during the period that the annual deficit oc curs. between June and December. The remainder of his card is an argument to prove that he was elected in the country counties instead of the cities. His proposition to cha’nge the registration law by fixing the limit of thirty days before elections instead of six months has been so often explained that it should now be pretty generally under stood. The law requires that the primary shall be held not more than sixty days before the election. The governor urges that the registration be kept open until thirty days before the election, which carries it beyond the primary. The primary is equivalent to an election in Georgia. Until the registration list is closed it cannot be purged. ' \ THEREFORE. UNDER THE PLAN ADVOCATED BY THE GOVERNOR, ANYBODY, WHETHER HE BE A CITIZEN OF GEORGIA OR NOT, OR WHETHER HE HAS PAID HIS TAXES OR NOT, CAN REGISTER AND VOTE IN THE PRIMARY BE CAUSE THERE IS NO WAY TO EXCLUDE SUCH VOTERS. This amounts to a repeal of the registration law. Os what benefit is it to purge the registration after the pri mary, when the primary itself settles the election! Our contests are always in the primary. The very object of registration is to prevent fraud in the primary because that determines the elec tion. The governor’s proposition would not only repeal the regis tration law, but it would invite fraud, by permitting anybody, who is not entitled to vote in the election, to register and vote in the primary. It would be infinitely better to return to the old registration plan, which closed ten days before the primary than to follow the plan of Governor Brown, which keeps it open after the primary and allows no opportunity whatever for purging the-registration lists. The very suggestion of such a modification of the registra tion law is absurd on its face. One cannot read it without being impressed with the belief that the governor is preparing away for political trickery when he advocates a modification that would be worse than an unqualified repeal. The governbr dodges responsibility for the proposition to re duce the railroad commission by putting it squarely upon the con vention that nominated him. True, he says the personal equation does not and should not enter into the question of the future com position of the board. To this proposition there will hardly be a dissenting voice among the honest and intelligent voters of the state. The governor, however, might have strengthened his card or platform if he had gone one step further. Tt is of far greater importance that the “special interests” equation shall not enter into the question of a future composition of the board and this is one important result that was to some extent, at least, accom plished by the enlargement of the board from three to five. In other matters involving the rights of the people as opposed to the arbitrary rule of the special interests, the governor, both as railroad commissioner and as governor, has without exception, taken the side of the special interests and has opposed all rea sonable demands of the people. Hia vote for a reduction of pas- \ senger rates was wrung from him only after the reduction itself was a foregone conclusion. On the subject of increasing the bonded indebtedness of the state by a $600,000 bond issue, the governor shows signs of deep repentance, though he does not find it easy to abandon his favorite proposition entirely. He says now that he is not wedded to the idea of a bond issue and he invites the proposal of a better plan. It is easy to find a better plan. It would be difficult, if not impossible, to find a worse. The proposition to increase the permanent bonded indebted ness of the state by $600,000 in order that this vast empire of Georgia may be able to meet its current expenses, is too prepos terous for serious consideration. Georgia has not reached the point where she must borrow of the future in order to get the ne cessities of the present. No wonder, therefore, that the gover nor finds he is not wedded to that plan. But it is hard to credit him with sincerity when he says that he invites the proposal of a better plan. He viciously attacks the simplest and most intelligent plan that could be proposed for tid ing over the deficit period which occurs annually between June, when the taxes are all collected, and December, when the new taxes begin to come in. The state should adopt a plan similar to the one pursued for many years by the city of Atlanta, namely, allow a small discount of say one per cent for early payment of taxes. This discount would be sufficient inducement to bring into the treasury ample funds for meeting the obligations of the state during the deficit period and would remove the necessity for exercising the temporary borrow ing power during that period. The governor rejects this sug gestion. The only apparent reason for his opposing such a plan is, not that it does not present an easy solution of the problem with which the state is even’ year confronted, but because it origi nated with his distinguished opponent. But why discuss the merits of this proposition! The governor will not accept it as long as he is governor, no matter what its merits may be. and this ends the argument. The question for the people to settle is, will they re-elect Gov ernor Brown with his $600,000 bond issue project as the chief plank in his platform, or will they elect a man who presents a ra- THE ATLANTA Wx—. GLORIA. ITJAAA, AL -- - —, -A- « tional and easy solution of a problem that any school boy could solve. The remainder of the governor’s lengthy card is devoted to an argument to show that h£ was elected by the country vote in stead of the city vote. Just what particular advantage or satisfac tion the governor derives from this lengthy argument is diffi cult to see. As usual, he follows the tortuous courses of his own logic and winds up with a false conclusion. Anyone can look over the vote of the counties of 1908 and see where the governor’s majority of ten thousand came from. Fulton, Chatham and Bibb alone furnished over six thousand. The remainder came from counties with railroad centers. Indeed, but for Mr. Smith’s large vote in the country, the vote in these railroad centers would have increased Governor Brown’s majority to a much greater figure. But of what importance is all this! Suppose it is true that he was elected by the country counties. What bearing has that upon the issues of the campaign of 1910? We may waive the point for the sake of argument and accept his statement. What has it proven! Absolutely nothing. The important question involved in this campaign is, what has Governor Brown done to justify the confidence reposed in him l>y those who voted for him, and gave him the ten thousand majority! The answer is easy. Absolutely nothing. It is not so easy to enumerate all the things that he has done to justify a complete revolution of sentiment on the part of those who elected him in 1908. His administration, extending over a period of something over a year, presents unanswerable reasons why the governor should and why he will bp rejected by the people of Georgia at the primary election August 23d. The net results of the great business administration of which he and his friends boast is an effort to increase the permanent bonded indebtedness of the state $600,000. The treasury of the state has been libeled and financial balance sheets have "been forced in order to prove the state bankrupt. Every patriotic Georgian feels the blush of shame and humiliation when he recalls that the governor of the state was responsible for this baseless slander. Not content with libeling the treasury of Georgia, the first report of the auditor was deliberately suppressed, because it showed that'on the first day of January, 1910, the state treasury, instead of being bankrupt, would have a cash balance and available as sets amounting to more than two million dollars. The governor’s platform presents several good reasons why he should not be re-elected to the office of governor, but it does not present them all. He does not, for example, refer to the fact that recently, in violation of law, in violation of precedent, in violation of the rights of laborers, and without reason, justification or ex cuse, he subverted the civil to the military law by sending troops to Durham to terrorize a few harmless laborers into submission on account of a controversy with their employer. For a similar rea son the governor ignores the fact that he refused to obey the posi tive mandate of the legislature to buy the property near Chatta nooga for railroad terminals and that his refusal lost to. the state an opportunity to acquire valuable and necessary terminals. The governor is also silent about the continuous and habitual neglect of his official duties in issuing commissions to notaries public all over the state and his neglect to even reply to written requests from officials and citizens interested in the issuance of these com missions. These are a few of the things that the governor fails to urge as reasons for his re-election. There are others which we might enumerate, but these will suffice. By fraudulent ballots and systematic deception of the people. Governor Brown was elected two years ago. The people of Geor gia will not be again deceived. The hours of his administration are numbered and on the 23d of August he will receive even a greater, suprise than he did when he learned that he was nominat ed in 1908. ■ 1 ■ wl. ’ —1 —. 11 t ' .. WHERE THE RESPONSIBILITY LIES. By filibustering in the senate yesterday the supporters of the present administration killed the anti-lobbying bill. They thereby defeated the will of the majority of the legis lature and thwarted the wish of the people of Georgia. By mere talk and technicality, warranted neither by reason nor principle, these partisans of the present administration have prevented the enactment of a measure which is essential to the good government and the good name of this state and to the business as well as the political interests of the public. The Wright anti-lobying bill had passed the house by the overwhelming majority of one hundred and eighteen to three. In the senate it has twenty-four votes pledged to its support. It had only to be read a second time to be passed. Had the ma jority of the senate once been permitted to express itself through a vote, the bill would today be a law. Realizing that they had no strength in actual votes or in pub lic intelligence, the opponents of this great measure, who, as the record shows, are Governor Brown’s most constant allies, proceed ed to filibuster. They took advantage of the circumstance that the senate’s session was drawing hourly to a close. They seized every possible device to block the majority’s and the people’s desire. And they succeeded, if such a victory may be called success. Not only did they defeat the anti-lobbying bill, but in doing so they also sacrificed at least half a dozen other measures of im portance over which there would have been no debate. Surely there is urgent need of the progressive, constructive Democracy of Georgia teaching the politicians a lesson that will last. The defeat of the anti-lobbying bill is an open invitation to lobbyists to swarm the capitol. Some of its opponents pretended that it would prevent individual citizens or delegations of the people from conferring with their representatives or senators and urging the passage of legislation. Nothing could be further from the truth. This anti-lobbying bill, as everyone must know, is in tended solely to keep the paid agents of special interests and cor porations from attempting to influence the vote and conscience of a legislator. The anti-lobbying bill was advocated by Hoke Smith in his campaign of 1906. It was recommended by the Macon convention that nominated him and since then he has repeatedly urged its passage. Indeed, it is one of the very few principles of progressive Democracy in Georgia that has not been enacted into law. It has the support of the people themselves. Its defeat by the friends of the present administration is but a sullen defiance of the public will and a call to the people to secure their rights. THE FELDER TH ATS RUNNING. There are not quite as many Felders in Georgia as there are Joneses, but there are at least two Tom Felders, both of whom are lawyers. This circumstance seems to have developed a little con fusion as to which of these Felders it is that is running for the office of attorney general of Georgia. It is Mr. Thomas S. Felder, of Macon; not Mr. Thomas B. Felder, of Atlanta. Elsewhere on this page we print a very happy and lucid dissertation on this subject from the Savannah Press. Read what the Press has to say and you will have the distinction clearly once and for all. Mr. Thomas S. Felder, of Macon, who is the candidate for the office of attorney general is one of the most widely and favorably known public men in the state. Few, if any, Georgians have been more actively identified with the movement for constructive and progressive legislation. During his extended and distinguished service, first in the house and then in the senate, Mr. Thomas S. Felder, of Macon, was a leader in the breaking up of the convict lease, in the enactment of the negro disfranchisement law, the pure election law, the railroad commission law and other valuable legis lation. He has shown a capacity as a statesman in scores of differ ent ways that have resulted in lasting benefit to the whole people of Georgia. He has also proved his ability as a lawyer and as a man; his integrity and splendid citizenship are honored by all who know him. ’’ timely Topics- i Is the Break-Up Coming? In General Grant’s lifetime there were Indications that the Republican party was losing Its grip, and we remember that In 1874 congress reversed itself so actively that the Democrats obtained 70-odd ma jority in the house of representatives. Somebody went to General Grant and asked him what was going to happen. He replied, “There is always going to be a Republican party, so long as there la a Democratic party.” Urged a little further) he added, “I have always found that the Democrats lose their head (or words to that effect) when they get In power; and I am not alarmed over the situation.” We saw, however, that Mr. Tilden only missed the presidency by a scratch and Mr. Cleveland did get In ten years later, and at one time the senate and the house were both controlled by Democrats. But things have been going wild since 1890, and the Republicans intrenched them selves in power by playing into the hands of gigantic corporate Interests. . So long as the solid south was promi nent under Mr. Bryan's leadership the Republicans continued to brace them selves in their opportunities. The bloody shirt could bring out both the political armies and the north, east and west were also solid at every election. But there came a time when the people of the west began to ask themselves, “Are we not paying too high a price for party control?" The railroads, which had been granted untold and unmeasured benefits and boun ties, showed their cloven feet. They pinched down so hard on producers and shippers that the people became restive and elected senators and representatives to congress pledged to demand relief from extortion and tyranny. Then what happened? When relief measures were presented to congress the cloven feet peeped out under desks of members who were placed in congress to guide and guard those great corporate interests, and the speaker of the house was evidently on the same ■ide and doing what he was expected to do by those who selected him for that purpose. It reached a pass when four men con trolled all legislation In the house, and one man. Senator Aldrich, In the sen ate. They got It down “fine,” to use a slang phrase. There was nothing do ing unless they stamped It their own, and it has been charged that the speaker’s eye was so carefully trained that he couldn’t see but one faction of the party to which he belonged So it became intolerable to those who were allowed no opportunity to present the protests of their own constituents after they had gives solemn pledges they would certainly do so, and the fight cul minated when the committee on rules (the big four) were openly and violently re buked by Insurgents, belonging to their own party; and the whole business would have been reversed but for certain Demo crats who preferred to keep the favor of Speaker Cannon, and the good will of powerful corporate Interests. But It is generally so, when favors fol low fawning, and human nature will show itself the same In seeking help and power the world over. And theee revolutionlets are fighting to hold their victory, and fighting like valiant soldiers all over the great west. Some will likely go down in defeat, for it is a gigantic struggle, when plain voters are pitched against great amounts of campaign money and have to deal with political corruptionists who obey their masters. When the Pacific railroads un dertook to rob the taxpayers of the mil lions loaned by the government to build them we saw the cloven foot under the desks of both Republicans and Demo crats; and the country became disgusted to find corruption In both parties on that occasion. These false public servants gave a black eye to all the Democratic efforts at reform, and preferred the Re publican grafters to the Democratic blatherskites. Approves and Indorses August 4, 1910. Dear Mrs. Felton: I have been for quite a while wanting to tell you of my admiration for your writings and it seems now is the time. I am not a veteran, but I am 60 years old, and at the head of a large family of children and grandchildren, and think that I can read the signs of the times. When I read your articles on the in ternal revenue law and compulsory edu cation I just wanted to holler “Hurrah for Mrs. Felton!" You seem to me as one inspired to stand upon the walls to cry aloud and spare not. I regretted very much to give up Bin Arp, of your town, and Waldo F. Brown, of Oxford. Ohio, but If I live to see it I will regret giving you up much more PROTECT GEORGIA'S BIRDS Many important bills are pressing upon the legislature in these final crowded hours of its session. Some of them must nec essarily await their chance until 1911. It is very much to be hoped, however, that the measure designed, to protect game in Georgia will be given prompt attention and will be enacted. This bill has come over from the preceding session and has been unanimously indorsed by the committee to which it was re ferred. Far from being a matter of slight or routine importance that can be attended to one time as well as another, it concerns the vital interests of nearly every county in the state and the need of its adoption is urgent. At present, Georgia has no adequate game law and such a law as it has cannot be enforced with any degree of efficiency because its terms are not definte and strictly practical. The expo rience of scores of solicitors general is evidence that this is true. Though there are no satisfies on this subject, common observ ation is a witness to the reckless and well nigh ruinous inroads that have been made on the state’s game, particularly the birds, within the past decide. Indeed, at the present rate of destruction a few more years will find Georgia practically barren of birds, except the English sparrow. Such a condition would not only be disappointing to the sportsman but it would also be highly injurious to farming in terests. Germany has recently spent many million dollars for the protection of its birds and the government itself makes a special business of caring for one hundred and fifty-two species of birds- It not only forbids their indiscriminate slaughter but it also pro vides food and nesting facilities for them in the more populous districts. Germany does this because it has found that the birds are the greatest insect destroyers known and that they are es sential to the good of crops and orchards. The state entomologist of Illinois estimates that the birds’ value to agriculture in his state is not less than seventy-six mil lion dollars a year. If it is important to conserve our forests, it is almost equally as important to conserve the bird life inhabiting them. For these practical and obvious reasons, it is to be hoped that the general assembly will pass the pending game bill. than they, as a high-minded public-spir ited writer, I hope you will leave a book of your writings so the people can read when you are gone and say, she told the truth, for If corruption and high-handed oppression are not the order of the day I confess that I am not a judge. When you have laid down your pen which you must do in the future. The Journal will find Itself short many sub scribers, but I trust you may be spared many years yet to work as you have written In the past, to score those people who don’t want to be rebuked for wrong d<jn have always voted for prohibition while I didn’t like Its name but I dldn t know what else to do. But after serving as a jfiror in the federal courts at different times and watching the maneuverings of those rev enue officers and the so-called moon shiners, I decided that that money could be spent in some other way and would benefit in ways of far more importance to our people. Yours, with high regard, X. X. X. Dope Drugs Did you see the picture of a baby In one of the Atlanta papers representlag an U-months-old child that had been fed on paregoric until It twitched and cried whenever the effect of the drug had died down in Its little body? . Its.eyes were glased and without lus ter and Its entire attitude betokened a restless craving for something that it lacked for its comfort or peace. There are tens of thousands of P«OP>* who are very much older who are in the same condition, growing out of the con tinuous u«e of opium in some other, and I am reliably Informed that drug men and clerks are beseiged with people who have the drug appetite and must have the dope in some shape or torment everybody about them as well as themselves until they get the seaa tlvo. It may not be true, but It is reported that some popular brands of snuff are doctored with dope and the users win have no others, because of the pleasing effect of drug upon their nerves. Some• years ago 'the city council of Augusta was memoralixed In regard to ths dope sold to negroes, and It was plainly stated that these drug victims went about their dally avocations like they were in a dream, stupid and with vacant stares. It !• far more difficult to cure .the opium habit than the liquor habit in men or women, after it gets well ***** tened on them, and when long continued, it seems to eat out the moral sense In regard to truthfulness and honesty. The deception starts In the intention to se cure the forbidden drug, and one de ceptive act brings on another until the habit becomes easy as well as natural to present plausible tales and crafty de nials to effect the purpose. Some years ago I was Invited to spend the day to meet a friend of my childhood from whom I had been parted for at least 40 years, and I was delighted to find her an elegant lady tn manners and ap pearance. Up to the noon hour she was bright and entertaining, but as the day wore on she dozed in her chair and by the time we parted after I had spent the day and was ready to go home she could hardly answer a question or keep her eyes open. Her kinspeople said she took a small dose about 8 o’clock in the morning, but took a big dose after IL *nd her afternoons were simply a dope period every day of her life, so heavy were her eyes and stupifled her condition. Her young daughter strove to hide the truth and told of a long spell of nerv ous prostration from which her mother had not fully recovered, but the facts were not to be concealed, the poor wo man was only sensible or sane during the early morning hours and I was not surprised to hear of many restless nights and unhappy feelings. The dope mastered her soul as well as her body and I went home tl'-vci* thanking my Maker that I had been kept from the temptation of opium, and grieved that this friend at my youth had given herself to the destroying ap petite. How many difficulties, disasters sui cides and murders have grown out of minds diseased by dope drugs only eter nity will show! How many misstatements, perjuries and falsehoods have been encountered growing out of the diseased mentality of doped people, no statistics can be gathered or tabulated. The Lord made man but little lower than Himself, yet the man by yielding to dope will make himself a little lower than the brute— by vitiating his mind along with his body. The Psalmist prayed, “Keep me from presumptuous ,81ns." Doping is certainly a presumptuous sin.