About Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 13, 1912)
4 f THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLArr*., OA.. 5 SOBTX rOMTTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of ‘ • the Second Class. JAMES B. QBAT, President and Editor. ■ • SUBSCBXPTIOM FBIC2 * |- Twelve men tbs Hix Mtaitha Three Months •• • ••• • The Semi-Weekly Jeurnal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for It contains news from all over the world. brougl£ bV sr«ecls! teamed onr office. It has a staff of distinguished con tri but oca. with strong departments of special value to the home and farm- HL Aaea.s wanted at every postoffice. | " mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R R- BRAD LEY. Circulation Dept The only traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan. R. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle. L. H. Kimbrough R and C. T. Yates. We will be responsible only for mo3-> ey paid to the above named traveling representatives. MOTICB TO SUBSCRIBERS. The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By L- ‘ renewing at least two weeks before the date on . .his label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed be sure to mention your old. as well as your new address. If on a route please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back numbers Remittances should b e sent by postal order or registered mail Address all orders and aotlces for thii de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOLRNAL. Atlanta. Ga. _• f HOW THE NATION REGARDS WOODROW WILSON'S SPEECH L ’ • It is a rare and significant fact that the leading newspapers of America, regardless of party leanings and past prejudices, are nearly unanimous in praise of Woodrow Wilson s acceptance speech—not tie R* praise of zealous disciples, but that of discriminating erztica. From divers points of view, they see in this utterance the mind and purpose of a true statesman and the omen of a better day for the nation. They gnd it refreshing for its freedom from political twad l .• die;., they find it reassuring in its poised and construc tive tone; they find it inspiring for its keenness and breadth of outlook. A fcven the New York Sun, for the moment, drops its t cynicism to say that this speech has “good luck as well aa merit,” coming as it uoes, "just in time to contrast kharply with the interminable Bedlamite rant of Th. Dentatus Africanus Ferox;” and to add rhst • Governor Wilson is for repair,/tot for destruc tian.’ E-• The-Kentucky Avuilles no longer sulks in his tent; for, says the Courier-Journal: “The real force of the speech was the force of intelligence, the acuteness, the clarity with which the student has analyzed con s ditions and the courage, the sincerity and sanity with fwhich he approaches the responsibility of their recti s . ficatlon.”f “It is to the non-partisan an- large national task that Governor Wilson directs attention,” remarks the New York Evening Post, and truly adds, “He ‘ 4 offers himself in unaffected simplicity as a servant of the people in helpiLS them to recover what, in their government and in their lives, they feel has been filched away from them.” The New York World is particularly impressed ’ , with the fact that Mr. Wilson has driven straight to the heart of the supreme issue of the day—“ The part - nerahip between Government and Privilege”— with . out abuse or partisan bitterness, without egotism and. above all, without a tinge of demagogy. And the New York Times sums up the speech by declar- E* * ing. “It is a proclamation that will satisfy all save ihose who are determined not to be satisfied.” It is doubtful if ai?y public utterance of the gen eration has evoked such widespread and discerning approval. Why is this? It is because the Seagirt speech reflects the purpose of a builder and is so ad mirably free from the cheap devices of the agitator. The weakest politician can set interest to clashing upon interest and stir the blood of strife; but only a rl«yv4ieadfd and honest-hearted statesman can set the people to thinking and open the way to rightful re s'* adjustments Only a man who is truly great , can L prove inspiring without partisansnip and'can Mft his cause above bitterness and above himself. ” This rare type of greatness is wondrously embod ied )n the man whom Democracy has chosen as its national leader. He has proved himself worthy of the confidence of all good citizens, no matter to what party they may belong or what their individual in terests may be. By his own moral and intellectual force he has quietly removed the need and excuse for a third party. He has pointed the way to liberation from L the abuses which a long tenure of Republican power F has fastened upon the country, and at the same time, he has shown that this good freedom can be won un der the Constitution and without the jeopardies of t•” a one-man dictatorship. PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICE. Elsewhere on this page appears an interesting communication in which Dr. James C. Oakshette b discusses the dutiqp of a public health officer from the standpoint of the individual citizen and family and, particularly, those citzens and families that live in rural districts. If there is anyone in Fulton county who labors • under the prejudice that such an official is a “med dlesome busybody” whose chief delight consists in giving people trouble, he should read Dr. Oak shette’s clear and fact-founded presentation of the case. t 1 The truth is a Doctor of Public Health who knows his work and performs it in the right spirit be- I * comes an invaluable friend to the entire commu | nity. He saves the people money. He enhances the value of their own and their ' neighbors’ property. He saves human life. , he renders, for the general public, a service akin to that which the family physician renders the p - household. •If there jp a source of contagious disease in »' • a neighborhood. It is to the vital interest of every r man, woman and child in that vicinity that 11 be r t * la.d bare and removed. To do this is one of the duties of the officer of public Health. Without such service as he can give, an epidemic may break forth, families may find the savings of years swept away by a month’sjllness or they may be entirely bereft of their breadwinner. Whatever improves the sanitary conditions of a [ X coi munlty and thereby protects the home against sickness and death is a blessing to the common Interests; find the official who sees that healtu laws are observed and really aids the people in observing them is one of the public's truest friends. THE WATSON COLLAR. The Ethiope cannot change his skin, nor Thomas E. Watson his treachery. In the outset of the pres idential campaign, when every true Democrat is rallying to the party’s chosen leader, we find this political panderer, as is his wont, skulking over to the enemy’s camp. He is insidiously fighting the Democratic nominee; at the same time, he is boost ing the fortunes of Roosevelt; and, were the latter, out of the field, Watson would doubtless be plying his trade in the interest of Taft. Certainly, there is no cause for regret but rather for keen satisfaction that the candidacy of Woodrow Wilson is not besmirched with such support. There is, indeed, only one befitting role for Watson to play; it is that of the hired slanderer. Let him, then, resume his old campaign of libel, let him seek new wages from other masters for the falsehoods in which he trafficked before the primary; for, thus he will at least remain consistent, and true to the Bib lical proverb: “The dog is turned to his own vomit again and the sow to her wallowing in the mire.” There would be no occasion for comment on his present tactics in the national campaign, w-ere it not for the fact that he is also seeking to dominate the approaching state and district primaries. In the midst of his covert attacks on the party’s presidential nominee, he has brazenly put forward his candidates for state house offices, for the railroad commission, for congress and for other important offices. The voters should clearly understand that Watson cares nothing for these men themselves or for any principles they may represent. He is not urging their nominaton for any service ho thinks they may render the state. He is not concerned with any ques tion of their competency or trustwprthiness. He has simply taken them up as pliant tools for his own purpose. He has chosen them as so many mascots on another buccaneering expedition. Watson will treat the rules and pledges of the forthcoming primary as lightly as he has treated those of every other Democratic primary in which he has participated. Unless his own servants are nominated he will at once proceed to bolt and begin his petty war against the regularly chosen nominees. His record proves that no reliance whatsoever can be placed in his political promises. He will enter the August primary solely for what he can get out of it for himself. He is forever fighting within the party but he never fights for it. He assumes its ob ligations only to fling them aside whenever it serves his selfish interests to do so. That is his method and purpose today just as ft has been in the past. That is the significance of his present effort to fill a number of important offices. Is it not time for true Democrats the state over to unite and rid themselves, once and for all, of this party highwayman? Certain it is that no candidate who truckles to Watson’s support is worthy the suffrage of self respecting Georgians. No man, however pure his character or high his motives, can afford to submit himself to the control of this enemy of the party and of the people. No office seeker who consents to wear the Watson collar should be trusted with the administration of public affairs. There are many questions on which the Democrats of Georgia may stand divided. But there is one issue on which all men who love civic decency should henceforth stand united; and that is the issueof whether Thomas E. Watson shall be permitted to drag our politics through the filth of his own mer cenary ways. It is a simple task to rid ourselves of his influence. He possesses no real power, for he represents no prin ciple or conviction. He thrives solely on his pur chasable stock of slander and trickery; and just so soon as the people let it be known that they will accept no candidate who stoops to trade in this noi some merchandise, the last vestige of Watsonism will have been purged from the state. We owe it to the party, to the cause of good gov ernment and to our own self-respect to see that his is done. Let us treat the alliance of Watson with any faction or with any candidate as a badge of disgrace to the cause that has sought his support. But more good things come to those who go after thefn. Some people act foolish and then get sore because others notice it. It wouldn’t take long for most people to tell what they think of you. If a man is smart, he never has reason to men tion it. Unhappiness seldom abides with a man who loves his home. We’ve had so much weather already that we won’t recognize the equinox. THE T>EMAKD FOR APPLES. It is a singular and suggestive fact that in 1910 this country had fewer "bearing” apple trees than in 1900. The United States department of agricul ture reckons this decrease at fifty thousand trees. This record is somewhat modified by the circum stance that within this period there were planted some sixty thousand trees which had not begun to yield when the last census was taken. It is never theless apparent, as the Farm and Home Magazine remarks, that we are scarcely holding our own in this important field of horticulture. Yet, within the past decade, the population has grown by leaps and bounds and the demand for apples has sped forward at an equal pace. There is perhaps no other fruit that is in such constant and universal demand and certainly there is no other that offers the producer fairer returns upon his labor and investment. This subject should be of peculiar interest to the south and especially to Georgia. The southern mer chant and consumer have, for years, been importing their apples from distant sections of the country paying, as a result, heavy transportation rates and prices that often appear exorbitant.. How unneces sary is this wasteful practice, when here in our own state we have a climate and a soil which ex perts have pronounced ideal for apple culture! It is gratifying to note that Georgia enterprise is at length preparing to do away with this condi tion of affairs. Investors are becoming practically interested tn apple growing and it is not unlikely that a decade or so hence we shall be selling Geor gia grown apples to the rest of toe country instead of buying from far-off sections. An opera singer should never let a note go to protest THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY, AUGUST 13, 1912. TEN MILLION CHILDREN ARE PARTLY DEFECTIVE. u Of the twenty million school children in this country, not fewer tha-i seventy-five per i cent need attention for physical defects which are prejudicial to health and which are partly or completely remediable.'" This slgntfilcant statement has been published by the government's bureau of education as the testi mony of Dr. Thomas D. Wood, of Teachers College, Columbia University. It is based upon careful in quiry and is issued in the hope that it may stimulate not only parents, but also state and county and city governments to a more watchful and intelligent in erest in the health of children. Dr. Wood’s investigation showed that while a comparatively small percentage of pupils are serious ly afflicted, a large majority labor under defects which tend to reduce their effciency. Os the twenty million cases considered, only about one and a half per cent show organic heart diseases. About five per cent give evidence of tuberculosis of the lungs. Five per cent have spinal curvature, flat feet "or some other moderate deformity serious enough to in terfere with health. Over five per cent have defective hearing.” These figures are not particularly distressing, but when we come to the matter of vision we find twenty five per cent of the school children in America, or five million individuals, have defective eyes. An equal number are suffering from malnutrition. More than thirty per cent have enlarged tonsils, adenoids or enlarged cervical glands which need attention. Over fifty per cent, or ten million children, have defective teeth, which are hampering their general vigor. Every state and every community in the Union should take this record home to itself and meet its responsibilty. No system of education that fails to keep due watch over the health of children can be adequate or true to its purpose. Every school in Georgia should have a thoroughgoing system of mem cal and sanitary inspection, in order that these de fects of the pupils may be promptly discovered and corrected. Such a system will increase mental as well physi cal vigor of the children; it will strengthen them mor ally and, in the long run, it will make for a higher and a more useful citizenship. It is Interesting to note in ths connection that there is now before the General . assembly a measure which bears directly on this subject. It is the bill by Mr. Ellis, of Tift, to establish a system of state-wide sanitation. One of its provisions is to the effect that there shall be in each county an officer of public health who, as one of his duties, shall examine the pupils of his county’s schools for the purpose of ascertaining any maladies or defects from which they may be suffering. The bill has many other com- L-endable features, but if it provided for this alone, it would merit the Legislature’s unanimous support. Those cities that have established a system of medical inspection for their schools furnish abundant evidence of its practical and far-reaching value. The children of rural as well as urban districts are enti tled to this advantage and protection. It is gratifying to note that Fulton county has already taken steps along this progressive path. Every county in the state will do well to follow the example. The weather man is probably supplying rainfall fc - the next two or three years. Governor Wilson could get a job as editorial writer any time he wanted it, and on the score of good writing, at that. England is indgnant over our action on the Pana ma canal, and naturally so, since England expected about a half interest in it. The Hat Problem in, 1790 The Handel festival was originally given in West minster Abbey, and the official notice of 1790 an nounced that “no ladies will be admitted with hats, and they are particularly requested to come without feathers and very small hoops, if any.” As eccle siastical law demands that female worshippers shall cover their heads in church, this regulation was cu riously anomalous. A suggestion in regard to la dles’ headgear was also made by Sir Frederick Cowen in 1905, when he gave it as his opinion that the ladies might discover in their wardrobe some “extremely fascinating flat hats,” which would not obstruct the view. The “fascinating flat hats” were, however, chiefly conspicuous by their absence, owing presumably (we write subject to feminine correc tion), to the fact that the fiat hat was not among the fashions of that year.—London Chronicle. Truth About the County Public Health Service Editor The Journal: There may be in the minds of some of our out-of-town friends an idea that a public health officer is a meddlesome sort of an Individual, an official busybody, puffed up with a little brief authori ty, who “noses around” to stir up a fuss. Let us get this thing right at the start. There are two sides to this matter. The health officer’s side and that of the country-dweller. The public health officer is a man skilled by special study and experience, in the conditions that make for sound, robust, vigorous, healthy individuals their homes and communities. His first care and duty is to give freely from that broad knowledge all the assistance possible to the people, that they may be healthy and their children also, that they may live in healthy sur roundings. because it doesn't pay to be sick. Epidemics of typhoid, scarlet fever and such things are costly luxuries we can well do without. The public health officer is—in every sense of the word —a true friend to those who want tc live in healthy environments. Just as your family physician is a trusted friend. On the other hand—this is purely a matter of self preservation. Self defense against conditions which, if allowed to go unchecked, mean sickness, disability, death; loss of earning capacity (that is money lost), broken homes and broken hearts. The doctor of public health is the good friend who comes along arjd does his level best —with your help— to save you all this loss and damage and harm. Get that clearly. It’s the straight truth. When the health officer asks you to abate a nuisance it is for your good, not his. When he points out some source of danger to the health of your family or neigh bors, it is for your good. Take his advice. Help him and you help yourself. The earnest, capable doctor of public health is one of the best friends the community has. Every true man and woman, every real good citizen will welcome him. Will co-operate with him to the limit. DR. JAMES C. OAKSHETTE. WHAT THE NATION THINKS OF WOODROW WILSONS SPEECH A Speech That Will Live New York World. Woodrow Wilson’s speech of acceptance is the ablest, clearest, sanest statement of high public pur pose this country has known in a generation. Without passion, withoyt invective, without abuse, without partisan bitterness, without denunciation, without egotism, without demagogy, he has driven straight to the heart of the supreme issue of American institutions—the partnership between Government and Privilege. Every great conflict within the lifetime of the re public has hinged, upon this one question. Every great reform marking a milestone in the political progress of the American people has forced the dissolution of such a partnership. Federalism was destroyed under the leadership of Jefferson because federalism had become a partnership between the government and a small class of property owners. The Democratic party swept Into power under Jack son because the government had entered Into partner ship with the United States bank and its financial allies. Under Lincoln the Republican party obliterated the partnership of government and slave-owners in "the mightiest struggle and the most glorious victory as yet recorded in human annals.” It was the government’s partnership with a shame less plutocracy which rehabilitated the Democratic par ty under the leadership of Tilden. Because of the government’s long partnership with Privilege under the McKinley, Roosevelt and Taft administrations we are face to face with the old Issue in a new form. Again we have what Governor Wilson rightly describes an “awakened nation Impatient of partisan make-believe. Os all the candidates for president. Woodrow Wil son alone meets this issue frankly and sincerely. The Republican party under Mr. Taft still holds to its ancient partnership with the beneficiaries of extortion ate tariffs. The Progressive party under Mr. Roosevelt frankly purposes to maintain a perpetual partnership between the government and the trusts. But the Democratic party under Woodrow Wilson has set forth to re-establish a partnership between the government and the people, and this is the one adequate solution of the whole problem. It is the utterance of a statesman and student, who promises only the rule of right and justice in re lation to all public questions, and who has proved his promises by his works. It is the simple confession of one man’s faith in the rank and file of his fellow-man, the simple confession of one man’s faith in the power of the American nation to work out its destiny under its constitution; the simple confession of one man’s faith in a government of the people, by the people and for the people, and the application of that faith to all the problems of the hour. But after reading that confession every honest man, from the humblest to the most fortunate, ean say in Woodrow Wilson’s concluding words, “I thank God and will take courage.”, Calm and Poised. New York Evening Post. After the earthquake, a still small voice. After the raging torrent of epithets at Chicago, a calm and poised discussion of the chief political issues before the peo ple. Governor Wilson’s speech of acceptance today has a literary form rare in such productions. It bears out the reputation which he long since won for ability to express himself with exquisite precision. And beneath the attractive style there appears a spirit of the ut most frankness. Never did a presidential candidate so completely drop the Sir Oracle manner. Governor Wilson is a man who takes time to think, and that al most necessarily means that he is aware of the limits •of his knowledge. “I do not know enough about this subject to be dogmatic about It,” Governor Wilson says in that part of his address referring to the reform of currency and banking. This is highly refreshing, as contrasted with the attitude of the candidate who knows It all, who is cocksure of things that contradict each other, or who seeks to hide his Ignorance under bombastic generalities. What Governor Wilson does is to come forward In a perfectly Informal and almost confidential way to “talk politics” with the American people. ... For nothing else is Governor Wilson s speech more notable than for its sure reading of the signs of the time. He sees clearly that what the people are seek ing is nothing partisan. So he indulges in not one word of twaddle about those “historic principles” of the Democratic party which are often prated about but never defined. It is, rather, to a non-partisan and large national task that Governor Wilson directs at tention, and, in undertaking it, invites co-operation. He offers himself, in unaffected simplicity, as a servant of the people in helping them to recover what, in their government and in their lives, they feel has been filched away from them. That, in a word, is the burden of his speech of acceptance, which is admirably fitted to be the beginning of his campaign. The People’s Partnership. Charlotte Observer. Naturally, the address deals quite extensively with the overshadowing question of the tariff, which should become a business and not a political proposition. In its revision, he would have the people taken into part nership. In its revision, he would act with caution and prudence, so, While eventually securing the desired end, would do so without having unsettled the busi ness conditions of the country. He wants an immedi ate revision unhesitatingly downward, beginning with the schedules that have been used principally to kill competition. His revision of the tariff would be a chapter of readjustment, of no rough disturbance, a turning back from the abnormal to the normal, a res toration of the laws of competition and unhampered opportunity. So, in like manner. Governor Wilson goes down the list of each of the great tasks confronting the people and advises the remedy to be applied. Were Wilson’s plan of government to be established there could be but little doubt of the fact that this country wouiu be rescued from much government which is bad and put in the way of a career of increasing prosperity. The Purpose of a Builder. Charleston News and Courier. All that Governor 'Wilson has to say is character ized by a moderation of statement which shows how little basis there has ever been for the fears of those who have sought to paint him as a rabid revolutionist. Nothing could be more apparent than that here is a man keenly alive to the grave responsibilities of the office to which he has been placed in nomination; a man whose purpose would be to conserve and upbuild; a man who would be guided always by an enlightened intelligence; but a man who could not be controlled and who would acknowledge no shackles, a man who ' could not be influenced against what he regarded as the public weal no matter what the exigencies. About hfte,attitude as he advances to the contest there is much that is reminiscent of the youthful shep herd lad as he went forth in the valley of Elah to meet the giant of Gath whose Insolent taunts had struck terror to the hearts of the soldiers of Israel. He is not weighted down with arms and accoutrements. He does not rush forward with blind rage or rash im petuosity. He is calm and confident, keenly sensitive to the dangers and difficulties which he faces, but not deterred by them; untouched by vainglory but su premely trustful of the commission which he holds. For Repair, Bot Destruction. New York Sun. Governor Wilson’s speech of acceptance has good luck as well as merit. It comes just in time to contrast sharply with the interminable Bedlamite rant of Th. Dentatus Africanus Ferox. And, if without contempt of campus it may be said, though written by a college president, very recently retired, it is in the English lan guage, not anaemic and seldom with suspicion of prig gishness or donnishness, though it has an air, a cer tain academic distinction of its own. Governor Wilson Is for repair, not for destruction. “We need no revolution; we need no excited change.” This is the marrow of his speech, the little counsels of perfection or doctrinairism that sprinkle it are sub ordinate to its general conservative and constructive tone. If he still sniffs a money trust, if there is one, he wants to prevent it without destroying or serious ly embarrassing any sound or legitimate business un dertaking or necessary and wholesome arrangement. The Interests of the People. Nashville Democrat. Governor Wilson docs not minify the seriousness of the problems economic and social that confront the nation, nor does he offer specific panaceas for the varied evils and the conditions complained of. He holds, how ever, that these matters must be adjusted as far as possible by the servants of the people who are clothed with the responsibility of legislation and administra tion, with the interests of the whole people as the constant and dominant desire and aim. Governor Wilson’s speech, while indicating a firm adherence to the pronouncements of the platform up on which he was nominated, should be reassuring to all legitimate business interests and commend him to the confidence of the country. Full of Inspiration. New York Times. This is not the dream of an idealist. If the head of the government during more than seven years could keep up the war cf interest upon interest, and bring on a business depression that has continued through the whole term of the succeeding administration, is it too much to hope that a wiser servant of the people, disinterestedly devoted to the welfare of the whole people, can accdffnplish those accommodations and ad justments which will restore peace and make way for the return of prosperity? With Mr. Wilson it is fund amentally a question of good faith and morals. Be yond that, it is a question of right action and of sim ple justice. Os the two great things to be done, “one is to set up a rule of Justice and of right” in such matters as the tariff, the trusts, banking and curren cy, and labor. This is Woodrow Wilson’s idea of the rule of the people, that they should rule themselves wisely, under leaders and with servants who will in good faith and with knowledge advise them what it is well that they should do. The shipper and the farmer cannot pros per if the railroads are crippled by restrictions unjust ly imposed. The people as a whole cannot prosper if laws are enacted and enforced in hatred of the great modern instrument of industry, the corporation. In dustrial peace, not industrial war, is Mr. Wilson’s idea. The greatest blessing that he and his party, that any president or any party, could confer upon this republic, is the realization of that idea. “What we are seeking is not a destruction of any kind,” he says, “nor the de struction of any sound or honest thing, but merely the rule of right and of common advantage.” > Again, “it? would be a chapter of readjustment, not of pain and rough disturbance.” and again, “our task now is to effect a great adjustment, and get the forces of the whole people once more into play. We need no revolu tion; we need no excited change; we need only a new point of view and a new method and spirit of counsel.” These are words of reassurance, the most reassuring that any man within the shadow of actual or coming responsibility has spoken to the American people in recent times. • . . . It is a proclamation that will satisfy all save those who are determined not to be satisfied. It is full of inspiration and hope, and of the new light of reconciliation between interests now at war. It is a portent of industrial peace and pros perity. “Exceptionally Impressive.’’ Louisville Courier Journal. It is not exaggeration to say that Governor Wil son's address in acceptance of the nomination of the Baltimore convention was exceptionally impressive and inspiring. That it would be scholarly, thoughtful and well expressed, was expected as a matter of course. That it would be marked by the ability of the man of intellect, the student both of books and affair, was equally anticipated. But with all this its real force was the force of the intelligence, the acuteness, the clarity with which the student has analyzed conditions and the courage, the sincerity and sanity with which he approaches the responsibility of their rectification. With a thorough appreciation of the fact that there has been a great awakening of the people and that the country is at the beginning of a new epoch, he defines his conception of the responsibilities which the voters . of the United States are to place upon his shoulders with no suggestion of cowardice, yet no taint of dema gogy. In his masterly treatment of /the tariff and trusts he urges that our policy in working reform should be neither rash nor timid, and this lack of both rashness and timidity characterizes the definition of his attitude on the various important questions touch ed upon in his address. The party to which the country is to intrust the ad ministration of its government next March is for tunate in having so lucid and forcible a spokesman, and the country will be doubly fortunate if, under the presidency of Woodrow Wilson, it shall see realized the soundly progressive policies enunciated by him at Seagirt yesterday. A Pilot Who Knows the Way. Raleigh News and Observer. The message of Woodrow Wilson to the American people is the acceptance of a mission rather than of a candidacy for the White House. If there lingered In the mind of any citizen a doubt of Woodrow Wilson’s calling in the republic at this hour; if there existed the shadow of a question of his fitness to lead his people from the wilderness in which* they have groped these last sixteen years, that doubt will dissolve and that shadow be lifted as the light of his speech of acceptance breaks upon the minds of the American people today. And it will require neither priest nor prophet to tell them that he “has come to the kingdom for such a time as thia” It is difficult to write of such an utterance. One fears that analysis may - rob it of its perfection, may destroy its poise, may take away from it the spirit of the man back of it —the man in it. We would say: Read the message, and so leave it in its integ rity. We daresay that the first' impression of the mil lions on whose lips Mr. Wilson's name has been these recent weeks —a period of strident cries and counter cr j es —will be of the utter poise and saneness of his speech. Compared with Taft’s despairing defense and apology and his Jiollow resounding appeal to the con stitution, or with Roosevelt’s vociferations, denuncia tions and protestations—how calm are the words of Woodrow Wilson! And yet who will say that, not withstanding the sane and even temper of his message, it does not contain more of the tonic of true reform and of the antidote for all the political evils of our time than any public utterance since the day of con fusion in our American politics was ushered in? Its very poise and calmness carries assurance, not only of the sanity and trustworthiness of the new leader of the American Democracy, but of the skill and the wisdom and the clear vision of the new hand at the helm. One feels that we have found a pilot who not only would make for port, but who knows all the way. Banks With Jefferson. Memphis Commercial Appeal. Read carefully every line of Wilson’s address and , you will find in it not a misplaced word, nothing in definite; you will also find an idea clearly enunciated In every sentence. The Democratic party has nominated for president a profound student of the vexing problems of govern ment, and the address shows the man to have a keen conception of the fundamentals of this republic, chief of which is the right of every man to a free chance and to reap for himself an adequate reward for the labor he does or for the services that he may dis charge. Mr. Wilson’s speech is a monumental essay on the science of popular government. It will go into contributions on the ideal republic ranking with the deliverances of Jefferson. Madison and Benjamin Har rison. The address rises above a campaign document in dignity of expression. In the simplicity of its direct-, ness it shows its author to be worthy of *the high office his fellow-citizens have asked him to seek at the 1 hands of the American people. Broad and Statesmanly. Mobile (Ala.) Item. The speech is not denunciatory; it is conciliatory. It shows the Democratic nominee to be a man of very t broad ideas, in full sympathy with the popular mind, yet untrammeled by the spirit of unchangeable hostil ity to certain elements in the national life which nan, drawn more than lheir share of popular criticism. IM this attitude Governor Wilson Is as far above bin trsrv petitors as Lincoln is above Roosevelt in history. His speech is an admirable presentation of the Democraoc position on the subjects that are now uppermost in the public mind, and has all the quality of a judicial find ing in his treatment of these subjects. Wilson ths Master. Baltimore Sun. t Governor Wilson's speech of acceptance makes it perfectly clear that Jie does not intend to be led away from the dominant Issue cf this campaign—the reform and revision downward of the tariff—into any discus sion of side issues, or of questions which are of State rather than of national concern. His speech is a plea for the administration of the government, and especial ly the taxing power of the government—the greatest of all powers —in the interest of the whole people, and not for the benefit of any special class or private in terest. . . . There is the ring of genuine Jeffersonian Democ racy in every line of it, and no man can read it with out realizing that Wilson does not merely profess, as so many public men are in the habit of doing, a belief in Jeffersonian Democracy, but that he understands what Jeffersonian Democracy is, and that is what can not be said of most of its professed advocates. . » . ... In the handling of the tariff question Woodrow Wilson is the master man of the day. There is none ? like him. There has been nene like him among Eng- | lish-speaking people since the days of Richard Cobden, same clearness of vision and clarity of expression. His discussion of the trust question is marked by the
