About Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 23, 1912)
4 THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLAJTTA, GA., 5 MOBTM FOMYTH BT. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mall Matter of the Second Class. JAKES *. GBAT, President and Bdltor. _ SXTBSCBIPTIOM FBICE Twelve racnths J” Three Months f OO The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and Is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, broug Y by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished contrtbutora with strong departments of special value to the home and farm- Arents wanted at every postofftce. Liberal com mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R- BRAD LEY. Circulation Dept. • The only traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan. R. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle. L. H- Kimbrough and C. T. Yates. We will be responsible only for mon ey paid to the above named traveling representatives. MOTICE TO SVBBCRIBEBB. The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By. renewing at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed be sure to mention your old. as well as your new address. If on a route please give the rtaite number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back number?. Remittances should be sent by postal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta. Ga. GOVERNOR BROWN’S VETO OF THE MILEAGE BILL In spite of a demand that uac gone up from every part of Georgia and in defiance of the rights of a great body of commercial travelers and the import ant interests they represent. Governor Brown has vetoed the mileage bill which the Legislature saw fit to enact. The reasons, or rather pretexts, he as signs for having killed this sorely needed law might be expected in the brief of a railroad attorney, hard pressed for argument to bolster up a shaky cause, but coming from the chief executive of a State, who is supposed to guard the interests of all the people, they are extremely peculiar and surprising. The Governor seeks to justify his veto on two main grounds. The first is that since the sale of mileage, at a rate somewhat lower than that fixed as n maximum by the State Railroad Commission, is a voluntary contract between the carrier and its pa trons, the State cannot attempt to say in what man ner this agreement shall be rted out without im pairing the obligation of contracts and thereby going contrary to the federal constitution. His second ground is even more remarkable than the first, for on that he contends that the pulling of mileage on trains is entirely too ’‘complex" and "tedious” a job for the conductor to be burdened with. This latter reason will at least afford much merriment to the conductors themselves. In venturing upon the field of constitutional law, the Governor appears in a distinctly different role from those he is accustomed to play; and, for our own part, we must say that he is more convincing as a commentator upon the virtues of dogwood or as a singer of the mythical glories of Astyanax. Evi dently, however, he has not undertaken his new part without a degree of coaching from somebody long fa miliar with the lines; indeed, we fancy that some where behind the scenes we can hear the prompter’s voice and it is strangely like that of a skilled railroad lawyer. Certainly the views he presents in his veto of this mileage bill are precisely those a special pleader for the roads might advance in an emergency. Let us follow a moment the devious path of his reasoning. The Governor holds that the State has no right to say that mileage purchased and paid for in advance shall be pulled on the trains instead of being exchanged for a special trip ticket at the expense of the owner’s time and general interests, because the purchase of such mileage represents a voluntary contract between the railroad and the buyer. And hence, according to the Governor’s con tention, the State would overstep its constitutional authority and * impair the obligation of a contract should it require the roads to redeem, according to a particular manner, the mileage thus sold at a rate slightly lower than the maximum rate fixed by the State Railroad Commission. Would our distinguished Governor apply the same sort of reasoning to all other contracts entered into between the railroads and their patrons? Would he say. for example, that because the railroads, on occa sion, offer to sell transportation at excursion or vaca tion rates they are in such instances exempt from their legal duty to carry the passengers safely and comfortably? Would he contend that in these cir cumstances the roads should not be required by the law to provide all essential and customary comforts for passengers on such trains merely because these passengers bought their transportation at a reduced rate which the roads voluntarily granted? The fact that a carrier offers its mileage books at a rate lower than the maximum established by |he State Railroad Commission and that when a patron chooses to buy such milege rather than a regular ticket he does so voluntarily has no logical bearing whatsoever on the real issue of the mileage bill. The fact that a purchaser in such instances enters into a particular contract with the railroad in no wise re lieves the latter of those general obligations which the State’s law has established for all contracts be tween passenger and carrier. The railroads have no more right to impose un necessary and unreasonable hardships upon the patron who has bought a mileage book than upon the patron who has bought a regular ticket. Yet, when the roads require the holder of such a mileage book to go through the red-tape process of exchanging his coupons for a special ticket with a resultant loss of time and, perhaps, even of money, it does impose an unnecessary and an unreasonable hardship. And, therefore, as a matter of common right, the State is duly empowered to say that the roads shall cease to practice this unwarranted hardship upon the traveling public. . The Governor could as well argue that because a railroad voluntarily carries passengers at a lower rate than those fixed by the Railroad Commission it is thereby relieved of Its duty to lurnish seats for such passengers or to carry their baggage or take the same precautions for their comfort and security as If it received the maximum rate of transportation. The Governor does argue, in effect, that when a railroad, in order to induce travel for its own profit, grants a lower rate than that fixed by the Commis sion, to those persons willing to buy thousand or two thousand-mile books, it can by virtue of such a rate and such a contract completely divest the state of any right to regulate or control the road’s operations in this regard. Such a contention is manifestly absurd. The road owes a duty to the passenger who travels on a mileage book no less than to him who travels on a regular ticket; and the State should protect the rights and interests of the one as thoroughly as it does those of the other. The man wno buys a mileage booa pays for it in advance and he is entitled to due value upon his purchase without having to go through a labyrinth of arbitrary rules in order to receive it. His mileage calls for a certain service, for a certain amount of transportation and he should be allowed to present that mileage aboard a train and have it accepted for just what it is worth. The railroads make lower rates for mileage books in order to induce patronage, 'iney have no moral or legal right to compel passengers to waste time in exchanging mileage, which has already been paid for, before it can be used. But Governor Brown, in trenching himself behind a qulbole which, as we have said, is better suited to the brief of a special advo cate of a railroad than to the Governor of Georgia, insists that the State is Impotent to protect its peo ple in this matter and that they must remain helpless. The Governor'J views on constitutional law in this regard, are about as clear t. a London fog. They are suggestive of that profound research and medita tion which some years ago resulted in his famous "Zone” system for passenger rates. His second powerful reason for killing the mileage bill is that the conductor’s duties "other than watch ful care over bls train for the protection oi the lives of passengers should be as far as possible freed from 'complexites and tedious calculations," and that a conductor can take up several card tickets while he might be pulling the mileage from one book. Such an argument, we must confess, 16 unanswerable; it is too much like the waggish deliverances of Justice Dogberry. It is invulnerable in its absurdity. In other sections of the country, wherever mileage is used, the railroads voluntarily pull the mileage on the trains. It is not necessary to force them to do so by law, but If it were we do not believe there is another Governor in the United States, great consti tutional lawyer though he might be, who would claim that such a statute impaired the obligation of a con tract. In Georgia and other Southern states, the railroads have obstinately set themselves most reasonable demand, and the governor seems ready to carry out their wishes, even adding to their contention the great, discovery that the proposed law requiring the acceptance of mileage on trains is unconstitutonal. So, by the exercise of the arbitrary powers attached to the office which he fills, he under takes to defeat the rights of patrons of the railroads and to protect the railroads themselves In an unrea sonable, unjust, and wholly unnecessary requirement. Fortunately the people are not without a remedy, and this remedy does not depend on Governor Brown. The Railroad Commission has the power to require the railroads to accept mileage on trains instead of being exchanged for tickets. The petition for the enactment of this order has been before the Commis sion for months, and has been held up by that body only to await the action of tae Leglislature. The Legislature did enact a law by a constitutional ma jority to compel the acceptance of mileage by the railroads on their trains. Having had this expres sion from the Legislature and having heard no voice in opposition to it save that of the railroads and the governor, ft is the plain duty of the Commission now to at once adopt and promulgate the rule that rail roads selling mileage shall be compelled to accept such mileage on the trains. The action of Governor Brown deserves to be repudiated. If he had been the direct representative of the railroads, in high official position, he could scarcely have exhibited more complete obedience to their demands. We hesitate to attribute improper motives to the Governor in taking the action that he has, but to say the very least of it, his veto of this measure is unreasonable in the highest degree, and nnjust to the great body of the people whom he, in this instance at least, misrepresents. GOVERNOR-ELECT SLATON. Since a Democratic primary in Georgia is equival ent to an elect! i, it is now In order to congratulate the successful candidate for Governor; and The Jour nal does so, heartily and sincerely. To Hon. John M. Slaton, who has been chosen by a truly handsome majority, we’ extend our best wishes for a useful and liberal-minded adminstration under trhich the interests of all the people may be safeguarded and upbuilt. The Journal had no candidate in the recent cam paign. Indeed, The Journal never stands for candi dates but for principles. Whenever an issue that involves the public good has been drawn, we shall be found fighting in the breach, but we never have exerted our efforts on purely personal grounds, and we never shall. In the contest that has just closed we gave our space freely and almost without limit to all three of the candidates for governor and each of them availed himself of it as liberally as he desired. The campaign involved no vital questions. Its near est approach to an issue was that of drastic prohibi tion legislation which, were it to dominate, would defeat the cause of true temperance and imperil the Interesta of good government. With this single ex ception, and that a minor one, Wednesday’s guber natorial primary presented the people no choice of principles, but merely a preference among candidates. Mr. Slaton has been nominated with practical unanimity, despite the fact that he was opposed by two men of high character and ability. The honor thus him is u distinctive one, for it carries with It the people’s belief that he can serve them •ell and their expectation that he protect their rights. Mr. Slaton will enter the governorship with great responsibility. His will be the all important task of holding the balance even between the public interests and the Special Interests, of seeing to it that the laws we now possess for guaranteeing equal oppor tunity and shutting out special privilege are firmly upheld. ueorgia has lived intensely and has progressed wondrously within the past six years. Her people have a clearer vision than ever before of what they need in order to move prosperously forward. They know their rights. They have won their rights through hard fought battles at the ballot box. And they ate determined that what they have THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, AU4JUST 23, 1912. gained, shall be preserved undiminished and unim paired. The time is past when the people would tolerate the use of public office as a private opportunity or would submit to the selfish rule of political bosses. They have cleared away the jungles and have driven out the preying influences that once beset their in terests; they have opened their political life to the tonic touch of purifying light. They demand of their public servants that this progressve and constructive order of things be maintained. It is in these circum stances that Mr. Slaton comes to the office of chief executive and his usefulness to the state and the ap proval he wins from the people will be measured by his faithfulness to this one great principle. Aside from the governor’s race, Wednesday’s pri mary shows strikingly enough that the people of Georgia are tired of the cheapskate boss of Thom son as well as of more intelligent, if less aggressive bosses elsewhere. It is a gratifying omen that prac tically every one of the candidates who were unfor tunate enough to have the support of Thomas E. Watson were defeated. Mr. Slaton’s candidacy can scarcely be considered as an exception, for while Watson tacitly encouraged his candidacy, he did so as c matter of necessity rather than of choice and simply in order that he might, in-so-far as is possible, keep up with the procession. We have no personal criticism of the gentlemen whom Watson supported, but their defeat serves to point the timely moral that no man who yields to the nictation of this party highwayman can expect the trust of Georgia Democrats. THE PITH OF THE CAMPAIGN. Into three terse sentences, Woodrow Wilson packed the logic of the national campaign when he said at Seagirt yesterday: "The progressive element in the Republican party tried to get control of it and failed. The progressive element in the Democratic party tried to get control' of it and overwhelmingly succeeded. So that it is obvious to the whole country that the Democratic party is free to serve the purposes of all the people." This statement of the case will not appeal to a Bull Moose, but to an ordinary man with average capacity for reason find observation, it is convincing. An ambitious politician, seeking a third term of the presidency, may be blind and deaf to what really happened at the Baltimore convention. But the citi zen with no selfish interest to serve has seen and heard to his thorough satisfaction and he realizes that the nomination of Woodrow Wilson marked a new era in the government of parties and a new omen for the government of the nation. The Republican convention at Chicago was the triumph of a machine; the Democratic convention at Baltimore was the triumph of a principle. The one represented the failure of the people to control a party; the other, the success oi the people in their effort to secure a practical, effective instrument for accomplishing certain important work. And the fact that they did succeed, and succeed so over whelmingly, at Baltimore opens the way to a com ; realization of their purpose. Mr. Roosevelt was qpdoubtedly very much disap pointed over what happened at Baltimore; for. It left his own personal ambition without ground to stand on. A reactionary platform and reactionary candidate would have supplied him just the pretext he wished for furthering his third-term designs. But the one distinctive feature of that convention was the boldness with which it cut the party free from all suspicious alliances. It brought to pars the most remarkable and decisive victory for progressive pol icies that American politics has known for a genera tion. It abundantly met the needs of the time and set up a standard which all good Citizens cah follow with earnestness and faith. Mr. Roosevelt had as well try to turn the sun to Ice. by fanning in its face with a peacock feather as try to chill or obscure the significance of Woodrow Wilson’s nomination. In New Jersey, the leadership of Wilson meant the rout of the corrupt bosses and the party’s full freedom to serve the people; It meant real leadership that brought forth specific and endur ing results. That is precisely what it will mean in the nation. It offers the country an opportunity to achieve needed reforms through sane and construc tive methods. And for that very reason, it removes the excuse for a third patty. If Mr. Roosevelt had won the nomination at Chicago, either with or without the aid of his party’s bosses, would he then have burned with the crusad er’s ardor he now professes to feel? Had he succeeded in getting control of the Repub lican machine, would he now be denouncing that machine? Had he been able to run for a third term under Republican auspices, would he now be making what has been aptly called "his personally conducted tour?” The truth is the Colonel is a disappointed, dis gruntled Republican, who is seeking revenge against his party’s bosses because they would not permit him to be chief among them; the real animus of his appeal for votes in that he may square his own giudges and satisfy his own greed for power. In the Chicago convention, there were other pro g»essive candidates for the nomination and it seems to have been pretty clearly, established that he could have placed a progressive at his party’s head, had he but sacrificed his personal wish to the good of the cause he professed to serve. But it was "me" or nobody. His attitude now is no different from what it was then. The fact that a straight, clear path to the restoration of the people’s power in government has been opened through the platform and the candidates of the Democratic party is of no interest to him. Indeed, he will fight the very forces that are trying to advance the common interests and will Endeavor to befog the real issues of the campaign, simply be cause he himself Is not in the saddle at the head of the march. The Democratic party under the leadership of Woodrow Wilson is not seeking a bitter revolution nor heralding a creed of socialism. It is not striving to array class against class nor Interest against in terest. But it is proceeding in thoughtful, workman ly fashion to bring about certain readjustments for the lack of which the nation has lagged and suffered; it is preparing, as Mr. Wilson has said, to establish a universal partnership between the government and the people. In short, the Democratic party has turn ed itself over to the American people as a compe tent and willing agent to serve their practical needs; and because it stands for true service, it is worthy of success and succeed it will. Three Guardians of the Soul By Dr. Frank Crane There are three guardians of the soul. They are heridity, environment and habit. They might be called three flying buttresses; one rising from the past, heredity; another from the future, habit; and the third, environment, from the present; all to stay the soul. They are, I believe, popularly considered as evil things. Nat urally! When a man himself is wrong It Is the very best things in life that seem to harm him most. When we think of heredity, it is usually of some contorted form of it. as scrofula, alcohol ism, prodigality and the tike; when environment is mentioned it suggests only hindering, warp ing, degrading circumstances; and the habits most talked of are the bad ones. But this is all of a piece with ’ tlie same human nature that makes newspapers col lect crimes and call it a record of humanity’s doings, and that makes us read them and wag Our heads for that the world is going to the dogs. No newspaper could contain the simple list of the noble, worthy deeds done daily, neither could nor would we read it. Even so these three guardians do a vast amount of work that we wot not of; because, like all good work, It is unseen. Take heredity, for instaonce. Do you realise that for’centuries it has been piling up moral force to put into your blood? The very best and largest part of whatever goodness, high ideals, and nobleness of mind you have, came from your ancestors. It is easy for you to be decent vecause fop a thousand years your forefathers strove to be decent x And the good is tougher than the bad. The great est power in righteousness is its power to outpopu late vice. Also a large portion of your rectitude is due to your environment. There\ are more good influences, surroundings, customs and institutions thna bad. And as for habit, a good habit is as hard to break as a bad one. If it were not for our ability to form habits, good ness would have no cumulative force. We should be eternally beginning, stumbling, fumbling. But be cause we can, by effort, get ourselves "into the rut of doing right,” we can go on in self-improvement For the perverted, weak-willed and self-pltying these three laws of moral fixity may be three de mons; but for a man that Is a man they are the three guardians of the souL. Governor Brown A Railroad Man And With the Railroads Stands Albany Herald. We are sorry that Governor Brown has seen fit to veto the bill requiring railroads to pull mileage on trains. It is a keen disappointment to the people who have to travel in Georgia, more particularly to the commercial travelers. Jn this matter Governor Brown has chosen to con sult the Interests of the railroads rather than that of the people. It is known of all men that he is a railroad man. and with the railroads stands, and it is a matter of history that while a member of the railroad commis sion he consistently sided with the railroads In mat ters of controversy before that tribunal; but he was first placed on the commission as a railroad man, and nothing more or better was expected of him than that he would stick to his crowd. But, as governor of the state, he might have broadened himself out sufficiently to let stand a bill which the leglsature passed in response to the urgent demands of the people to be relieved of a rule and practice on the part of the railroads that impose, un necessarily and without justifying excuse, great hard ship and inconvenience upon the traveling public. Os course the governor has found his excuse, but It 16 based upon a rather far-fetched interpretation of the constitution of the United States and some de cisions of the United Sates court, and the fact remains hat he might have left the legality and “soundness" of the measure to be fought out in the courts between the railroads and the people at interest. If he had been less inclined to side with the railroads rather than with the people. Ihe Ragtime Muse ALWAYS IN FRONT. Who always are held up to view Whenever things get in a stew From Bitter Creek to Timbuctoo As baneful, wicked, noxious pests— Who get the credit for it ail In college or convention hall For living high, or fake baseball? The interests, the interests! When vandals Bryan’s sidewalk wreck, Or labor gets it in the neck, When trouble comes and sweeps the deck . Triumphant in its many quests, W’ho have to stand and take the lot Dished up to them all smoking hot From every blooming hamlet? What? The interests, the interests! Who, when the blare and battle done. Are found unshaken, every one. At rising or at set of sun In spite of all the talking fests? W’ho hold Dam e Progress to the fore Amid the rumble and the roar And speed her onward, more and more? The interests, the interests! Midsummer Madness BY WALT MASON (Copyright. 1012. by George Matthew Adams.) We have a cozy little home, where wealth's in evidence, and life therein would be a pome if we had « ------ ■ - any sense. All modern comforts • are on deck, the doors with screens supplied, and any tly would break its neck before It got Inside. The bathroom has Its water hot and also water cold; and every comfort's In our cot that can be bought with gold. But, tired of urban neigh borhoods, we’ve made our plans to go and spend a fortnight in the woods, which means two weeks of woe. The flies will eat us up alive —no screens are there to check—and every bee will leave its hive to sting us PIT. v I nbL In the neck. And ants will crawl beneath our clothes and chew our person raw; and we shall lie down for repose on sacks of moldy straw. We ll bathe in dark and muddy pools, all slimy, dank and warm. I won der why we are such fools, and why we don't reform? And two weeks hence we’ll seek our shack, like drowned, bedraggled rats, with painful blisters up the back and bunions on our slats. I wonder why we live in tents, and suffer there, parboiled? I wonder why we have no sense, and why our brains axe spoiled? , TCWO > dwNCTED WJTO&VHJELTOK CHEEXFUL MOTHE* LOVE. Something over a week ago I had to wait for an hour in the great Union depot of Chicago to be able to find and secure tarnsportation southward, and 1 went from my hotel In a pouring rain, the streets all awash as my taxicab rushed me along in their usual mad rate of speed. The women’s retiring room was crowded full, and there was no rocker or easy seat to be had, and I could not get In the sleeper coming to Cincinnati at once as I expected I could do. Near me, in the open waiting room, was a family who lived in South Dakota. They were waltirig for the great overland train to Los Angeles to start. The family consisted of a man, his wife and two children. In this company were also two young wom en and one young man. They were all fatigued to exhaustion. They had been on the Atlantic ocean for two weeks returning from Germany, and also - had been on the train after landing in New York for nearly four days, having missed connection to Chi- ' cago. a *7’ The husband was actually limp with fatigue; the two young women slept as they sat upright, and only’ wideawake, helpful one was the brave little mother, who was caring for the children like a hero in the' strife. The little ones, aged 7 and 4, couldn’t sleep be cause the seats were divided off; they clung to the mother.. I soon became interested, and she told me her story. Eight years ago the husband and wife came out from Germany and found a home In ’he west. They prospered, and these two children came to gladden their Dakota home. Away back in the old country their parents longed to see them, so they traveled from South Dakota to the old home to make glad the hearts of “de fader and de mutter,” as this dear little wife and mother told me. The old father was too feeble to live long; couldn’t make the trip, so' the young ones went to them. Four months were given to this trip, and now they had made the jour ney and were bringing back a sister and two cous ins to live In America. Said the dear little wife: "De mutter will come to us when the fader goes to his eternal home. She planned It all for us.” But I am only here to tell you how mother love won the day, when everybody else succumbed to fa tigue. The little ones could hardly hold their eyes open at 9 o'clock p. m., but she made life easy with /ier tender sympathy and affection. She never once thought of herself. She found somewhere the “funny paper” of the day. She explained It all. She told' these children funny storlea She would hold them to herself, one in her lap, the other hanging on to her tired neck, and the little boy was white with late illness; but she was the cheerfulest little mother you can imagine. She could not get In her sleeping berth until 11 o'clock, and had still a day and two nights of train travel. She couldn’t give up; she held herself steady by that undying mother-love. The children did not understand she was almost quivering with fatigue, but never a wore of complaint passed her lips. I did all I could to divert her mind. It rested her to find somebody who had a thought for her. I drew her out to tell me of her Dakota home and the old parents in Germany. She was as sweet and wholesome as they are ever made. She was a beautiful mother, and when all the rest gave way under strain she was the comfort of all the rest. I said to myself, this old world is blessed because of Its mother-love. When everything gives down, the mother holds up and holds on. When I was notified to go I gave her a parting 1 salute, told her how brave she was and how I under stood her cheerfulness and helpfulness, and she said: "I do hope you are going safely. You have helped me over a hard place tonight by talking to me and the children.” They were prosperous people. Their clothing, their manners betokened good times, but the greatest force and the strangest, ptliar tn that Dakota home was the brave little mother who did not weigh a hun dred pounda Wherever she goes there will be some thing noble and something genuinely good. THE DOG LAW IN GEORGIA. Years and years ago I traveled over Georgia to state agricultural societies and farmers* institutes and plead for relief from vagrant dogs. Nearly every week some child was bitten by mad dogs. Every day the country homes had trouble with suck-egg dogs. Not a sheep could run at large In my part of the country. Not a pound of wool could be raised; we were helpless before this evil. At last we secured a legislature that had some thought for country women and some regard to their security from worthless curs. The tax was very light, and last year It put In the state treasury |l7u,- 000. The legislature that has just adjourned, in their lack of regard * for the women of Georgia, took off this tax and turned Georgia over again to mad dogs and suck-egg, chicken-eating curs. Not an argument ' could be advanced tor the repeal curbing bad, worth less doga No man got up to tell why this country has to be deprived of wool culture because of worth less, sheep-killing dogs. With a unanimity that was astounding, they sim ply did It. They put thumbs on their noses, grinned at the farmers of Georgia and said, "What are you going to do about it?” The governor has been slow about signing bills, but he actually jumped in his haste to sign this repeal of the dog law. He fooled the temperance people on the Tippins bill, but he is a dog-man "to beat the band." No more sheep for Georgia. No more wool for Georgia. Suck-egg dogs are In power. And our little governor has shown where be be longa It was simply a pander to the very dregs of society. It defied the people who are afraid to meet a stray dog on the street because of the mad dog craze, and It has robbed the state of Georgia of 1175,- 000 of good tax money. These dog legislators are not worth to the state $1.76 per annum, and they should be memorialized by having their names enrolled and placed in a frame and hung in the capltol In Atlanta as a set of men fit to protect dogs, but Incapable of doing their duty to human beings. It was a test of their capacity, intellectually as well as morally. Any man who could choose a stray dog as his friend, when , > children are hurried every week to Atlanta to be rescued from hydrophobia, is not fit to be elected as dog beater, much less to draw $4 per day In Atlanta as a legislator. Yet these dog legislators will mount a flying ginny when they get home —the sort that is always galloping and never gets anywhere—and they will raise the echoes with the inane cry, "We were the great Democratic party and voted for dogs, because they are the wards of a Georgia legislature.” Heaven save the country! These legislators (the dog sort) are the menace of the state’s prosperity. They are not even as big as the peanut politicians who did not know the names of Georgia’s governors and were led along by the nose to go to Alabama to And a name for a new county. A crowd that follows dogs cannot be expected to know history. They cannot rise above their level. . . Oldest inhabitants can remember other warm Augusts. President Taft’s existence these days Is spent Id a last dying veto. If conditions in Mexico continue much longer, ths Mexican dollar may shrink even more. Among things that lie in the future are soms «f the street improvements that ought to be made. There was a train robbery near Asheville, K G, but ft was nothing compared to the political excite ment across the border in the other CaroliEX
