4
THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL
ATLAJTTA, GA., 5 MOBTM FOMYTH BT.
Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mall Matter of
the Second Class.
JAKES *. GBAT,
President and Bdltor. _
SXTBSCBIPTIOM FBICE
Twelve racnths J”
Three Months f OO
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mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R- BRAD
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ey paid to the above named traveling representatives.
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Atlanta. Ga.
GOVERNOR BROWN’S VETO
OF THE MILEAGE BILL
In spite of a demand that uac gone up from every
part of Georgia and in defiance of the rights of a
great body of commercial travelers and the import
ant interests they represent. Governor Brown has
vetoed the mileage bill which the Legislature saw
fit to enact. The reasons, or rather pretexts, he as
signs for having killed this sorely needed law might
be expected in the brief of a railroad attorney, hard
pressed for argument to bolster up a shaky cause,
but coming from the chief executive of a State, who
is supposed to guard the interests of all the people,
they are extremely peculiar and surprising.
The Governor seeks to justify his veto on two
main grounds. The first is that since the sale of
mileage, at a rate somewhat lower than that fixed
as n maximum by the State Railroad Commission, is
a voluntary contract between the carrier and its pa
trons, the State cannot attempt to say in what man
ner this agreement shall be rted out without im
pairing the obligation of contracts and thereby going
contrary to the federal constitution. His second
ground is even more remarkable than the first, for
on that he contends that the pulling of mileage on
trains is entirely too ’‘complex" and "tedious” a job
for the conductor to be burdened with. This latter
reason will at least afford much merriment to the
conductors themselves.
In venturing upon the field of constitutional law,
the Governor appears in a distinctly different role
from those he is accustomed to play; and, for our
own part, we must say that he is more convincing
as a commentator upon the virtues of dogwood or
as a singer of the mythical glories of Astyanax. Evi
dently, however, he has not undertaken his new part
without a degree of coaching from somebody long fa
miliar with the lines; indeed, we fancy that some
where behind the scenes we can hear the prompter’s
voice and it is strangely like that of a skilled railroad
lawyer. Certainly the views he presents in his veto
of this mileage bill are precisely those a special
pleader for the roads might advance in an emergency.
Let us follow a moment the devious path of his
reasoning. The Governor holds that the State has
no right to say that mileage purchased and paid
for in advance shall be pulled on the trains instead
of being exchanged for a special trip ticket at the
expense of the owner’s time and general interests,
because the purchase of such mileage represents a
voluntary contract between the railroad and the
buyer. And hence, according to the Governor’s con
tention, the State would overstep its constitutional
authority and * impair the obligation of a contract
should it require the roads to redeem, according to a
particular manner, the mileage thus sold at a rate
slightly lower than the maximum rate fixed by the
State Railroad Commission.
Would our distinguished Governor apply the same
sort of reasoning to all other contracts entered into
between the railroads and their patrons? Would he
say. for example, that because the railroads, on occa
sion, offer to sell transportation at excursion or vaca
tion rates they are in such instances exempt from
their legal duty to carry the passengers safely and
comfortably? Would he contend that in these cir
cumstances the roads should not be required by the
law to provide all essential and customary comforts
for passengers on such trains merely because these
passengers bought their transportation at a reduced
rate which the roads voluntarily granted?
The fact that a carrier offers its mileage books at
a rate lower than the maximum established by |he
State Railroad Commission and that when a patron
chooses to buy such milege rather than a regular
ticket he does so voluntarily has no logical bearing
whatsoever on the real issue of the mileage bill. The
fact that a purchaser in such instances enters into a
particular contract with the railroad in no wise re
lieves the latter of those general obligations which
the State’s law has established for all contracts be
tween passenger and carrier.
The railroads have no more right to impose un
necessary and unreasonable hardships upon the
patron who has bought a mileage book than upon the
patron who has bought a regular ticket. Yet, when
the roads require the holder of such a mileage book
to go through the red-tape process of exchanging his
coupons for a special ticket with a resultant loss of
time and, perhaps, even of money, it does impose an
unnecessary and an unreasonable hardship. And,
therefore, as a matter of common right, the State is
duly empowered to say that the roads shall cease
to practice this unwarranted hardship upon the
traveling public. .
The Governor could as well argue that because a
railroad voluntarily carries passengers at a lower
rate than those fixed by the Railroad Commission it
is thereby relieved of Its duty to lurnish seats for such
passengers or to carry their baggage or take the
same precautions for their comfort and security as
If it received the maximum rate of transportation.
The Governor does argue, in effect, that when a
railroad, in order to induce travel for its own profit,
grants a lower rate than that fixed by the Commis
sion, to those persons willing to buy thousand or two
thousand-mile books, it can by virtue of such a rate
and such a contract completely divest the state of
any right to regulate or control the road’s operations
in this regard.
Such a contention is manifestly absurd. The
road owes a duty to the passenger who travels on a
mileage book no less than to him who travels on a
regular ticket; and the State should protect the
rights and interests of the one as thoroughly as it
does those of the other. The man wno buys a mileage
booa pays for it in advance and he is entitled to due
value upon his purchase without having to go
through a labyrinth of arbitrary rules in order to
receive it. His mileage calls for a certain service,
for a certain amount of transportation and he should
be allowed to present that mileage aboard a train
and have it accepted for just what it is worth. The
railroads make lower rates for mileage books in
order to induce patronage, 'iney have no moral
or legal right to compel passengers to waste time in
exchanging mileage, which has already been paid for,
before it can be used. But Governor Brown, in
trenching himself behind a qulbole which, as we have
said, is better suited to the brief of a special advo
cate of a railroad than to the Governor of Georgia,
insists that the State is Impotent to protect its peo
ple in this matter and that they must remain helpless.
The Governor'J views on constitutional law in
this regard, are about as clear t. a London fog. They
are suggestive of that profound research and medita
tion which some years ago resulted in his famous
"Zone” system for passenger rates.
His second powerful reason for killing the mileage
bill is that the conductor’s duties "other than watch
ful care over bls train for the protection oi the lives
of passengers should be as far as possible freed from
'complexites and tedious calculations," and that a
conductor can take up several card tickets while he
might be pulling the mileage from one book. Such
an argument, we must confess, 16 unanswerable; it
is too much like the waggish deliverances of Justice
Dogberry. It is invulnerable in its absurdity.
In other sections of the country, wherever mileage
is used, the railroads voluntarily pull the mileage on
the trains. It is not necessary to force them to do
so by law, but If it were we do not believe there is
another Governor in the United States, great consti
tutional lawyer though he might be, who would claim
that such a statute impaired the obligation of a con
tract. In Georgia and other Southern states, the
railroads have obstinately set themselves
most reasonable demand, and the governor seems
ready to carry out their wishes, even adding to their
contention the great, discovery that the proposed
law requiring the acceptance of mileage on trains is
unconstitutonal. So, by the exercise of the arbitrary
powers attached to the office which he fills, he under
takes to defeat the rights of patrons of the railroads
and to protect the railroads themselves In an unrea
sonable, unjust, and wholly unnecessary requirement.
Fortunately the people are not without a remedy,
and this remedy does not depend on Governor Brown.
The Railroad Commission has the power to require
the railroads to accept mileage on trains instead of
being exchanged for tickets. The petition for the
enactment of this order has been before the Commis
sion for months, and has been held up by that body
only to await the action of tae Leglislature. The
Legislature did enact a law by a constitutional ma
jority to compel the acceptance of mileage by the
railroads on their trains. Having had this expres
sion from the Legislature and having heard no voice
in opposition to it save that of the railroads and the
governor, ft is the plain duty of the Commission now
to at once adopt and promulgate the rule that rail
roads selling mileage shall be compelled to accept
such mileage on the trains.
The action of Governor Brown deserves to be
repudiated. If he had been the direct representative
of the railroads, in high official position, he could
scarcely have exhibited more complete obedience to
their demands. We hesitate to attribute improper
motives to the Governor in taking the action that he
has, but to say the very least of it, his veto of this
measure is unreasonable in the highest degree, and
nnjust to the great body of the people whom he, in
this instance at least, misrepresents.
GOVERNOR-ELECT SLATON.
Since a Democratic primary in Georgia is equival
ent to an elect! i, it is now In order to congratulate
the successful candidate for Governor; and The Jour
nal does so, heartily and sincerely. To Hon. John M.
Slaton, who has been chosen by a truly handsome
majority, we’ extend our best wishes for a useful
and liberal-minded adminstration under trhich the
interests of all the people may be safeguarded and
upbuilt.
The Journal had no candidate in the recent cam
paign. Indeed, The Journal never stands for candi
dates but for principles. Whenever an issue that
involves the public good has been drawn, we shall
be found fighting in the breach, but we never have
exerted our efforts on purely personal grounds, and
we never shall. In the contest that has just closed
we gave our space freely and almost without limit to
all three of the candidates for governor and each of
them availed himself of it as liberally as he desired.
The campaign involved no vital questions. Its near
est approach to an issue was that of drastic prohibi
tion legislation which, were it to dominate, would
defeat the cause of true temperance and imperil the
Interesta of good government. With this single ex
ception, and that a minor one, Wednesday’s guber
natorial primary presented the people no choice of
principles, but merely a preference among candidates.
Mr. Slaton has been nominated with practical
unanimity, despite the fact that he was opposed by
two men of high character and ability. The honor
thus him is u distinctive one, for it carries
with It the people’s belief that he can serve them
•ell and their expectation that he protect their
rights.
Mr. Slaton will enter the governorship with great
responsibility. His will be the all important task of
holding the balance even between the public interests
and the Special Interests, of seeing to it that the
laws we now possess for guaranteeing equal oppor
tunity and shutting out special privilege are firmly
upheld.
ueorgia has lived intensely and has progressed
wondrously within the past six years. Her people
have a clearer vision than ever before of what they
need in order to move prosperously forward. They
know their rights. They have won their rights
through hard fought battles at the ballot box. And
they ate determined that what they have
THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, AU4JUST 23, 1912.
gained, shall be preserved undiminished and unim
paired.
The time is past when the people would tolerate
the use of public office as a private opportunity or
would submit to the selfish rule of political bosses.
They have cleared away the jungles and have driven
out the preying influences that once beset their in
terests; they have opened their political life to the
tonic touch of purifying light. They demand of their
public servants that this progressve and constructive
order of things be maintained. It is in these circum
stances that Mr. Slaton comes to the office of chief
executive and his usefulness to the state and the ap
proval he wins from the people will be measured by
his faithfulness to this one great principle.
Aside from the governor’s race, Wednesday’s pri
mary shows strikingly enough that the people of
Georgia are tired of the cheapskate boss of Thom
son as well as of more intelligent, if less aggressive
bosses elsewhere. It is a gratifying omen that prac
tically every one of the candidates who were unfor
tunate enough to have the support of Thomas E.
Watson were defeated. Mr. Slaton’s candidacy can
scarcely be considered as an exception, for while
Watson tacitly encouraged his candidacy, he did so
as c matter of necessity rather than of choice and
simply in order that he might, in-so-far as is possible,
keep up with the procession. We have no personal
criticism of the gentlemen whom Watson supported,
but their defeat serves to point the timely moral
that no man who yields to the nictation of this party
highwayman can expect the trust of Georgia
Democrats.
THE PITH OF THE CAMPAIGN.
Into three terse sentences, Woodrow Wilson
packed the logic of the national campaign when he
said at Seagirt yesterday:
"The progressive element in the Republican
party tried to get control of it and failed. The
progressive element in the Democratic party
tried to get control' of it and overwhelmingly
succeeded. So that it is obvious to the whole
country that the Democratic party is free to
serve the purposes of all the people."
This statement of the case will not appeal to a
Bull Moose, but to an ordinary man with average
capacity for reason find observation, it is convincing.
An ambitious politician, seeking a third term of the
presidency, may be blind and deaf to what really
happened at the Baltimore convention. But the citi
zen with no selfish interest to serve has seen and
heard to his thorough satisfaction and he realizes
that the nomination of Woodrow Wilson marked a
new era in the government of parties and a new
omen for the government of the nation.
The Republican convention at Chicago was the
triumph of a machine; the Democratic convention at
Baltimore was the triumph of a principle. The one
represented the failure of the people to control a
party; the other, the success oi the people in their
effort to secure a practical, effective instrument for
accomplishing certain important work. And the
fact that they did succeed, and succeed so over
whelmingly, at Baltimore opens the way to a com
; realization of their purpose.
Mr. Roosevelt was qpdoubtedly very much disap
pointed over what happened at Baltimore; for. It
left his own personal ambition without ground to
stand on. A reactionary platform and reactionary
candidate would have supplied him just the pretext
he wished for furthering his third-term designs. But
the one distinctive feature of that convention was
the boldness with which it cut the party free from
all suspicious alliances. It brought to pars the most
remarkable and decisive victory for progressive pol
icies that American politics has known for a genera
tion. It abundantly met the needs of the time and
set up a standard which all good Citizens cah follow
with earnestness and faith.
Mr. Roosevelt had as well try to turn the sun to
Ice. by fanning in its face with a peacock feather as
try to chill or obscure the significance of Woodrow
Wilson’s nomination. In New Jersey, the leadership
of Wilson meant the rout of the corrupt bosses and
the party’s full freedom to serve the people; It meant
real leadership that brought forth specific and endur
ing results. That is precisely what it will mean in
the nation. It offers the country an opportunity to
achieve needed reforms through sane and construc
tive methods. And for that very reason, it removes
the excuse for a third patty.
If Mr. Roosevelt had won the nomination at
Chicago, either with or without the aid of his party’s
bosses, would he then have burned with the crusad
er’s ardor he now professes to feel?
Had he succeeded in getting control of the Repub
lican machine, would he now be denouncing that
machine?
Had he been able to run for a third term under
Republican auspices, would he now be making what
has been aptly called "his personally conducted
tour?”
The truth is the Colonel is a disappointed, dis
gruntled Republican, who is seeking revenge against
his party’s bosses because they would not permit
him to be chief among them; the real animus of
his appeal for votes in that he may square his own
giudges and satisfy his own greed for power.
In the Chicago convention, there were other pro
g»essive candidates for the nomination and it seems
to have been pretty clearly, established that he could
have placed a progressive at his party’s head, had he
but sacrificed his personal wish to the good of the
cause he professed to serve. But it was "me" or
nobody.
His attitude now is no different from what it was
then. The fact that a straight, clear path to the
restoration of the people’s power in government has
been opened through the platform and the candidates
of the Democratic party is of no interest to him.
Indeed, he will fight the very forces that are trying
to advance the common interests and will Endeavor
to befog the real issues of the campaign, simply be
cause he himself Is not in the saddle at the head of
the march.
The Democratic party under the leadership of
Woodrow Wilson is not seeking a bitter revolution
nor heralding a creed of socialism. It is not striving
to array class against class nor Interest against in
terest. But it is proceeding in thoughtful, workman
ly fashion to bring about certain readjustments for
the lack of which the nation has lagged and suffered;
it is preparing, as Mr. Wilson has said, to establish
a universal partnership between the government and
the people. In short, the Democratic party has turn
ed itself over to the American people as a compe
tent and willing agent to serve their practical needs;
and because it stands for true service, it is worthy
of success and succeed it will.
Three Guardians of the Soul
By Dr. Frank Crane
There are three guardians of the soul.
They are heridity, environment and habit.
They might be called three flying buttresses; one
rising from the past, heredity;
another from the future, habit;
and the third, environment, from
the present; all to stay the soul.
They are, I believe, popularly
considered as evil things. Nat
urally! When a man himself is
wrong It Is the very best things
in life that seem to harm him
most.
When we think of heredity, it
is usually of some contorted
form of it. as scrofula, alcohol
ism, prodigality and the tike;
when environment is mentioned
it suggests only hindering, warp
ing, degrading circumstances;
and the habits most talked of
are the bad ones.
But this is all of a piece with
’
tlie same human nature that makes newspapers col
lect crimes and call it a record of humanity’s doings,
and that makes us read them and wag Our heads
for that the world is going to the dogs.
No newspaper could contain the simple list of the
noble, worthy deeds done daily, neither could nor
would we read it.
Even so these three guardians do a vast amount
of work that we wot not of; because, like all good
work, It is unseen.
Take heredity, for instaonce. Do you realise that
for’centuries it has been piling up moral force to put
into your blood? The very best and largest part of
whatever goodness, high ideals, and nobleness of mind
you have, came from your ancestors. It is easy for
you to be decent vecause fop a thousand years your
forefathers strove to be decent x
And the good is tougher than the bad. The great
est power in righteousness is its power to outpopu
late vice.
Also a large portion of your rectitude is due to
your environment. There\ are more good influences,
surroundings, customs and institutions thna bad.
And as for habit, a good habit is as hard to break
as a bad one.
If it were not for our ability to form habits, good
ness would have no cumulative force. We should be
eternally beginning, stumbling, fumbling. But be
cause we can, by effort, get ourselves "into the rut of
doing right,” we can go on in self-improvement
For the perverted, weak-willed and self-pltying
these three laws of moral fixity may be three de
mons; but for a man that Is a man they are the three
guardians of the souL.
Governor Brown A Railroad Man
And With the Railroads Stands
Albany Herald.
We are sorry that Governor Brown has seen fit to
veto the bill requiring railroads to pull mileage on
trains. It is a keen disappointment to the people who
have to travel in Georgia, more particularly to the
commercial travelers.
Jn this matter Governor Brown has chosen to con
sult the Interests of the railroads rather than that of
the people.
It is known of all men that he is a railroad man.
and with the railroads stands, and it is a matter of
history that while a member of the railroad commis
sion he consistently sided with the railroads In mat
ters of controversy before that tribunal; but he was
first placed on the commission as a railroad man, and
nothing more or better was expected of him than that
he would stick to his crowd.
But, as governor of the state, he might have
broadened himself out sufficiently to let stand a bill
which the leglsature passed in response to the urgent
demands of the people to be relieved of a rule and
practice on the part of the railroads that impose, un
necessarily and without justifying excuse, great hard
ship and inconvenience upon the traveling public.
Os course the governor has found his excuse, but
It 16 based upon a rather far-fetched interpretation of
the constitution of the United States and some de
cisions of the United Sates court, and the fact remains
hat he might have left the legality and “soundness"
of the measure to be fought out in the courts between
the railroads and the people at interest. If he had been
less inclined to side with the railroads rather than
with the people.
Ihe Ragtime Muse
ALWAYS IN FRONT.
Who always are held up to view
Whenever things get in a stew
From Bitter Creek to Timbuctoo
As baneful, wicked, noxious pests—
Who get the credit for it ail
In college or convention hall
For living high, or fake baseball?
The interests, the interests!
When vandals Bryan’s sidewalk wreck,
Or labor gets it in the neck,
When trouble comes and sweeps the deck
. Triumphant in its many quests,
W’ho have to stand and take the lot
Dished up to them all smoking hot
From every blooming hamlet? What?
The interests, the interests!
Who, when the blare and battle done.
Are found unshaken, every one.
At rising or at set of sun
In spite of all the talking fests?
W’ho hold Dam e Progress to the fore
Amid the rumble and the roar
And speed her onward, more and more?
The interests, the interests!
Midsummer Madness
BY WALT MASON
(Copyright. 1012. by George Matthew Adams.)
We have a cozy little home, where wealth's in
evidence, and life therein would be a pome if we had
« ------ ■ - any sense. All modern comforts
• are on deck, the doors with
screens supplied, and any tly
would break its neck before It
got Inside. The bathroom has
Its water hot and also water
cold; and every comfort's In our
cot that can be bought with
gold. But, tired of urban neigh
borhoods, we’ve made our plans
to go and spend a fortnight in
the woods, which means two
weeks of woe. The flies will
eat us up alive —no screens are
there to check—and every bee
will leave its hive to sting us
PIT. v
I nbL
In the neck. And ants will crawl beneath our clothes
and chew our person raw; and we shall lie down for
repose on sacks of moldy straw. We ll bathe in dark
and muddy pools, all slimy, dank and warm. I won
der why we are such fools, and why we don't reform?
And two weeks hence we’ll seek our shack, like
drowned, bedraggled rats, with painful blisters up the
back and bunions on our slats. I wonder why we live
in tents, and suffer there, parboiled? I wonder why
we have no sense, and why our brains axe spoiled?
,
TCWO
> dwNCTED WJTO&VHJELTOK
CHEEXFUL MOTHE* LOVE.
Something over a week ago I had to wait for an
hour in the great Union depot of Chicago to be able
to find and secure tarnsportation southward, and 1
went from my hotel In a pouring rain, the streets all
awash as my taxicab rushed me along in their usual
mad rate of speed. The women’s retiring room was
crowded full, and there was no rocker or easy seat
to be had, and I could not get In the sleeper coming
to Cincinnati at once as I expected I could do.
Near me, in the open waiting room, was a family
who lived in South Dakota. They were waltirig for
the great overland train to Los Angeles to start.
The family consisted of a man, his wife and two
children. In this company were also two young wom
en and one young man. They were all fatigued to
exhaustion. They had been on the Atlantic ocean
for two weeks returning from Germany, and also -
had been on the train after landing in New York for
nearly four days, having missed connection to Chi- '
cago. a *7’
The husband was actually limp with fatigue; the
two young women slept as they sat upright, and only’
wideawake, helpful one was the brave little mother,
who was caring for the children like a hero in the'
strife.
The little ones, aged 7 and 4, couldn’t sleep be
cause the seats were divided off; they clung to the
mother.. I soon became interested, and she told me
her story. Eight years ago the husband and wife
came out from Germany and found a home In ’he
west. They prospered, and these two children came
to gladden their Dakota home. Away back in the old
country their parents longed to see them, so they
traveled from South Dakota to the old home to make
glad the hearts of “de fader and de mutter,” as this
dear little wife and mother told me. The old father
was too feeble to live long; couldn’t make the trip, so'
the young ones went to them. Four months were
given to this trip, and now they had made the jour
ney and were bringing back a sister and two cous
ins to live In America. Said the dear little wife:
"De mutter will come to us when the fader goes to
his eternal home. She planned It all for us.”
But I am only here to tell you how mother love
won the day, when everybody else succumbed to fa
tigue. The little ones could hardly hold their eyes
open at 9 o'clock p. m., but she made life easy with
/ier tender sympathy and affection. She never once
thought of herself. She found somewhere the “funny
paper” of the day. She explained It all. She told'
these children funny storlea She would hold them
to herself, one in her lap, the other hanging on to
her tired neck, and the little boy was white with
late illness; but she was the cheerfulest little mother
you can imagine. She could not get In her sleeping
berth until 11 o'clock, and had still a day and two
nights of train travel. She couldn’t give up; she held
herself steady by that undying mother-love. The
children did not understand she was almost
quivering with fatigue, but never a wore of complaint
passed her lips. I did all I could to divert her mind.
It rested her to find somebody who had a thought
for her. I drew her out to tell me of her Dakota
home and the old parents in Germany. She was as
sweet and wholesome as they are ever made. She
was a beautiful mother, and when all the rest gave
way under strain she was the comfort of all the rest.
I said to myself, this old world is blessed because
of Its mother-love. When everything gives down, the
mother holds up and holds on.
When I was notified to go I gave her a parting 1
salute, told her how brave she was and how I under
stood her cheerfulness and helpfulness, and she said:
"I do hope you are going safely. You have helped
me over a hard place tonight by talking to me and
the children.”
They were prosperous people. Their clothing,
their manners betokened good times, but the greatest
force and the strangest, ptliar tn that Dakota home
was the brave little mother who did not weigh a hun
dred pounda Wherever she goes there will be some
thing noble and something genuinely good.
THE DOG LAW IN GEORGIA.
Years and years ago I traveled over Georgia to
state agricultural societies and farmers* institutes
and plead for relief from vagrant dogs. Nearly every
week some child was bitten by mad dogs. Every day
the country homes had trouble with suck-egg dogs.
Not a sheep could run at large In my part of the
country. Not a pound of wool could be raised; we
were helpless before this evil.
At last we secured a legislature that had some
thought for country women and some regard to their
security from worthless curs. The tax was very
light, and last year It put In the state treasury |l7u,-
000. The legislature that has just adjourned, in their
lack of regard * for the women of Georgia, took off
this tax and turned Georgia over again to mad dogs
and suck-egg, chicken-eating curs. Not an argument
' could be advanced tor the repeal curbing bad, worth
less doga No man got up to tell why this country
has to be deprived of wool culture because of worth
less, sheep-killing dogs.
With a unanimity that was astounding, they sim
ply did It. They put thumbs on their noses, grinned
at the farmers of Georgia and said, "What are you
going to do about it?”
The governor has been slow about signing bills,
but he actually jumped in his haste to sign this repeal
of the dog law. He fooled the temperance people on
the Tippins bill, but he is a dog-man "to beat the
band."
No more sheep for Georgia.
No more wool for Georgia.
Suck-egg dogs are In power.
And our little governor has shown where be be
longa
It was simply a pander to the very dregs of
society. It defied the people who are afraid to meet
a stray dog on the street because of the mad dog
craze, and It has robbed the state of Georgia of 1175,-
000 of good tax money. These dog legislators are not
worth to the state $1.76 per annum, and they should
be memorialized by having their names enrolled and
placed in a frame and hung in the capltol In Atlanta
as a set of men fit to protect dogs, but Incapable of
doing their duty to human beings. It was a test of
their capacity, intellectually as well as morally. Any
man who could choose a stray dog as his friend, when , >
children are hurried every week to Atlanta to be
rescued from hydrophobia, is not fit to be elected as
dog beater, much less to draw $4 per day In Atlanta
as a legislator. Yet these dog legislators will mount
a flying ginny when they get home —the sort that is
always galloping and never gets anywhere—and they
will raise the echoes with the inane cry, "We were the
great Democratic party and voted for dogs, because
they are the wards of a Georgia legislature.” Heaven
save the country! These legislators (the dog sort)
are the menace of the state’s prosperity. They are
not even as big as the peanut politicians who did not
know the names of Georgia’s governors and were led
along by the nose to go to Alabama to And a name
for a new county. A crowd that follows dogs cannot
be expected to know history. They cannot rise above
their level. . .
Oldest inhabitants can remember other warm
Augusts.
President Taft’s existence these days Is spent Id
a last dying veto.
If conditions in Mexico continue much longer, ths
Mexican dollar may shrink even more.
Among things that lie in the future are soms «f
the street improvements that ought to be made.
There was a train robbery near Asheville, K G,
but ft was nothing compared to the political excite
ment across the border in the other CaroliEX
