About Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 30, 1912)
4 THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLAWTA, GA., S JTOBTX FORSYTH BT. Entered at th* Atlanta Postoffice a* Mail Matter of . the Second Class. JAMBS *. GRAY. Pr.sidsnt and Rdltor. SUBSCBIPTIOM PRICK Twelve months Mix Months ’® c Three Months “ :,c The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for j early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, by special leased wires Into oar office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong departments of special value to the home and farm- Agents wanted at every postoffice. Liberal com mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R. BRAD LEY. Circulation Dept. The only traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan. R. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle. L. H. Kimbrough and C- T. Yates. We will be responsible only for mon ey paid to the above named traveling representatives. MO TICS TO SUBSCRIBES 8. The label used for addressing your paper E shows the time your subscription expires. By renewing at least two weeks before th e date on b thia label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed be sure to mention your old, as well as your new address. If on a I* - route please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back numbers. Remittances should be sent by postal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. R Atlanta. Ga. 1 . 1 ' := THERE IS SOMETHING ROTTEN IN DENMARK Shall the public school system of Georgia be turned into a shuttlecock for Governor Brown’s per sonal spite? Shall the State Department of Education be used aa a checker board for his political game? Shall laws be trampled and precedents defied •imply that one man, who now chances to hold the office of chief executive, may vent his puny spleen or serve the special interests to which he is beholden? These are vital and practical questions. They spring from conditions that are intensely real. They touch the welfare of thousands of teachers and homes and hundreds of thousands of children. They demand an answer —and it should be final and com plete. x i. Governor Brown has arbitrarily removed, as members of the State Board of Education, Profs. Jere M. Pound and J. C. Langston, after they had been legally appointed by Governor Hoke Smith and duly confirmed by the Senate. With equal disregard of the law, he has filled their places with two appointees of his own, whom the Senate declined even to consider. That he was unwarranted in this highhanded procedure is beyond question. That the effect of such a policy upon the State's school system would prove ruinous, should it prevail, cannot for a moment be doubted. But the Governor’s I ulterior motive in thus overriding the law and the Senate and imperiling the schools’ interests remains to be disclosed. Let us note briefly the facts tn this case. In August, 1911, during the closing days of the Legisla ture then in session, there was enacted a bill for which the teachers of Georgia had been long and earnestly striving. The purpose of this measure was to reorganize the State's public school system upon an efficient and truly educational oasis, to supplant confusion with an intelligent and definite plan, to remove old abuses, to introduce progressive ideas, and to make every dollar of the school appropria tion yield due returns to the taxpayer and the P child. One of the most Important features of this bill was the provison for a State Board of Educa tion. to be composed of six members—the Governor, the State Superintendent of Schools and four other persons, apointed by the Governor, "two for two years and two for four years, their terms of office thereafter to be for four years each, or until their successors are appointed and qualified.'’ This latter clause is quoted directly from the law itself. In compliance with this act. which was approved August the twenty-first, 1911, Governor Hoke Smith appointed the four members of the board whom it was his duty to name. And. in keeping with the spirit as well as the letter of the law, he was partic ularly careful to avoid political partisanship and to choose men who measured clearly up to that clause of the law which reads: "No person who is now or has been connected with or employed by a school book publishing concern shall be eligible to member ship on said State Board of Education; and if any person shall become so connected or employed after becoming a member of said board, his place on said board shall become vacant." The gentlemen whom - Governor Smith appointed were distinguished for their ablity and their rich service to the school inter ests of the State. They were Judge Thomas G. Law son, since deceased: Prof. Jere M. Pound, Prof. J. C. Langston and Dr. T. J. Wooster. In accordance with the act, these members were to serve “until their successors are appointed and qualified.” And it is noteworthy In this connection that the law specifically provides for the filling of the vacancies and for ad interim appointments. “Should a vacancy occur at any time in said board,” says Section One of the act, “it shall be filled by the Governor, provided that the nominations of the Gov ernor for membership on the State Board of Educa tion shall be subject to confirmation by the Senate, and provided further that an appointment made when the Senate is not session shall be effective until the Legislature convenes and acts on the ap pointment.” After making these appointments, Governor Smith resigned and was succeeded later In the year by Governor Brown. In the light of the facts and ■ the law, It was clearly Governor Brown’s duty to transmit to the Senate, at its 1912 session, the ap pointments made by his predecessor for tiie Senate’s approval or rejection. Instead of doing this, how ever, he sent in certain appointments of bls own. These the Senate very properly refused to consider, holding that, under the record, there were no vacan cies to fill, but simply a list of appointee* to be con firmed or set aside. Thereupon, at the Senate’s re quest, Governor Brown transmitted to that body the list of Governor Smith’s appointments to the board, and they were duly confirmed Tet, in the face of throe circumstances. Governor Brown, waiting until the Senate had adjourned, summoned his own two appointees to the Capitol and went through a mock performance of "swearing them in” and reorganizing the board. We say "mock” performance advisedly. For he took this action in the absence of State School Superintendent Brittain —designedly so, no doubt—and without noti fying Dr. Wooster, another member of the board, that a meeting was to be held. As The Journal has said before, we make no crit icism of the two gentlemen whom Governor Brown illegally substituted for the qualified members of the Education Board. Indeed, their personality does not enter Into the case. The vital fact is that the Governor has violated law’ and precedent and has thrown the education department of the State into grievous confusion. He has played selfish politics w’ith one of the people’s greatest interests, and it behooves the people to ascertain just what was his underlying motive for so doing. Certain it is that an act so flagrant and, we may add, so suspicious, should not be suffered to go un rebuked. If Prof. Pound and Prof. Langston con sulted only their personal wishes, they would doubt less ignore thia incident. But, as leaders in the cause of education and as representatives of the teachers of Georgia, they cannot afford to let this assault upon the interests of the schools go unchal lenged. It is their duty, not merely to themselves, but to a principle and to a cause, tto maintain the integrity of the State Board of Education and, as a means thereto, to appeal to the attorney general or, If need be, to the courts to vindicate the legality of tnelr membership. They are duly appointed members of this board. Upon them rests the duty and the grave responsi bility of preserving, as far as it is within their pow’er, the integrity of this board and the underly ing principle of independence of political factions that brought about its enactment. They cannot escape the duty and responsibility they owe the schools of the state even if they desired to do so. They should at once, as duly appointed members of the board, appeal officially to the Attorney General and, if need be, to the courts to vindicate the legal ity of their membership and to condemn the Illegality of Governor Brown's political play.. Furthermore, It is the obvious duty of Superin tendent Brittain, as the responsible head of the Department of Education, to call upon the Attorney General for an opinion as to the legal status of the tWb members whom Governor Brown has sought to remove, and of the two he has sought to force in over the Senate’s will. 4 Upon Superintendent Brittain, as the practical head of this department, rests the responsibility of its welfare. If it is to be rent with illegal appoint ments made for political purposes, the system con templated by the law will be an absolute failure. Mr. Brittan owes it to himself and to the school in terests to have the confusion created by Governor Brown cleared away. He should at once appeal to tho Attorney General for an opinion and, if neces sary, to the courts for such action as will preserve the integrity and usefulness of this Board. As mat ters now stand, the State Board, of which he is a part and to which he must largely look for guid ance, is in chaos; and so it will remain until the question of its membership is officially determined. Hon. H. S. White, author of the Education law, has declared that any action which might be taken by the two gentlemen whom Governor Brown improp erly appointed would be "absolutely void;” and this view he has supported by convincing citations from the law and the Constitution. Certainly, the Department sis Education will re main hamstrung until this matter is settled, and settled conclusively. The interests of the teachers and of the schools and of the public are thus vitally involved. And it is to Superintendent Brittain that all these interests look for efficient action in this crisis. With the partisan politics of this affair ho has no concern, but be is immediately and tremen dously concerned with the welfare of the schools. No man worked more earnestly than he for the en actment of the new Education law. No man under stands more clearly the need of keeping his depart ment severely free from the entanglements of personal politics and the dictation of special inter ests. Let the Superintendent act at this crucial moment in accordance with the duties before him, in accordance with his own luminous record of public fealty, and the people of Georgia will have cause to thank him anew for the service he has rendered them. No agency of the State’s government touches the citizen and the home at more vital points than does this Board of Education. It is clothed with large power and responsibility. It has jurisdiction over more than eight thousand 1 schools and more than thirteen thousand teachers. It has to do, In one way or another, with the spending of four million dollars for the state's common schools; and during the last scholastic year this sum was increased, through local taxation, to some five million dollars. The State Board of Education is furthermore empowered to select the text-books used by over half a million children and paid for by parents In every nook and comer of the commonwealth. And it Is soon to employ this power. Hence it was that the framers of the law wisely provided that “No person who is now, or has been, connected with or employed by a school publishing concern shall be eligible to mem bership on said State Board of Education.” Is there any department of our government that should be more jealously guarded against political or selfish influences? i Is there any province of the public’s interests that should be more scrupulously protected by the law? We repeat that when Governor Brown trampled upon the law and defied all precedents in order that he might substitute two of his personal appointees for those legally named and duly confirmed by the Senate, he provoked questions that are very serious and far-reaching. What could have been his motive for this high handed procedure? Is it probable that he would have gone such lengths of usurpation merely to ggptify his individual spite? 1 If that were his sole incitement, then certainly he is unworthy of the office he holds. If otljer motives lurked behind hia unprecedented course, then the public is entitled to know them; and If it is within The Journal’s power to do so, they shall be brought to light. It looks very much as if, back of this entire transaction, there is some secret Blue Beard chamber yet to be unlocked. Certainly, in the light of the facts thus far revealed, Governor Brown’s action appears as illogical as it was illegal. It needs no ghost to walk the night to let us know there’s some thing rotten in Denmark. The air Itself is messen ger enough. ' In behalf of the common school system of Georgia and all that it means to the homes and to good citi zenship, let us have the innermost and thus far hid den truth of this disgraceful affair. THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, AUGUST 30, 1912. Disappearance of the Servant By Dr. Frank Crane If you had said to Pericles or to Caesar that slav ery one day should be abolished he would not have believed you; he would not have been able to under stand how the world could get r — —n I ■k-- p -j*. v along without slaves. If you should say to the most intelligent modern man that one day there should be no more servants, he would hardly be lieve you; or if you should tell a wealthy woman, mistress of a large establishment, that some day there will be no more serv ant problem for the reason that there will be no more servants she would doubtless think you crazy. For all of that, domestic serv ice is going to disappear in time, just as slavery has disappeared. Slavery had to go because it was Inconsistent w’ith the new moral tone that Christianity brought; domestic service is doomed because it is in consistent with modern ideas of citizenship* and ra tional human relations. Domestic service, like the United States senate and the vermiform appendix, is a relic of an outgrown condition of things, of a time when the aim of life was to be waited upon, and a man’s importance was gauged by the number of those who waited upon him. The democratic ideal is quietly curing this morbid idea. Our notion of the greatest man la coming to be the man who serves the most and not the one with the most servants. At the close of the twentieth century the cardinal element In every child's education will be to teacli him how to wait on himself. Already we find It difficult to “get good help." The maid of all work becomes more and more ex acting, demands more and more pay, and often It is impossible to procure one at any price. We have tried every domestic. We have chosen races which we call inferior. But even the negro is being “spoiled” by education and consequent self respect; and while the Chinaman is an Ideal domestic he knows it, inwardly despises whom he serves, and charges so much that he will always remain the lux ury of the few. In South Africa some progress is being made tn training baboons to farm work, even to run locomo tives; possibly they might learn housework. Attempts at communal life have been made in the effort to solve the servant puzzle. Apartment build ings and groups of cottages have tried common kitchens. More and more food is being prepared and sold from the grocery “ready to eiat.” The only place where there is no servant problem is the home of the poor, where the wtfe does her own work. And women are showing a growing lis 'laste for entering into a marriage that implies that. They seem to suspect that, the man is marrying io obtain a housekeeper to whom he need not pay honest wages. The solution of the difficulty is in two directions, which are co-ordinate. One hope is In the inventive genius of man; the other in his growth in democracy, spiritual simplicity and greatness. In the electric house a hundred years from now there will be little hand work to do. The house then will be as far ahead of ours now as the present day steam heated, electric lighted and vacuum cleaned apartment is in advance of the house where Which' was a boy. The home of the future will be servant less. But at the same time people will learn gradually the dignity of helping themselves and the pettiness of being helped. . Society has invented football, tennis, golf, boxing, cakewalking, bear dancing, fcfid automobiling to keep people from dying of fat and atrophy. The simplest and most scientific form of exercise is taking care of yourself. Tolstoy says that to teach our children to pick up their own scattered toys and generally to look after themselves is absolutely necessary if we would ha/e them understand the meaning of "brotherhood.” Herbert Spencer says the same regime is necessary in education. , . It’s all In the way you look at it. A man who thinks it no disgrace to lie! on h* B hack in the mud under an automobile and get grease on his hands and up to his armpits need not -think it beneath him to fry some eggs and bacon. And a woman who can tftand lour hours at a re ception or travel 20 miles an afternoon in an art gal lery need not 'think she is lowering herself by comb ing her own hair, putting together her own spring hat. and buttoning her own gown—also having her gowns made so -that she can button them herself. Fashion determines all. Fashion is being forced toward simplicity. And if we only thought so ’t might be qblte as much the thing for a gentleman to polish his own shoes as to steer his own auto, and for a lady to make her own shirtwaists as to em broider castles and duck ponds on canvas. "When Adam dolve and Eve span, Who was the gentleman?” Saving and Investing Talks WHAT IS A BANK? BY JOXST M. OSKXSOM. The first bank was some trusted man’s pocket. A neighbor said to him:. • "Sir, I know that your house is safer than mine. Therefore, take my two pieces of gold and keep them for me.” After a time, when a number of his neighbors had also come to him and asked him to care for their gold, the man said: “ Sinca all of you are not likely to ask for the return of youi money at the same time, and since I have need of money in my business, I will not merely put your money into one of my chests, but I will use it in my business. I’m sure that I shall be able to pay back to those ot you who want It whatever sums you ask, and meanwhile make It r .-1 earn a profit for myself. So we shall both benefit.” When that occurred, competition among men with strong boxes sprang up. Some claimed to be able to take care of money who were, in fact, not fit to he trusted. Bankers acquired a bad reputation among the people because of the defaults of such incompe tent and dishonest men. Community—or government regulation was deemed desirable, and so national and state banks, run according to rules laid down by the state, came into being. In some of our states, like Illinois, very primitive banking practices are still tolerated. More than 500 private banks, which do nbt Have to make reports to any community authority, are doing business there. It Is a situation which has led a Chicago banker to say;. "Anybody can start a private bank if he gets a lot of furniture and brass railings and selects a name and opens up for business.” These banks are failing at an alarming rate—one went under In Chicago late ly and left assets of exactly >2OO to satisfy depositors of more than >25,000. There is no real need for the unregulated private banker today. Banking is a semi-public function, and it should be overlooked by the state. Has Heard No Roosevelt Talk SAVANNAH, Ga., Aug. 17. —All of the Democrats whom I have heard express opinions seem very well contented with Governor Wilson. I am unable to learn of any sentiment for Roosevelt and his party tn the south. ’ ALEXANDER R. LAWTON. Railroad President and Lawyer. FIE topics . TKE LATE ELECTIOM OB FBIMABY. I was too unwell to go out of my house last Wed nesday, and have waited for the newspapers to give me information. I have lived a long time and have seen or been acquainted with many elections, but 1 have rarely seen or heard of one which gave mere general dissatisfaction to the average citizen. Per haps I can explain what I have to say by follow ing statement: The Baptist minister in our town, speaking from r his pulpit yesterday, said: "I was told by a responsible and reliable gentleman that ths election of Wednesday was positively carried by the us< of liquor and money,” and the preacher further remarked that such lawlessness grew out of the gen eral decline by lack of appreciation or reverence for the church; that even the membership had grown into the habit of criticising both preachers and churches until that main bulwark of society was breaking down. A white primary was instituted to keep the negro out of Georgia politics. It was applauded as the best and only means to allow good men to run sos office, and to prevent the election of bad men by the common use of money and liquor. It has reached a place in Georgia that big money “rules the roost,” and when the friends of a candi date put up big money it means only one of two things: they aim to get their money back, or they aim to vote the man they elect in return for their money. One venerable gentleman, remarking on these con ditions, said: "Our elections are now controlled by railroads and priests.” It is plainly to be seen that present methods will not last long. They will break down by their own weight. We need two strong parties in Georgia, without the use of the negro votes, or liquor bribery, or big money spent by interested people to elect their own men. Where money works, either in a primary or general election, there is something rotten. There seems to be no liquor prohibition in Georgia on pri mary days or on election days. It means eventual ruin. SHOULD SHE LEAVE KXMf A very intelligent woman, with only one child, a daughter, who has struggled to support a thriftless and disagreeable husband ever since their marriage, asks my advice in regard to delivering her child and her home of a no-account, disagreeable man, who does not earn a penny, and who sits down and waits for her to upport him with her outside work, besides making her life a torment with coarse profanity anJ sneers and neglect. She says it grows more and more intolerable every day. and she asks me as to her duty to this half-grown daughter. It is a difficult and delicate question which con fronts this woman. The man is idle and, of course, always unpleaant where the woman must earn he/ wages, besides supporting the home. Those two made a contract many years ago. She has kept her part of it as well as conditions allowed, while he has made life a terror to an educated and refined woman. Her child hears nothing but coarse and vulgar language, and gets nothing from the father but bad manners and vicious surroundings and con stant abuse of her mother. I would advise her at least to live apart from him for her child’s sake *f not her own. The conditions are certainly hard for a decent woman to put up with. WOMAX SUFFBAGB. Everybody is after it now. The aiew Progressive party declared for it less than a month ago, and now Mr. Taft has a squad of women on the warpath for him, and Mr. Wilson has signified his acceptance of political women’s efforts. What a change, we all de clare! My position has not been changed. I have always believed a woman has the natural right for every thing that her son is given. He can’t be any greater person, the same advantages being given, than his mother. She has as many rights as he. Even a negro woman who was free in slavery time could give freedom to her offspring. A slave mother made the child the slave. A free-born mother gave freedom to her negro child. Nobody is going to force any woman to vote against her will, but I am not going to deny to any woman her natural right to select her own represen tatives. It looks to me as woman suffrage is com ing to the front, wearing seven-leagued boots. BARE OLD OOXMS AGAXM. J. R. Smiley, of Bow, Ky., has valuable old coins. Mrs. J. W. 'Malone, of Abbeville, Ala., has old coin made in 1842; a 3 cent silver coin, 1852, and dime of 1834 coinage. Mrs. J. S. Clayton, of Acworth, Ga., has 5 cent silver, 1838, Spanish half dollar made in 1774.’ Mrs. Florence Mitchell, Rome, Ga., has half dime of 1850, small penny of 1862, and a quarter of 1877. Care Miss Daisy Allen, Rome. Mrs. M. H. Cook, Washington, Ga., fias collection of old coins. S. T. Hammond, Wayside, Ga., is a coin collector. Mrs. Bettie Smith, Pearson, Ga.. wants a list of good books suitable for girls and children. Mrs. Leila. Smith, of Abbeville, Ga., is anxious to find relatives living in Texas. Miss Carrie Smith, of Gainesville, has tine collec tion of Columbian half dollars, and some other not very old coins. KOBE BARE COX3TS. Mrs. Samuel Weldon, of Albany, Ga.. has a silver half dime coined in 1829. Mrs. Robert Adams, of Marianna, Fla., has a num ber of rare old coins, which she might sell. i Mrs. R. W. Nichols, of Fort White, Fla., has a coin of 1856, 25, cents, two half dimes, one coined in 1835, and the other in 1839. All these coin owners are readers of The Semi- Weekly Journal, and I am delighted to give their names and postoffice, to notify rare coin collectots where to find the owners. Ihe Ragtime Muse COST OF LIVING. Father lived in a cottage of brick And heated that cottage by fireplaces: The light w’as a little oil lamp with a wick; We pumped the water to wash our faces. I live in a flat with electric light. Steam heat—all modern appurtenances; Piano and such things are mine by right— I’m a “man in moderat circumstances.” Father would seldom go to a show; To church he rode in the family surrey. I keep an auto —thus one must go To keep abreast of this age of hurry. Father raised most of his kitchen truck. And he kept pigs and a cow and chickens; Such stuff I buy. and it’s nip and tuck To meet the bills —they cost like the dickens! We had new clothes just twice a year, And paid heed to comfort and not to fashions A hint of that now and I’m called "near”— Economy throws my wife in a passion! Two thousand a year had father then, Spared some for saving and some for giving. But I can scarcely make out with ten— Because of the “higher cost of Jiving.” THE MEXICAN SITUATION ' ll.—The Attitude of the United States. By Frederic J. Haskin In its handling of the difficulties growing out olj the revolution in Mexico the American state depart ment has been criticised by almost every Interest as- adBSSIIk a zone of neutrality ought to be establish- « ed and maintained by an American army patrolling the frontier. • • • These people also criticise the state department for its attitude toward those who h»ve been the vic tims of shells and balls crossing the international boundary line. They assert that they are entitled to protection from the gunfire of the Mexicans, and that if they are damaged it is the duty of the state de partment to right their wrongs for them and to do it promptly and efficiently. And this, they assert, has not been done. It is their contention that our gov ernment has failed to do its duty when it has not protected them from such injury, and that there is neither reason or justice in the attitude of the state department in refusing to press their claims. • • • Meanwhile the state department answers that it has been trying to follow those lines that would best promote the interests of all concerned. It points out that the Mexican government has created a channel through which these claims may be brought up, adju dicated. and settled. This is in the shape of consular investigations. For instance, the Mexican consul t*t El Paso is empowered to investigate the claims grow ing out of the damage inflicted in El Paso by tl.e guns of the contending forcea His recommendations will be taken as a guide for payment by the Mexican government •• • \ The department contends that it was not for it to refuse to recognise the methods of satisfaction pro vided by the Mexican government, but simply to that justice is done. So long as the method chosen by the Mexican works, it contended, there waa nu reason for other methods to be invoked, but that it would have invoked such other methods as mign have been necessary had the plan adopted by the Mexicans failed to afford adequate relief. • • • This contention has been answered by the senators from the states bordering on the frontier with the • statement that it is scarcely to be expected that the Mexican consuls, having in mind the bad financial situation of their country, and objecting to its as suming responsibility for damages inflicted by rebel troops, will be over-liberal with the American citi zens living on this side of the Rio Grande. Senator Fall, for instance, concedes that it is the duty of (hose Americans who live in Mexico and have «us tained injuries there to exhaust their remedies in that country before appealing to Washington. But it is contended that the people injured on the Amer ican side have an entirely different status. So long as they have stayed at home and there have followed the pursuits of good citizens it is for the government at Washington to protect them and not for them to protect themselves. Hence, their contention that the state department has erred. • • • Congress finally has accepted their view of it and has provided that the assessment of damages shall be made by American army officers, and that the Washington government will undertake to see that restitution is made. It is to be explained that the state department feels that the Mexican aituatioa is a dangerous one, and that It needs to be bandied with the utmost care if we are to avert complications that might prove of the utmost seriousness. It occu pies much the position that President McKinley occu pied before the Spanish-American war, seeking to avert any incident that might inflame public opinion at home or «tir up trouble in Mexico. • • ■ Meanwhile incidents have happened from time to time that might, under other conditions, provoke in ternational trouble. .The government at Washington permitted Americans in Mexico to import arms for self-defense. These were taken from them by the revolutionists with the declaration that since the United States has refused to allow them to import munitions of war from across the Rio Grande that is their only chance to get them. They assert that the ja Madero revolutionists were permitted to get all the arms and ammunition they needed, but that the Orozco people are denied the right that was granted the former revolutionists. ■ • • Likewise Americans have been treated so bru tally in some cases that there is probably ground for the assertion that such treatment has been meted out for the purpose of forcing intervention. In one instance a prominent American colonist’!''' wife fell ill and died. Her relatives in New Mexico were notified and made the trip in an automobile. At the interna tional boundary line they were told by the Mexican consul that they did not need a passport. When they arrived at their destination the man whose wife had died waS torn from the death chamber and taken out and hanged by Mexican soldiers for permitting their relatives to come to his house without a passport • • • Perhaps the people hardest hit by the revolution have been the Mormons. President Diaz was always anxious to get as many farmers into Mexico as possi ble—farmers who would break up big tiaxflendos into small farms and till them after the American way. Dozens of Mormon settlements were established in many sections of Mexico. Traveling along the Vera Cruz and Isthmus railway one crosses broad prairies with here and there settlements of Mormon farmers— men who have transformed idle soil into wealth Pro ducing plantations. The same has been true in north ern Mexico. These people went down there, taking their all with them, and establishing farming dis tricts and rural towns which remind one of prosper ous sections in lowa or Illinois. None of the things ’ one sees in those states were wanting to tell the zt<>ry of thrift, energy and prosperity; in some of the towns were three-story school buildings, built according to / the best standard in the United States. Their schools had as extensive courses of study and as good teach ers as those in this country. Virginia Is Loyal RICHMOND, Va.. Aug. 17.—1 f Colonel Roosevelt ha-s succeeded in securing any Democratic votes in Virginia he has used such gumshoe methods that the fact is not known to those who are supposed to be alive to the political situation. As far as this state is concerned he is not a factor in any sense of the word. There are three well-known Democrats in Richmond classified as cranks who have declared they will vote for the Bull Moose, but even these three votes are not securely anchored. It Is my opinion that Woodrow Wilson will receive the largest vote Virginia has ever given a president. Even the few negroes who are qualified to vote in this state are coming out strong for Wilson, showing that the political wind Is blowing a black hurricane toward Democracy. Virginians laugh with Roosevelt, enjoy his spectacular stage settings and mechanical effects, but they demand a safe and sane man for the White House. , /y ALLEN POTTS. Managing Editor The Times-Dlspatch. fected. The people who ha'’S gone to Mexico from the United States complain that the atti J tude of the government at Washington is not positive! enough to protect them in their a rights under international law. The people who reside on ths American side of the Mexican border contend that they have a right to demand protection from the flying missiles of battle from the Mexican side! and to insist that the United States shall compel tho war ring factions in Mexico to fight : , their battles on grounds and to aim their guns in directions that will not kill and malm people and damage property on the American side. They as-
