About Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 3, 1912)
4 THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA. GA., 5 NORTH FORSTTX «T. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mall Matter or the Second Class. JAMXB R. GRAT, President and Editor. rciscxrrnoif fricb Twelve months Six Months Three Months - 7® The Semi-Weekly Journal la published on Tuesday and Friday, and la mailed by the ahorteat routes o early delivery. It contains news from all over the world. brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a sta of distinguished contributors, with strong departmen. of special value to the home and farm. Agents wanted at every poctoffice. Liberal com mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R R brt.w- LEY. Circulation Dept _ _ The only travelin* representatives we have are J. A. Bryan. R. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle, L. H. Kimbrongh and C. T. Tatea We will be responsible only for mon ey paid to the above named traveling representatives. NOTICE TO SXmSCBrBEBS. The label used for addressin* your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By renew tn* at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In orderin* paper changed be sure to mention your old. as well as your new address. If on a route please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with hack number*, Remittances should be rent by postal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta. Ga. ROOSEVELT AND THE STATES. IX hi* "History of the America People” Woodrow Wilson has presented an admirable study of the ■Fgjjja South's temper and attitude at the great crucial hour of its career. He says: "Men who knew the South only by some cassal fhlaps' of Southern men, some brief journey through the Southern country, some transient sojourn of a single season, deemed the Southern people as unstable, as easily sirred to rash action as a Gallic populace. . . . But they were aa English folk, strengthened here and there by the sober Scotslnsh strain and the earnest blood of the steadfast Huguenot. They held to their principles, their habits, their pre possessions with a simple, insnumvt: consistency eoAick no excitement of the *u really touch ed or unsettled. They had been schooled, as all the nod, ia loyal allegiance to the <. Caioa which their own statesmen had done so much to set up and make ihu» . ous. their old-fashioned view of the rights of the States as members of the gnat partners. .»>, no ordinary occasion, no sudden gust of pission could have tom their thought from those old moorings." In material conditions, the South has changed wondrous ly within the past fifty years and its po litical outlook, too, has naturally widened. But it* people are still a Saxon folk and they hold as stead fastly now as then to certain principles and faiths which “no excitement of the moment can really touch or unsettle." On four deep-rooted questions of government, their convictions are especially clear and tenacious: They are the rights of the Stat?, the evils of the tariff, the usurpation of executive power and the status of the negro. Wherever you find a Southerner to the manner bom, you will 1. d a man who believe* in preserving the integrity- of the individual State, in reforming the tariff in beha.4 of th* common interests, in safeguarding the legisla tive end the judicial provinijes of the government against executive encroachments and in protecting certain vital institutions from a corrupt and venal element of the negro vote. Many, if not all, of these views ar* shared by thinking people the country over, but in the South they are held as a legacy and as the outgrowth of practical needs and condi tions. * On what ground, then, can Mr. Roosevelt who stands at variance wun every one u. these peculiarly Southern beliefs appeal to this section for political support? The Journal has previously said that bn these essential matters of* government bis policies and the South's convictions, his purposes and the South’s interests are radically opposite. This is true of his attitude toward u*e tariff, toward 'the political status of the negro, toward the third-term precedent and especially is it true of his attitude toward the government of the individual State*. State rights are no mere fetich or tradition to the people of this section. They are, rather, a dis tinctive feature of a Republic that sprang trom dire abuse of centralised power. They are a vital part of those ideals from which the Constitution evolved. If ■’e wish a system of government entirely different from that under which we have thus far lived, if we are ready to accept a scheme or paternal despot ism in place of a self-governing nation, then we may lightly dismiss all questions of the rights and the responsibilities of the individual commonwealth. But we dare not do so, and we dare not assent to Mr. Roosevelt’s policies in this regard, unless we are ready for just such a revolution. We need scarcely pause to note the fact that the entire drift of Roosevelt's political thought and record is toward a more and more inclusive concen tration of power at Washington, and particularly in the hands of the executive department That has been the burden of his utterances and his acts ever since he came conspicuously into public affairs. He has said on one occasion that the power of the fed eral government should be increased "through exec utive action and through judicial interpretation and construction of the law." He has said again, in pro pounding his so-called New Nationalism: “It is im patient of the confusion that results from local leg islature* attempting to treat national issues as local issues; it is still more impatient of the impotence that proceeds from an overdivisiun of government power*. What is needed is administrative supervis ion and control. The New Nationalism regards the executive power at the steward of the public wel fare" In the policies and platform of his new party, he carries this theory still further, so far. Indeed, that he would have the federal government take the place of Providence itself, with Theodore the First as th* Father of us all. It is not necessary to ask whether such a policy is in accord with the truths on which this nation was founded or with the purposes by which we have been guided. But well we may ask whether, within itself it is prudent and right, waetuer it would exa.u our liberties or degrade them, whether it would make us a stronger or a weaker people? Even if we concede that Mr. Roosevelt’s purpose is, as he avows it to be, the vindication of “human rights” and the establishment of “social justice,” can we believe that these ends are attainable through such a bu reaucratic and personal government as he advocates? Can we make the State* more responsive to popular needs by stripping them of their responsibilities and binding them like petty provinces to Washington? Can we make the individual citixen more alert to his duties and more jealous of his rights by teaching him to think that the President and the federal gov ernment will solve all his problem* and send us com forts and happiness like the gentle rain from heaven? On the contrary, this is the very fallacy that has worm-holed the Republics of th4 past and eaten away the strength and freedom of great nations. “The mischief begins,” wrote John Stuart Mill, “when Instead of calling forth the activity and power of individuals and bodies. Government substitutes its own activity for theirs; when, instead of Inform ing, advising and upon occasion denouncing, >it makes them work in fetter* or blds them stand aside and does their work instead of them. The worth of a State in the long run is the worth of the indi viduals composing it." The truth Is Mr. Roosevelt’s theories in this regard are not only contrary to our Constitution (and that fact alone would not suffice to condemn them), but they are also contrary to the warnings of the past and to the very spirit of demo cratic institutions. The South stands loyal to the rights of the State because those rights are essential to free and efficient government; and because they are especially so in such a country as this. It has been truly said that representative government would be impossible in the United State* if we attempted to direct, by a single plan, and through a single agency, the affairs of over ninety million people composed of all races, all religions and all grades of intelligence, scattered throughout different states over a territory of three and a half million square miles. Each state has its own peculiar problems and, in order to solve them aright, it must have the utmost possible freedom. There must be federal power to meet those issues which affect all the country alike, but without ade quate power in each State Itself, there would remain a thousand issues that could never be settled. The truth is those progressive policies that are invigorating our national life today may be traced to forward movements in the inuividual State. The people are demanding more from their State govern ments and recognizing that true progress must be a growth from within their own commonwealth, not an outward appliance from bureaucratic agencies at Washington. This means democracy. This means self-government. It means an enduring republic. This is one of the great principles for which the Democratic party, under the leadership of Woodrow Wilson stands in the present campaign. It is the principle which Theodore Roosevelt, the Third- Termer, the defender of high tariff, the opportunist on the negro question, would trample underfoot. We are confronted with what has been well described as “a conflict between a government of delegated 1 powers and a government of absolute powers, be tween Anglo-Saxon law and Roman law, between Democracy and Socialism." On such an issue, the people of the South can take but one stand: They win stand solidly with their own party and with Woodrow Wilson, who would bring us individual rights by fulfilling the Constitution, not by destroy ing it, who would seek freedom through a return to the ideals of the Republic’s earlier days and not, as would Roosevelt, by faring wildly forth— "To unpathed waters and undreamed shores." PROTECT THE STATE’S COMMON SCHOOL SYSTEM. Whoever is interested in the welfare of Georgia’s common schools has cause for grave concern over Governor Brown’s arbitrary and suspicious attempt to remove Profs. Jere M. Pound and J. C. Langston as members of the State Board of Education. They had been legally appointed and had been duly con firmed by the Senate. The Governor now seeks, ap parently at the dictation of Special Interests, to re move them without cause and to force upon the Board two appointees of his own, whom the Senate refused even to consider. Should such an act be suffered to go unchallenged and become a precedent, it would prove ruinous to the State’s public school system. It is, therefore, the duty of Profs. Pound and Langston not merely to themselves but to the schools and the teachers and the great cause they represent to appeal forthwith to the Attorney General for a vindication of their legal status as the duly accredited members of this Board. It is further more the obvious duty of Super intendent Brittain, as the responsible head of the Department of Education, to call upon the Attorney General for an opinion and, if need be, upon the courts for such action as will preserve the integrity and the usefulness of the Board. As matters now stand, the State Board of Educa tion, which has control over more than eight thou sand schools and more than thirteen thousand teach ers, which administers either directly or Indirectly a fund of some four million dollars annually, and which is to select next year the text books for some seven hundred thousand pupils—this Board is now in a state of confusion, if not impotence, through the Governor's effort to play politics and serve the Inter ests to which he Is obligated. In these circumstances. Profs. Pound and Lang ston cannot escape the duty tney owe the schools and the people. Nor can superintendent Brittain escape the duty he owes the department of which he is the real head, and which is now threatened with disruption and shame. Mr. Brittain owes it to him self and to the school interests to have the confusion which Governor Brown has created cleared away. He, as well as Profs. Pound and Langston, should, as we have said, appeal to the Attorney General, and If necessary to the courts for an Immediate and rightful adjustment of this unfortunate situation. 1 THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1912 THE PUBLIC DEPENDS ON THE COMMISSION. Governor Brown’s unwarranted veto of the mile age bill has left the traveling public and the busi ness interests of Georgia with only one means or Lope of redress —the Railroad Commission. The will of the Legislature, which represented that of th* peo ple, has been thwarted and broken by the railways in collusion with the Governor. It is thus to th* Com mission, and the Commission alone, that the public can now turn for a vindication of its right*. As a body established to deal even justice octween the people and the public-service corporations, the duty of the Commission in this matter is clear: It should undo the wrong of the Governor’s arbitrary action and grant this demand to which the patrons of the roads are fairly and legally entitled. The principle which th* mileage bill was passed to establish and the benefits it was designed to se cure would be in effect today, had it not been for Governor Brown’s biased and indefensible veto. The Legislature enacted the bill after thorough considera tion and with the advice of able jurists in both the House and the Senate. It was apparent to the General Assembly, as it must be to every reasonable and disinterested per son, that mileage which a patron of the road buys and pays for in advance should be accepted aboard trains for just what it is worth as transportation and that In requiring the exchange of such mileage for special trip tickets the roads Inflict upon their patrons an unjust and useless hardship. Further more, it' was known to the Legislature that great railway systems of the East voluntarily “pull” mile age aboard trains and find the practice thoroughly in accord with their interests and convenience. On these grounds and in response to an insist ent public demand, the Legislature passed the mile age bill. In disregard of these facts and reasons and with a calloused indifference to the public needs, Governor Brown vetoed the mileage bill. And in doing so, he not only denied the people a common right, but he also denied the courts an opportunity to pass upon the law. It is in these circumstances that the commercial travelers and the important interests they represent now appeal to the Railroad Commission. Their plea is backed by the action of the Legislature, by the moral sentiment of the entire State, by the example of the great eastern railways, and by the obvious right of the traveling public to receive due service and fair treatment from the roads. domes the weather announcement that cooler weather will be felt in Arkansas over Sunday. Here’s hoping it will travel this way. Now that there is no more Sunday mail, we are deprived of the opportunity of feeling impressive by calling for it. The governor of South Carolina probably has -o time these days to swap compL-ucuis with the gov ernor of North Carolina. It is comfortable to realize —c the price of tur naces still continues good. 7 he Ragtime Muse EVERYBODY CHEER! i All day lon* th* clubs h*ve\ marched. Loudly cheerin*, up and down; Twice ten thousand throats are parched In this fervor-smitten town. Bands have brayed—you heard them yet— Costs some, this campaigning play; Still, the cost is gladly met. For the big man's her* today! He addressed a monster crowd From a platform in the square, And we cheered him lon* and loud For the things h? told us there. Standing in the pouring r*ln We pledged our support, and then Drew his carriage to the train While we howled lilt* crazy men. Now we’re cheering him some mor* As his train is pulling out. Is it things he’s done before That this hubbub’k all about? Is it for heroic deeds— Battles fought in our behalf, Triumphs that supply our needs? Stop, or els* you’ll make me laugh! Nothin* flattering can we Os his actions now relate, But the point is, don’t you see, He’s our party candidate. So we’re shouting, “Whoop! Hurroo!” Till the heavens heel and crack At what now he says he’ll do If we’ll only send him back! Saving and Investing Talks JUDGING RAILROAD STOCKS AND BONDS BY JOHN M. OSKXSON. Jones has been reading a good deal of late about the need for investigating thoroughly the securities which are offered to men with money to invest. Re cently a friend said to him: “Railroad stocks and • bonds are the things to put your money Into, Jones. Take my word for it, they have value be hind them.” Jones didn’t take his friend’s word, but asked the interstate commerce commission at Wash ington -u send him facts as to the earning* and dividends of the roads. He knew that the commission keeps accurate rec ords. This, briefly, is what he I found out: Nearly one-third of the capi tal stock of the country’s rail- ■k' r0ad5—82,740,000,000 of face value out of a total oi over 28,470,000.000 —paid no dividends last year. Over $756,000,000 worth of bonds or other forms of fund ed debt (representing monejj borrowed by the rail roads) paid no interest last year. This was 7 1-5 per cent of the total funded debt of more than $lO,- 788,000,000. Th* 68 per cent of stock which di<j pay dividends returned to its holders just a stnall. fraction over 8 per cent on its par value. Jones figured, therefore, that if he bought railroad stock his return, in dividends, ought to be 68 per cent of 8, or Just about 6 per cent. As part owne» of the roads if he bought stock, he would have an individual interest in a surplus of some thing like $1,128,000,000. He found that for every $302, paid in dividends out of the current year’s earnings, there was paid out of surplus, in dividend*, $l5B. At that rate, Jones figured, the surplus would be wiped out in about seven years. It was obvious to Jones that railroad securities do not stand at the top as an investment. It was a conclusion based on a sound m/'thod of procedure. No Third 'J erm Sentiment In The Democratic South Th* New York Times recently wired representa tive citizens throughout the south for an opinion as to whether or not there was any appreciable senti ment for the third term candidacy of Roosevelt. The replies were, without exception, in the negative. Some of them follow: Where Colonel Lost Admirers. CHARLOTTE, N. C„ Au*. 17—If Colonel Roose velt'* manager* are making calculation* of obtaining any Democratic votes in the south they will be great ly disappointed. There never was a time in ten years r more when the Democracy of North Carolina was more united than at present Although a stron* Democrat, I have always had a high admiration for Colonel Roosevelt, but his recent inconsistencies, lack of obedience to authority and the unbecoming language used by him has alienated friends in this section. I believe that he will boa disappointed man if he or his manager* think he will gain votes in this section. The same sensible and progressive people of this section will not be led astray by political va grants and this so-called Progressive movement. Many a man in the south one* believed that Colosel Roosevelt was a patriot, but his recent conduct has changed that opinion. Many of his admirers, in faet. many who believed In him, are fairly convinced that it would boa ca lamity for him to be elected president. The south ern people are strong in their likes and their dislikes and believe that friendship is a thing sacred. The conduct of Colonel Roosevelt, they believe, is so gov erned by ambition that he would forget the sacred ties that bind and desert those who were his friend* if necessity arose. HERIOT CLARKSON. Former Prosecuting Attorney. Mo Support in the South. MONTGOMERY. Ala., Aug. 17.-—Nothing tn Roose velt's platform or record appeal* to southern Demo crat*. He mad* some good appointments, but disap pointed in many other waya Not a Democratic paper in Alabama has uttered a word which indicate* sympathy in his cause. On the contrary, without exception, they are loy ally supporting Wilson. No Democrat in this vicinity has expressed his intention to "*vote for Roosevelt, and sentiment here seems to be that of the entire state- People here have been too long subjected to dis crimination against their leader* for presidential con sideration because of sectional lines to be led off by Roosevelt's specious claim of being half southern. If he were all southern, and running on hl* present platform and past record, it would avail him nothing. So far as I can learn from correspondence and close reading of newspapers, Roosevelt's Democracy sup port in Alabama, Georgia, Florida and Mississippi, will be absolutely nothing. Democrat* of these states loyally supported Underwood, and, like their leader, they will stand by the action of th* Balti more convention. If Roosevelt secures no more Dem ocratic votes in other sections than he does in the state of Alabama we will have to depend upon dis gruntled Republican*. Taft will secure practically all th* Republican votes that will be cast in this stat*. More Republicans will vote for Wilson than there will be Democrats voting for Roosevelt. W. W. SCREWS. Editor Montgomery Advertiser. Classes Wilson a* Jefferson’* BqnaL NASHVILLE, Tenn., Aug. 17. —Governor Wilson will get the entire Democratic vote of the south. The southern people have an abiding faith in him, and be lieve his election will elevate the standard of politics and put the Democratic party and the nation on the high plane it occupied in the days of Jefferson, Mail son and Monroe. They believe Governor Wilson stands for the best that Jefferson taught, and in all essential respects is Mr. Jefferson's equal, and in i ame even his superior. Roosevelt ha* .no following with the Democracy of this section. Taft is stronger than Roosevelt, be cause our people believe in the honest aim of the president. They have little respect for some of the doctrines advanced by Roosevelt, and less faith in his professions. Should Roosevelt get 5 per cent of the Democratic vote of the south it would prove a surprise. He will hardly get 2 per cent of the Dem ocratic vote of Tennessee, equal to a total of less than 3,000 in the state. It is folly to talk about Roosevelt making any headway in the Democratic ranks of the south or carrying a southern state. Governor Wilson will sweep this section by largely increased Democratic majorities. Having recently spent a week in Ohia and Indiana, and mixed with the people, I believe what I am saying as to the Democatic vote and pros pects in the south will also prove true as to these states. E- B. STAHLMAN. Owner Nashville Banner. Th* Words of Heavy Wattersoa. (Special to The New York Times.) LOUISVILLE, Ky„ Aug. 17.—-To begin with, th* Democratic party is very much united. It is well pleased with its presidential ticket, and has little if any fault to find with its platform. Democratic crank iness and factionism seem to have run their course. The party has been winnowed of the chaff of Social ism and Populism that at one time threatened to di vert it from the larger issues and interests of govern ment into the uncertain byways of emotional mor ality. It is otfering the people no quack remedies for the regeneration of humankind, leaving Debs and Roosevelt to vie with one another for the votes of the visionary and the gullible. Hence the outlook is that Roosevelt will play sec ond fiddle, while Taft retains such of the old-fash ioned, iron-clad Republican* as adhere to the Tory idea of close corporations and caste distinction. Doctrinal Republicanism is dead. But there is still a certain power in organization. Nor are party loy alty and honor quite vanished from the hearts of the brave, misguided men who followed Blain* to defeat and McKinley to victory, who took Roosevelt at his word and believed in Taft. But nothing can avail to save them the day. If there were no Republican division the Democrats would have the better of it As it is, he were a bold gambler who ventured to put money on any state, or group of states, likely to go for either Taft or Roosevelt South X* to Remain Solid. HOUSTON, Texas, Aug. 17.—1 f Colonel Roosevelt bases his hope of success upon considerable Demo cratic support he is doomed to disappointment It has been said that he expects to break into the solid south. There is no evidence anywhere of Democratic defection. ' In Texas the combined vote of Taft and Roosevelt will be less than Taft’s vote of IHI, and that will be the rule in all the states of the south. Colonel Roose velt will obtain his strength from the Republican party, to which may be added scattered Independents. The fact that the Republican party is split wide open is not causing the slightest ripple tn Democratic circles in any part of the country. The real effect of the Republican breach will be to bring Wilson sup porters from both Republican factions—from the Re publican conservatives who will take the ultimate step to defeat Roosevelt and from the Republican radicals who will take the logical step to defeat Taft. It would be extravagant to predict that Wilson will carry every state in the union, but the logic of the situation is that he will carpr all the certain Demo cratic states and obtain a plurality in the stages which have'been teretofore classified as Republican. Roosevelt’s candidacy is going to destroy the old Re publican party in most of these states—such as Ohio, Illinois, Maine. New Jersey, Michigan. Wisconsin and New York. Trfft will be strong enough to destroy Roosevelt in such states as Kansas, the Dakotas, Min nesota and lowa. Because of his platform demand for woman’s suffrage, Roosevelt may score in the woman suffrage states, but this is not certain. The magnitude of Wilson’s victory in the matter of elec oral votes will be epochal. GEORGE M. BAILEY. Editor The Houston Post. The Religious Summer Schools By Frederic J. Haskin During th* present summer many summer camps or schools have been conducted in all parts of the country for the study of advanced methods of relig ious work. The recognition ot The oldest of the** sum- ' mer schools is at Northfl*ld, Connecticut, and was es tablished in 1880 by no less a personage than Dwight L. Moody who until his death was th* central figure in these gatherings known in the Northfield confer- . ence* They have continued each year gaining in attendance and in the number of subjects covered. This year the summer Bible School at Northfield ex tends from May 7 until September JO and include* no less than six different conferences arranged for a* many different classes of workers. Th* student con ference held in June was a gathering of young m«n from the eastern colleges and preparatory school* who desired to strengthen their religion* life ani qualify themselves for religious work in their in stitution*. Th* dally schedule includes special Bible classes, msslonary institutes, delegation meetings ana song service. Their physical requirements were alae aldd by baseball, tennis tournaments, an intercolle giate field day and other athletic events. Among the speakers were some of the leading clergymen of th* country. • e e In July ther* was a conference for young women which gave them practically th* same kind of train ing as those given the young men during the previous month. There was also * summer school for i.b* Women’s Foreign Missions In th* United States and Canada As e ß Pecial attention always ha* been given to the training for foreign mission service at North field. the young women who are preparing for suck work in other institutions dsriv* much aid from these summer conferences. They are accommodated either in teat* or in some of th* buildings utilised by th* Northfield Seminary during the winter season ana quite as much attention is glvsn to th*ir physical comfort and development as there is to that of the young men. The Home Missionary Conference is designed to present the newest and best plans of work for home missions and to train leaders in home missionary work. It dealt with many of the latest problems in sociology and presented lectures by men and women of international reputation for their attainment to this field. e e e The summer school for Sunday school workers was designed to help both men and women and aimed seriously and intelligently to supply th* problem* of the Sunday school and to equip the workers for systematising their work. Its classes ineluded stud- ! ies in each department of Sunday school worn mandled in a scientific manner and as the student* represented almost every gtate in the Union the ad vantages thus given will be felt in the Sunday schools of th* whole country. Ths Northfield con ference ground* ar* becoming as popular to some classes of summer residents a* those of Chautauqua I in New York and inexpensive rustic lodge* and cot tages as well as tents may be rented. Lots are for sale upon which those desiring to have permanent headquarter* in thi* great religious summer school ' may build their own shelters, as quit* a number hav* done during the present season. • • • The Men and Religious Forward Movement ha* had a strong bearing upon th* religious summer camp this year. Thousands of men who became in terested in the religious campaign of the preceding winter were glad to give their vacation to equipping themselves better for work in their churches, auu the Silver Bay sessions were especially designed to wards this end. During July and August work na* arranged ther* somewhat after the plan* of the last winter campaigns. The men who are fond of boy* had a chance to study under the leaders in boys work and those interested in evangelism had drills) in conducting such meetings and th* Bible Student* and social scientist* had special features of study provided for them. • * • Another resort for young men was opened 1* June at Montenac. on Greenwood Lake, New York, at which th* different denominations were repre sented at different weeks. During the opening week over forty minister* of different denominations, ths Episcopals, the Lutherans, the Methodists, the Bap tists and the Reformed clergymen all planned spec ial two day programs which were designed for the laymen of their own particular faith* although every other denomination was made welcome. Eacn of these denominations had special field week* during July and August • • • The religious summer school movement ha* not been by any means confined to the easterft aqd north ern states, although it has been more thorou»My or ganized there- Lake Geneva, Wisconsin has been th*) scene of extensive missionary conferences and sjmo of a Y. M. C. A. instltuto at which numerous brandi es of practical religious work were studied and ther* was a student’s summer camp for the Y. M. C. A. held at Williams Bay. Wis-, extending during August and September. The University of Wisconsin also neld a summer school for pastors during July und«r th* auspices of th* University Pastors' Assodatloa. ■CssradT. Col., ha* been the scene of several re ligious educational gatherings. Th* Young Women's ChrisUan Association held an institute there in Jun* which was followed by a Baptists assembly of excep tional interest. This assembly had special classes in teacher training, mision study, primary work ana sociology. It also provided special provisions for geological and botanical study of the Grand Canyon, Ute Pass and the Garden of the Gods. Most of the students attending this assembly were accommodated in tents which added greatly to the enjoyment o*. their stay, although there were hotel accommodations for those peeferring them. • • • In th* middle states there have also been a number of religious summer educational centers. Winona Lake. Ind,, is especially frequented by Pres byterians who hav* had an interesting series of events there throughout the season but the Women’s Interdenominational committee of the central west had an exceedingly interesting institute during July at which lectures from returned missionaries and other leaders gave inspiration to hundreds of women for increasing the interest in their local missionary organization*. The idea of a summer school for mis sions is growing in popularity and among thoss «f greater importance in the matter of attendance were those conducted at Merriam Park. Minn., outside of Omaha. N>b.. and at Monteagle, in Tennessee. Much interest is being taken tn sociology at all summer schools devoted to religious study but the most important event of this kind was the sociologi cal conference held at Sagamore Bay, at which sev eral hundred students of sociology representing all ranks of life were In attendance. There were trade unionists, factory workers, college professors, bisn ops and other clergy in addition to several hundf*a men and women who are interested in trying to es tablish better social conditions and were, taking every opportunity to improve their qualifications for doing so. th* faet that the ehureh should be a practical institution capa ble of securing certain deflnit* result* in a community has called forth the demand for trained workers who ar* capa ble of securing these results. Consequently thousands vi men and women hav* spent their vacations in some of these summer schools where in ad dition to th* pleasure and phy sical recuperation they gain from the natural resource* of their surroundings, they also hav* had the facilities of at tending lectures by experts upon th* subjects in wfttch they were desirous of becoming bet ter informed. • • •
