4
THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL
ATLANTA. GA., 5 NORTH FORSTTX «T.
Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mall Matter or
the Second Class.
JAMXB R. GRAT,
President and Editor.
rciscxrrnoif fricb
Twelve months
Six Months
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ROOSEVELT AND THE STATES.
IX hi* "History of the America People” Woodrow
Wilson has presented an admirable study of the
■Fgjjja South's temper and attitude at the great crucial
hour of its career. He says:
"Men who knew the South only by some
cassal fhlaps' of Southern men, some brief
journey through the Southern country, some
transient sojourn of a single season, deemed the
Southern people as unstable, as easily sirred to
rash action as a Gallic populace. . . . But they
were aa English folk, strengthened here and
there by the sober Scotslnsh strain and the
earnest blood of the steadfast Huguenot. They
held to their principles, their habits, their pre
possessions with a simple, insnumvt: consistency
eoAick no excitement of the *u really touch
ed or unsettled. They had been schooled, as
all the nod, ia loyal allegiance to the <.
Caioa which their own statesmen had done so
much to set up and make ihu» . ous.
their old-fashioned view of the rights of the
States as members of the gnat partners. .»>, no
ordinary occasion, no sudden gust of pission
could have tom their thought from those old
moorings."
In material conditions, the South has changed
wondrous ly within the past fifty years and its po
litical outlook, too, has naturally widened. But it*
people are still a Saxon folk and they hold as stead
fastly now as then to certain principles and faiths
which “no excitement of the moment can really
touch or unsettle." On four deep-rooted questions of
government, their convictions are especially clear
and tenacious: They are the rights of the Stat?,
the evils of the tariff, the usurpation of executive
power and the status of the negro. Wherever you
find a Southerner to the manner bom, you will 1. d
a man who believe* in preserving the integrity- of
the individual State, in reforming the tariff in beha.4
of th* common interests, in safeguarding the legisla
tive end the judicial provinijes of the government
against executive encroachments and in protecting
certain vital institutions from a corrupt and venal
element of the negro vote. Many, if not all, of these
views ar* shared by thinking people the country
over, but in the South they are held as a legacy
and as the outgrowth of practical needs and condi
tions. *
On what ground, then, can Mr. Roosevelt who
stands at variance wun every one u. these peculiarly
Southern beliefs appeal to this section for political
support? The Journal has previously said that bn
these essential matters of* government bis policies
and the South's convictions, his purposes and the
South’s interests are radically opposite. This is true
of his attitude toward u*e tariff, toward 'the political
status of the negro, toward the third-term precedent
and especially is it true of his attitude toward the
government of the individual State*.
State rights are no mere fetich or tradition to
the people of this section. They are, rather, a dis
tinctive feature of a Republic that sprang trom dire
abuse of centralised power. They are a vital part
of those ideals from which the Constitution evolved.
If ■’e wish a system of government entirely different
from that under which we have thus far lived, if
we are ready to accept a scheme or paternal despot
ism in place of a self-governing nation, then we may
lightly dismiss all questions of the rights and the
responsibilities of the individual commonwealth. But
we dare not do so, and we dare not assent to Mr.
Roosevelt’s policies in this regard, unless we are
ready for just such a revolution.
We need scarcely pause to note the fact that the
entire drift of Roosevelt's political thought and
record is toward a more and more inclusive concen
tration of power at Washington, and particularly in
the hands of the executive department That has
been the burden of his utterances and his acts ever
since he came conspicuously into public affairs. He
has said on one occasion that the power of the fed
eral government should be increased "through exec
utive action and through judicial interpretation and
construction of the law." He has said again, in pro
pounding his so-called New Nationalism: “It is im
patient of the confusion that results from local leg
islature* attempting to treat national issues as local
issues; it is still more impatient of the impotence
that proceeds from an overdivisiun of government
power*. What is needed is administrative supervis
ion and control. The New Nationalism regards the
executive power at the steward of the public wel
fare" In the policies and platform of his new party,
he carries this theory still further, so far. Indeed,
that he would have the federal government take the
place of Providence itself, with Theodore the First
as th* Father of us all.
It is not necessary to ask whether such a policy
is in accord with the truths on which this nation
was founded or with the purposes by which we have
been guided. But well we may ask whether, within
itself it is prudent and right, waetuer it would exa.u
our liberties or degrade them, whether it would
make us a stronger or a weaker people? Even if we
concede that Mr. Roosevelt’s purpose is, as he avows
it to be, the vindication of “human rights” and the
establishment of “social justice,” can we believe
that these ends are attainable through such a bu
reaucratic and personal government as he advocates?
Can we make the State* more responsive to popular
needs by stripping them of their responsibilities and
binding them like petty provinces to Washington?
Can we make the individual citixen more alert to his
duties and more jealous of his rights by teaching
him to think that the President and the federal gov
ernment will solve all his problem* and send us com
forts and happiness like the gentle rain from heaven?
On the contrary, this is the very fallacy that has
worm-holed the Republics of th4 past and eaten
away the strength and freedom of great nations.
“The mischief begins,” wrote John Stuart Mill,
“when Instead of calling forth the activity and power
of individuals and bodies. Government substitutes
its own activity for theirs; when, instead of Inform
ing, advising and upon occasion denouncing, >it
makes them work in fetter* or blds them stand aside
and does their work instead of them. The worth
of a State in the long run is the worth of the indi
viduals composing it." The truth Is Mr. Roosevelt’s
theories in this regard are not only contrary to our
Constitution (and that fact alone would not suffice
to condemn them), but they are also contrary to the
warnings of the past and to the very spirit of demo
cratic institutions.
The South stands loyal to the rights of the State
because those rights are essential to free and efficient
government; and because they are especially so in
such a country as this. It has been truly said that
representative government would be impossible in
the United State* if we attempted to direct, by a
single plan, and through a single agency, the affairs
of over ninety million people composed of all races,
all religions and all grades of intelligence, scattered
throughout different states over a territory of three
and a half million square miles. Each state has its
own peculiar problems and, in order to solve them
aright, it must have the utmost possible freedom.
There must be federal power to meet those issues
which affect all the country alike, but without ade
quate power in each State Itself, there would remain
a thousand issues that could never be settled.
The truth is those progressive policies that are
invigorating our national life today may be traced
to forward movements in the inuividual State. The
people are demanding more from their State govern
ments and recognizing that true progress must be a
growth from within their own commonwealth, not
an outward appliance from bureaucratic agencies at
Washington. This means democracy. This means
self-government. It means an enduring republic.
This is one of the great principles for which the
Democratic party, under the leadership of Woodrow
Wilson stands in the present campaign. It is the
principle which Theodore Roosevelt, the Third-
Termer, the defender of high tariff, the opportunist
on the negro question, would trample underfoot. We
are confronted with what has been well described
as “a conflict between a government of delegated 1
powers and a government of absolute powers, be
tween Anglo-Saxon law and Roman law, between
Democracy and Socialism." On such an issue, the
people of the South can take but one stand: They
win stand solidly with their own party and with
Woodrow Wilson, who would bring us individual
rights by fulfilling the Constitution, not by destroy
ing it, who would seek freedom through a return to
the ideals of the Republic’s earlier days and not, as
would Roosevelt, by faring wildly forth—
"To unpathed waters and undreamed shores."
PROTECT THE STATE’S
COMMON SCHOOL SYSTEM.
Whoever is interested in the welfare of Georgia’s
common schools has cause for grave concern over
Governor Brown’s arbitrary and suspicious attempt
to remove Profs. Jere M. Pound and J. C. Langston
as members of the State Board of Education. They
had been legally appointed and had been duly con
firmed by the Senate. The Governor now seeks, ap
parently at the dictation of Special Interests, to re
move them without cause and to force upon the
Board two appointees of his own, whom the Senate
refused even to consider.
Should such an act be suffered to go unchallenged
and become a precedent, it would prove ruinous to the
State’s public school system. It is, therefore, the
duty of Profs. Pound and Langston not merely to
themselves but to the schools and the teachers and
the great cause they represent to appeal forthwith
to the Attorney General for a vindication of their
legal status as the duly accredited members of this
Board. It is further more the obvious duty of Super
intendent Brittain, as the responsible head of the
Department of Education, to call upon the Attorney
General for an opinion and, if need be, upon the
courts for such action as will preserve the integrity
and the usefulness of the Board.
As matters now stand, the State Board of Educa
tion, which has control over more than eight thou
sand schools and more than thirteen thousand teach
ers, which administers either directly or Indirectly a
fund of some four million dollars annually, and
which is to select next year the text books for some
seven hundred thousand pupils—this Board is now
in a state of confusion, if not impotence, through the
Governor's effort to play politics and serve the Inter
ests to which he Is obligated.
In these circumstances. Profs. Pound and Lang
ston cannot escape the duty tney owe the schools
and the people. Nor can superintendent Brittain
escape the duty he owes the department of which he
is the real head, and which is now threatened with
disruption and shame. Mr. Brittain owes it to him
self and to the school interests to have the confusion
which Governor Brown has created cleared away.
He, as well as Profs. Pound and Langston, should,
as we have said, appeal to the Attorney General, and
If necessary to the courts for an Immediate and
rightful adjustment of this unfortunate situation.
1
THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1912
THE PUBLIC DEPENDS
ON THE COMMISSION.
Governor Brown’s unwarranted veto of the mile
age bill has left the traveling public and the busi
ness interests of Georgia with only one means or
Lope of redress —the Railroad Commission. The will
of the Legislature, which represented that of th* peo
ple, has been thwarted and broken by the railways
in collusion with the Governor. It is thus to th* Com
mission, and the Commission alone, that the public
can now turn for a vindication of its right*.
As a body established to deal even justice octween
the people and the public-service corporations, the
duty of the Commission in this matter is clear: It
should undo the wrong of the Governor’s arbitrary
action and grant this demand to which the patrons
of the roads are fairly and legally entitled.
The principle which th* mileage bill was passed
to establish and the benefits it was designed to se
cure would be in effect today, had it not been for
Governor Brown’s biased and indefensible veto. The
Legislature enacted the bill after thorough considera
tion and with the advice of able jurists in both the
House and the Senate.
It was apparent to the General Assembly, as it
must be to every reasonable and disinterested per
son, that mileage which a patron of the road buys
and pays for in advance should be accepted aboard
trains for just what it is worth as transportation
and that In requiring the exchange of such mileage
for special trip tickets the roads Inflict upon their
patrons an unjust and useless hardship. Further
more, it' was known to the Legislature that great
railway systems of the East voluntarily “pull” mile
age aboard trains and find the practice thoroughly
in accord with their interests and convenience.
On these grounds and in response to an insist
ent public demand, the Legislature passed the mile
age bill. In disregard of these facts and reasons
and with a calloused indifference to the public needs,
Governor Brown vetoed the mileage bill. And in
doing so, he not only denied the people a common
right, but he also denied the courts an opportunity
to pass upon the law.
It is in these circumstances that the commercial
travelers and the important interests they represent
now appeal to the Railroad Commission. Their plea
is backed by the action of the Legislature, by the
moral sentiment of the entire State, by the example
of the great eastern railways, and by the obvious
right of the traveling public to receive due service
and fair treatment from the roads.
domes the weather announcement that cooler
weather will be felt in Arkansas over Sunday. Here’s
hoping it will travel this way.
Now that there is no more Sunday mail, we are
deprived of the opportunity of feeling impressive by
calling for it.
The governor of South Carolina probably has -o
time these days to swap compL-ucuis with the gov
ernor of North Carolina.
It is comfortable to realize —c the price of tur
naces still continues good.
7 he Ragtime Muse
EVERYBODY CHEER!
i All day lon* th* clubs h*ve\ marched.
Loudly cheerin*, up and down;
Twice ten thousand throats are parched
In this fervor-smitten town.
Bands have brayed—you heard them yet—
Costs some, this campaigning play;
Still, the cost is gladly met.
For the big man's her* today!
He addressed a monster crowd
From a platform in the square,
And we cheered him lon* and loud
For the things h? told us there.
Standing in the pouring r*ln
We pledged our support, and then
Drew his carriage to the train
While we howled lilt* crazy men.
Now we’re cheering him some mor*
As his train is pulling out.
Is it things he’s done before
That this hubbub’k all about?
Is it for heroic deeds—
Battles fought in our behalf,
Triumphs that supply our needs?
Stop, or els* you’ll make me laugh!
Nothin* flattering can we
Os his actions now relate,
But the point is, don’t you see,
He’s our party candidate.
So we’re shouting, “Whoop! Hurroo!”
Till the heavens heel and crack
At what now he says he’ll do
If we’ll only send him back!
Saving and Investing Talks
JUDGING RAILROAD STOCKS AND BONDS
BY JOHN M. OSKXSON.
Jones has been reading a good deal of late about
the need for investigating thoroughly the securities
which are offered to men with money to invest. Re
cently a friend said to him:
“Railroad stocks and • bonds
are the things to put your
money Into, Jones. Take my
word for it, they have value be
hind them.”
Jones didn’t take his friend’s
word, but asked the interstate
commerce commission at Wash
ington -u send him facts as to
the earning* and dividends of
the roads. He knew that the
commission keeps accurate rec
ords. This, briefly, is what he
I found out:
Nearly one-third of the capi
tal stock of the country’s rail-
■k'
r0ad5—82,740,000,000 of face value out of a total oi
over 28,470,000.000 —paid no dividends last year. Over
$756,000,000 worth of bonds or other forms of fund
ed debt (representing monejj borrowed by the rail
roads) paid no interest last year. This was 7 1-5
per cent of the total funded debt of more than $lO,-
788,000,000.
Th* 68 per cent of stock which di<j pay dividends
returned to its holders just a stnall. fraction over 8
per cent on its par value.
Jones figured, therefore, that if he bought railroad
stock his return, in dividends, ought to be 68 per
cent of 8, or Just about 6 per cent. As part owne»
of the roads if he bought stock, he would have an
individual interest in a surplus of some
thing like $1,128,000,000. He found that for every
$302, paid in dividends out of the current year’s
earnings, there was paid out of surplus, in dividend*,
$l5B. At that rate, Jones figured, the surplus would
be wiped out in about seven years.
It was obvious to Jones that railroad securities
do not stand at the top as an investment. It was a
conclusion based on a sound m/'thod of procedure.
No Third 'J erm Sentiment
In The Democratic South
Th* New York Times recently wired representa
tive citizens throughout the south for an opinion as
to whether or not there was any appreciable senti
ment for the third term candidacy of Roosevelt. The
replies were, without exception, in the negative.
Some of them follow:
Where Colonel Lost Admirers.
CHARLOTTE, N. C„ Au*. 17—If Colonel Roose
velt'* manager* are making calculation* of obtaining
any Democratic votes in the south they will be great
ly disappointed. There never was a time in ten years
r more when the Democracy of North Carolina was
more united than at present Although a stron*
Democrat, I have always had a high admiration for
Colonel Roosevelt, but his recent inconsistencies,
lack of obedience to authority and the unbecoming
language used by him has alienated friends in this
section.
I believe that he will boa disappointed man if
he or his manager* think he will gain votes in this
section. The same sensible and progressive people
of this section will not be led astray by political va
grants and this so-called Progressive movement.
Many a man in the south one* believed that Colosel
Roosevelt was a patriot, but his recent conduct has
changed that opinion.
Many of his admirers, in faet. many who believed
In him, are fairly convinced that it would boa ca
lamity for him to be elected president. The south
ern people are strong in their likes and their dislikes
and believe that friendship is a thing sacred. The
conduct of Colonel Roosevelt, they believe, is so gov
erned by ambition that he would forget the sacred
ties that bind and desert those who were his friend*
if necessity arose.
HERIOT CLARKSON.
Former Prosecuting Attorney.
Mo Support in the South.
MONTGOMERY. Ala., Aug. 17.-—Nothing tn Roose
velt's platform or record appeal* to southern Demo
crat*. He mad* some good appointments, but disap
pointed in many other waya Not a Democratic
paper in Alabama has uttered a word which indicate*
sympathy in his cause.
On the contrary, without exception, they are loy
ally supporting Wilson. No Democrat in this vicinity
has expressed his intention to "*vote for Roosevelt,
and sentiment here seems to be that of the entire
state- People here have been too long subjected to dis
crimination against their leader* for presidential con
sideration because of sectional lines to be led off by
Roosevelt's specious claim of being half southern.
If he were all southern, and running on hl* present
platform and past record, it would avail him nothing.
So far as I can learn from correspondence and close
reading of newspapers, Roosevelt's Democracy sup
port in Alabama, Georgia, Florida and Mississippi,
will be absolutely nothing. Democrat* of these
states loyally supported Underwood, and, like their
leader, they will stand by the action of th* Balti
more convention. If Roosevelt secures no more Dem
ocratic votes in other sections than he does in the
state of Alabama we will have to depend upon dis
gruntled Republican*. Taft will secure practically
all th* Republican votes that will be cast in this
stat*. More Republicans will vote for Wilson than
there will be Democrats voting for Roosevelt.
W. W. SCREWS.
Editor Montgomery Advertiser.
Classes Wilson a* Jefferson’* BqnaL
NASHVILLE, Tenn., Aug. 17. —Governor Wilson
will get the entire Democratic vote of the south. The
southern people have an abiding faith in him, and be
lieve his election will elevate the standard of politics
and put the Democratic party and the nation on the
high plane it occupied in the days of Jefferson, Mail
son and Monroe. They believe Governor Wilson
stands for the best that Jefferson taught, and in all
essential respects is Mr. Jefferson's equal, and in
i ame even his superior.
Roosevelt ha* .no following with the Democracy of
this section. Taft is stronger than Roosevelt, be
cause our people believe in the honest aim of the
president. They have little respect for some of the
doctrines advanced by Roosevelt, and less faith in
his professions. Should Roosevelt get 5 per cent of
the Democratic vote of the south it would prove a
surprise. He will hardly get 2 per cent of the Dem
ocratic vote of Tennessee, equal to a total of less
than 3,000 in the state.
It is folly to talk about Roosevelt making any
headway in the Democratic ranks of the south or
carrying a southern state. Governor Wilson will
sweep this section by largely increased Democratic
majorities. Having recently spent a week in Ohia
and Indiana, and mixed with the people, I believe
what I am saying as to the Democatic vote and pros
pects in the south will also prove true as to these
states. E- B. STAHLMAN.
Owner Nashville Banner.
Th* Words of Heavy Wattersoa.
(Special to The New York Times.)
LOUISVILLE, Ky„ Aug. 17.—-To begin with, th*
Democratic party is very much united. It is well
pleased with its presidential ticket, and has little if
any fault to find with its platform. Democratic crank
iness and factionism seem to have run their course.
The party has been winnowed of the chaff of Social
ism and Populism that at one time threatened to di
vert it from the larger issues and interests of govern
ment into the uncertain byways of emotional mor
ality. It is otfering the people no quack remedies for
the regeneration of humankind, leaving Debs and
Roosevelt to vie with one another for the votes of the
visionary and the gullible.
Hence the outlook is that Roosevelt will play sec
ond fiddle, while Taft retains such of the old-fash
ioned, iron-clad Republican* as adhere to the Tory
idea of close corporations and caste distinction.
Doctrinal Republicanism is dead. But there is still
a certain power in organization. Nor are party loy
alty and honor quite vanished from the hearts of the
brave, misguided men who followed Blain* to defeat
and McKinley to victory, who took Roosevelt at his
word and believed in Taft. But nothing can avail
to save them the day. If there were no Republican
division the Democrats would have the better of it
As it is, he were a bold gambler who ventured to put
money on any state, or group of states, likely to go
for either Taft or Roosevelt
South X* to Remain Solid.
HOUSTON, Texas, Aug. 17.—1 f Colonel Roosevelt
bases his hope of success upon considerable Demo
cratic support he is doomed to disappointment It
has been said that he expects to break into the solid
south. There is no evidence anywhere of Democratic
defection. '
In Texas the combined vote of Taft and Roosevelt
will be less than Taft’s vote of IHI, and that will be
the rule in all the states of the south. Colonel Roose
velt will obtain his strength from the Republican
party, to which may be added scattered Independents.
The fact that the Republican party is split wide
open is not causing the slightest ripple tn Democratic
circles in any part of the country. The real effect of
the Republican breach will be to bring Wilson sup
porters from both Republican factions—from the Re
publican conservatives who will take the ultimate
step to defeat Roosevelt and from the Republican
radicals who will take the logical step to defeat Taft.
It would be extravagant to predict that Wilson will
carry every state in the union, but the logic of the
situation is that he will carpr all the certain Demo
cratic states and obtain a plurality in the stages
which have'been teretofore classified as Republican.
Roosevelt’s candidacy is going to destroy the old Re
publican party in most of these states—such as Ohio,
Illinois, Maine. New Jersey, Michigan. Wisconsin and
New York. Trfft will be strong enough to destroy
Roosevelt in such states as Kansas, the Dakotas, Min
nesota and lowa. Because of his platform demand
for woman’s suffrage, Roosevelt may score in the
woman suffrage states, but this is not certain. The
magnitude of Wilson’s victory in the matter of elec
oral votes will be epochal.
GEORGE M. BAILEY.
Editor The Houston Post.
The Religious Summer Schools
By Frederic J. Haskin
During th* present summer many summer camps
or schools have been conducted in all parts of the
country for the study of advanced methods of relig
ious work. The recognition ot
The oldest of the** sum- '
mer schools is at Northfl*ld, Connecticut, and was es
tablished in 1880 by no less a personage than Dwight
L. Moody who until his death was th* central figure
in these gatherings known in the Northfield confer- .
ence* They have continued each year gaining in
attendance and in the number of subjects covered.
This year the summer Bible School at Northfield ex
tends from May 7 until September JO and include* no
less than six different conferences arranged for a*
many different classes of workers. Th* student con
ference held in June was a gathering of young m«n
from the eastern colleges and preparatory school*
who desired to strengthen their religion* life ani
qualify themselves for religious work in their in
stitution*. Th* dally schedule includes special Bible
classes, msslonary institutes, delegation meetings ana
song service. Their physical requirements were alae
aldd by baseball, tennis tournaments, an intercolle
giate field day and other athletic events. Among the
speakers were some of the leading clergymen of th*
country.
• e e
In July ther* was a conference for young women
which gave them practically th* same kind of train
ing as those given the young men during the previous
month. There was also * summer school for i.b*
Women’s Foreign Missions In th* United States and
Canada As e ß Pecial attention always ha* been given
to the training for foreign mission service at North
field. the young women who are preparing for suck
work in other institutions dsriv* much aid from these
summer conferences. They are accommodated either
in teat* or in some of th* buildings utilised by th*
Northfield Seminary during the winter season ana
quite as much attention is glvsn to th*ir physical
comfort and development as there is to that of the
young men.
The Home Missionary Conference is designed to
present the newest and best plans of work for home
missions and to train leaders in home missionary
work. It dealt with many of the latest problems in
sociology and presented lectures by men and women
of international reputation for their attainment to
this field.
e e e
The summer school for Sunday school workers
was designed to help both men and women and aimed
seriously and intelligently to supply th* problem*
of the Sunday school and to equip the workers for
systematising their work. Its classes ineluded stud- !
ies in each department of Sunday school worn
mandled in a scientific manner and as the student*
represented almost every gtate in the Union the ad
vantages thus given will be felt in the Sunday
schools of th* whole country. Ths Northfield con
ference ground* ar* becoming as popular to some
classes of summer residents a* those of Chautauqua I
in New York and inexpensive rustic lodge* and cot
tages as well as tents may be rented. Lots are for
sale upon which those desiring to have permanent
headquarter* in thi* great religious summer school '
may build their own shelters, as quit* a number
hav* done during the present season.
• • •
The Men and Religious Forward Movement ha*
had a strong bearing upon th* religious summer
camp this year. Thousands of men who became in
terested in the religious campaign of the preceding
winter were glad to give their vacation to equipping
themselves better for work in their churches, auu
the Silver Bay sessions were especially designed to
wards this end. During July and August work na*
arranged ther* somewhat after the plan* of the last
winter campaigns. The men who are fond of boy*
had a chance to study under the leaders in boys
work and those interested in evangelism had drills)
in conducting such meetings and th* Bible Student*
and social scientist* had special features of study
provided for them.
• * •
Another resort for young men was opened 1*
June at Montenac. on Greenwood Lake, New York,
at which th* different denominations were repre
sented at different weeks. During the opening week
over forty minister* of different denominations, ths
Episcopals, the Lutherans, the Methodists, the Bap
tists and the Reformed clergymen all planned spec
ial two day programs which were designed for the
laymen of their own particular faith* although every
other denomination was made welcome. Eacn
of these denominations had special field week* during
July and August
• • •
The religious summer school movement ha* not
been by any means confined to the easterft aqd north
ern states, although it has been more thorou»My or
ganized there- Lake Geneva, Wisconsin has been th*)
scene of extensive missionary conferences and sjmo
of a Y. M. C. A. instltuto at which numerous brandi
es of practical religious work were studied and ther*
was a student’s summer camp for the Y. M. C. A.
held at Williams Bay. Wis-, extending during August
and September. The University of Wisconsin also
neld a summer school for pastors during July und«r
th* auspices of th* University Pastors' Assodatloa.
■CssradT. Col., ha* been the scene of several re
ligious educational gatherings. Th* Young Women's
ChrisUan Association held an institute there in Jun*
which was followed by a Baptists assembly of excep
tional interest. This assembly had special classes in
teacher training, mision study, primary work ana
sociology. It also provided special provisions for
geological and botanical study of the Grand Canyon,
Ute Pass and the Garden of the Gods. Most of the
students attending this assembly were accommodated
in tents which added greatly to the enjoyment o*.
their stay, although there were hotel accommodations
for those peeferring them.
• • •
In th* middle states there have also been a
number of religious summer educational centers.
Winona Lake. Ind,, is especially frequented by Pres
byterians who hav* had an interesting series of
events there throughout the season but the Women’s
Interdenominational committee of the central west
had an exceedingly interesting institute during July
at which lectures from returned missionaries and
other leaders gave inspiration to hundreds of women
for increasing the interest in their local missionary
organization*. The idea of a summer school for mis
sions is growing in popularity and among thoss «f
greater importance in the matter of attendance were
those conducted at Merriam Park. Minn., outside of
Omaha. N>b.. and at Monteagle, in Tennessee.
Much interest is being taken tn sociology at all
summer schools devoted to religious study but the
most important event of this kind was the sociologi
cal conference held at Sagamore Bay, at which sev
eral hundred students of sociology representing all
ranks of life were In attendance. There were trade
unionists, factory workers, college professors, bisn
ops and other clergy in addition to several hundf*a
men and women who are interested in trying to es
tablish better social conditions and were, taking every
opportunity to improve their qualifications for doing
so.
th* faet that the ehureh should
be a practical institution capa
ble of securing certain deflnit*
result* in a community has
called forth the demand for
trained workers who ar* capa
ble of securing these results.
Consequently thousands vi men
and women hav* spent their
vacations in some of these
summer schools where in ad
dition to th* pleasure and phy
sical recuperation they gain
from the natural resource* of
their surroundings, they also
hav* had the facilities of at
tending lectures by experts
upon th* subjects in wfttch they
were desirous of becoming bet
ter informed.
• • •
