About Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 10, 1912)
4 THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA, GA., S ZOZTg rOMTIX tt. Entered at the Atlanta Poatoffiee aa Mall Matter of the Second ClaM. JIMIS B. GRAY, FreMdeat and Bditor. SUBSOTPTIOM PRICE Twelve months " 5e Six Months 400 Threq Months .....’ =:,c The Semi-Weeklr Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leaned wires into oar office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong departments of special value to the home ami farm. Agents wanted at every poctoffiee. Liberal com mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R- BRAD LET. Circulation Dept. The only traveling representatives we have are J. A. Bryan. R. F. Bolton. Q C. Coyle. L. H. Kimbrough and" C- T. Tates. We will be responsible only for mon ey paid to the above named traveling representatives. NOTICE TO VTTBSCXX3SRS. The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By renewing at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed be sure to mention your old, as well as your new address. If on a route please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with ' back numbers. Remittances should b* sent by postal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this de partment to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta. Ga. THE THIRD-TERMER. 'That I should lay down my charge at a proper period is as much a duty as to have borne it faithfully. If some termination to the services of the chief magistrate be not fixed by the Con stitution, or supplied by practice, his office, nom inally for years, will, in fact, become for life; and history shows easily that degenerates into an inheritance." —Thomas Jefferson. A precedent is not its own Justification. "The Sabbath was made for man. not man for the Sabbath," But if a precedent sprung from a people’s needs, if it expresses their will to be free and is inter \ ..with the very fabric of their government, they • dare not rip it out, unless they are ready for revolu *.o:. In this sense, * against a third term for a President of the United States is a vital principle to the American people. It is one of the essentially democratic features of their govern; .ent, a distpetive mark between Old World and New World institutions. It is a bulwark against government by a man, instead of government by law. Established by Washington in the Republic’s beginning, it has been reaffirmed by Jefferson and Madison and Mon roe and Jackson —Southern statesmen all, who thus expressed their country's inherent aversion to abuses of the executive power. Against this great unwritten law, Mr. Roosevelt's ambition is now directed. The Journal has pre viously said that on those questions of government which especially engage the southern people his pol icies and their convictions, his purposes and their in terests are radically opposite. This Is true Os his position on the tariff, on the political status of the • negro, on the rights of the States and it is emphat ically true of his past record and his present views concerning the power of the President There was a time when Mr. Roosevelt himself recognised, in words at least, the value and the need of the rule his predecessors had established; for. in the outset of his second term he declared: “The wise custom which limits the President » to two terms regards the substance and not the . form and under no circumstances will Ibe a can didate for or accept another nomination.’’ A public man of common sincerity would not have made such a pledge bad he not thought it well ad vised and. having made it. he would have considered it binding. Not so, however, with Mr. Roosevelt; for, to him consistency, even in essential matters, seems merely "a hobgoblin of little minds.” We may wed ask how such a man would regard a fourth or a fifth or a life term in the Presidency. If he breaks bis faith with the public to serve bis ambition now would he scruple to break It as often as he chose in me future? The reason and the justice of the third-term pre cedent, however, are broader than any particular case or any individual’s promise. This rule, aa we have said, is a distinctive feature of our system of govern ment and it serves the vital purpose of safeguarding the nation against one-man power, in his "American Commonwealth,” Mr. James Bryce declares: “The President enjoys more authority, if less dignity than a European king." He may veto legislation, a power which no present day sovereign possesses. He ap points his own cabinet, while the ministry of most constitutional monarchies is named by a popular as sembly. He appoints the members of the Interstate Commerce Commission, which controls the rates of practically all the railroads In the country and super vises many other public service concerns. He ap points the judges of the Supreme eourt and also of the district and circuit courts, who interpret the law and thus largely define the course of our national life. He appoints ambassadors and members of the diplomatic and consular service and thousands of other officials who have to do with important public business. He has extensive power in dealing with foreign nations and with international affairs; and in addition to all these powers legally conferred, there are many others which he can and docs exercise. The enormous federal patronage at the President's dmposel could be used by an unscrupulous man for dangerous ends. Even a cabinet officer, as the country uas lately learned through sore experience, can make bis department a tool of autocracy and oppression. Post rp.ujer General Hitchcock has held the business rights and interests of the public -fl his grasp. He has issued arbitrary orders and then summoned the Depart meet of Justice to enforce them as though they were the law of the land. He has set up a system of espionage that is unparalleled outside of Russia. He has used the patronage at his command to further partisan ends and to build up a vast political ma chine. Who, then, can doubt that under inviting conditions and with a practical Incentive, a chief executive of Roosevelt’s type could press bis own license to such a length that the liberties of the peo ple would be imperiled, if not destroyed? These being the powers of the President, how es —-*«-» it ia that he should keep faithfully within his particular province, that he should not seek to usurp the rights of the Congress or the courts and that ”at the proper period,” as Jefferson expressed it, “he should lay down his charge.” But Mr. Roosevelt’s conception of the Presidency is radically different from this. Just as he contends for a concentration of power at Washington at the expense of the individual States, so does he also con tend for a further concentration of power in the hands of the chief executive at the cost of the legis lative and the Judicial departments. It is this very idea that earmarks his New Nationalism, of which he has said: "It is impatient of the impotence that proceeds from an overdivision of government powers. The New Nationalism regards the executive power as the steward of the public welfare." He would thus not only wipe out those boundary lines within which the States have certain rights, but he would also re duce the independence of the legislative and judicial departments, subordinating them both to that of the executive. If the American people wish a govern ment that is representative and constitutional, they can never tolerate such a plan. Mr. Roosevelt would make himself “the Steward of the Public Welfare.” It was Oliver Cromwell who said, "Do not make me a king, for then my hands will be tied by all the laws which define i.*e duties of that office; but make me director of the commonwealth and then I can do what I please:’ How singularly alike are these two pleas: the one of an English dictator three centuries ago, the other of a would-be American dictator today! Mr. Roosevelt would be, in effect, Lord Protector of the United States. The peril of such an ambition is in no wise tempered by his avowed devotion to the public welfare, or his implicit faith that he is the personal agent of Providence itself, “the indis pensable man.” It has been truly said that the gloss of zeal for public service is always spread over acts of oppression and the people are sometimes made to consider as a brilliant exertion or energy in their favor that which, when viewed in its true light, would be found a fatal blow to their rights. "In no govern ment is this effect so easily produced as in a free republic; party spirit, inseparable from its existence, aids the illusion and a popular leader may - • al lowed in many instances impunity and sometimes re warded with applause for acts which would make a tyrant tremble on his throne.” We need no fear that American citizenship will' brook an open autocracy, but it is the part of good sense and patriotism to deal promptly and decisively with autocratic tendencies. Certainly It behooves us to preserve those laws and precedents by which the truly representative character of the government is maintained. Because he defies one of the greatest of these precedents, because he would override tne most important of these laws, because he stands for abso lutism as against real Democracy and for government by a man as against government by laws, Mr. Roose velt is unsafe and unsound. < Os all sections of the country, there is none where his policy of executve usurpation will find a more emphatic rejection than in the Soutu. Even if he were not a reactionary on the tariff issue, even if he had not antagonized Southern sentiment on the question, even if he were not the enemy of State rights, the fact that he has trampled the third-term precedent in an effort to satisfy his personal ambi tion would suffice to bar him from any political con sideration at the hands of the Southern people. HELP THE CORN SHOW. The banks comprising the Atlanta Clearing House Association have subscribed generously to the South ern Corn Show, which is to be held this autumn in the Auditorium-Armory. Their example, it is to be hoped, will stimulate other groups of business men to support this worthy and fruitful enterprise. The merchants and manufacturers and, Indeed, every one who is interested in the upbuilding of the city and the State can render no more practical service to themselves and their community than to aid in In creasing the volume and the value of Georgia's food products. This is one of the great objects of the Southern Corn Show, an enterprise which was conceived by the Atlanta Chamber of Commerce and projeewu. for the first time last year with highly encouraging re sults. The exposition brought to the city hundreds of visitors, many of whom were the boys who are members of the county Corn L-übs. The saow did much to footer interest in these cluus and to remind taeir members that in the city or Atlanta they have a stanch supporter of the important work in which they are engaged. Within the past twelvemonth the ranks of the j-jys’ Corn clubs have almost uuubled. They -ave Increased the State’s average acre yield of this staple crop. They have brought new ideas and more effi cient methods into our system < ’ agriculture. Tbelr barvest season will be golden with results and bright with omens for the future. These are things wortn celebrating and it is one of -ue purposes of the Southern Corn Show to do so. Let all good citizens aid in making this event a distinctive success. CHARLES S. BARRETT It is a source of hearty satisfaction to the people of Georgia that Mr. Charles S. Barrett of this State has again leen chosen the national president of the Farmers’ Educational and Co-o;»erative Union. He was elected unanimously at the annual convention in Chattanooga, no other name for the office being pre sented to the assembly. This is a tribute as well earned as it is distinctive. For many seasons past, Mr. Barrett has applied to the affairs of the Union the energy and the vision of true leadership. He has made it a force for good not only to its own members but also to the people as a whole. He has made it an agency of education and of social betterment; and this, he has been able to accomplish through his ability to enlist the effort and enthusiasm of the rank and file of its members in beha’f of liberal and enlightened purposes. There is no cause of more vital concern to the ‘ American people and to every department of our in terests, whether they be commercial or'lndustrial or agricultural, than the cause of the farm. It has been truly said that the only enduring conquests are those which are made with the plow. Certain it is that the growth and proeperity of any State or Nation depends finally upon the net value of the products of its soil. We are, therefore, peculiarly indebted to the institution or the man that strives effectively for the improvement and the enrichment of farm condi tions. Because it devotes itself to this work-a-day ideal, the Farmers’ Educational and Co-operative Un fbn deserves to succeed; and because he has shown himself so capable and sincere in this work, Presi dent Barrett is broadly entitled to the trust thafc has been warded him «a«w. . , , .... THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA.. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1912. THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS FROM GEORGIA DEMOCRATS The Democrats of Georgia will raise fifty thou sand dollars for the Wilson-Marshall fund. This is the goal set at a meeting of fifty citizens in Atlanta last Friday and, if the enthusiasm which warmed that conference is a popular omen, the goal will be passed and set forward to many thousands more. This meeting Mas called primarily for the purpose of effecting an organization and of mapping out a workmanly course to pursue. It accomplisued this and more; for, the Democratic zeal that is now stir ring the entire country took contagious hold of that business council, with the result that more than twenty-five hundred dollars was instantly sub scribed. This is a cheering start on the upward road, but it is only a beginning. It is expected that the Demo crats of Atlanta and Fulton county shall subscribe not less than ten thousand dollars to the Deeds of the national campaign; that an additional ten thou sand shall come from the other cities of the State and that the counties shall crown the work with a ten thousand dollar donation of their own. This will be an easy and a promptly finished task, if each citizen and each community will render their proportionate share of true patriotism. The one es sential is that every Georgia D.enocrat shall become a partner in this good enterprise for the common interests, however small his subscription may be. There was never a time with recent generations when the 'outlook for Democratic success was so clear and heartening as it is today; but, for that very reason, the party needs to put forth its utmost vigor that it may materialize its splendid oppor tunity. The financial demands of a nationwide campaign are numerous and heavy. It is to the rank and file of the people, and to them alone, that the Demo cratic party looks for aid. This is the people’s cause and, in a peculiarly vital sense, it is Georgia’s cause. The success of the national ticket will mean that for the first time in more than half a century a statesman of Southern birth will be President and it means that a native Georgia family will preside in the White House. Woodrow Wilson is himself of Georgia breeding and his household is of our own people. Let every city and every county in the State be gin forthwith to carry into effect the businesslike plans of organization that have been designed. Let every Georgian do his duty to the cause of Democ racy and to the prestige of his commonwealth. FARMS AND BUSINESS The bankers of Kentucky, according to the Louis ville Courier-Journal, are planning to lend u—or ganized influence to a movement for better farming in that State. Certainly, there is no cause which should more keenly enlist the interest of business men in general than that of progressive agriculture; for, after all, it is upon the products of the soil that every depart ment of commerce and industry depends. This truth is coming home to alert manufactur ers and bankers and merchants and railreads the country over. It is an interesting circumstance that in Georgia business men and business organizations are joining heartily in the movement to improve farm conditicns. Boards of trade and chambers of commerce are realizing that one of the surest means to promote the growth of their towns and cities is to help in upbuilding the adjacent country. Merchants are realizing that good crops mean good trade and that whatever safeguards the inter ests of the farm is to their own advantage. Railroads are awkening to the fact that they have a responsiblity as well as an opportunity In develop ing the country their lines traverse; and, so, they are establishing experiment farms and are sending forth educational trains. The Atlanta Chamber of Commerce has been a leader in constructive work of this character. Through its influence a number of fruitful confer ences have been held to protect the state’s crops against destructive insects. It has establisheu the Southern Corn Show and only a few nays ago its en terprise in this regard was supported by a liberal contribution from the members of the Atlanta Clear ing House association. This is the kind of work that will quicken the growth of every community In Georgia because it makes for the permanent growth of the State as a whole. Summer is dead, but it was awfully alive the first few days of September. As long as pig iron soars and cotton isn’t heavy there is hope for the country. woman judges the illness of her husband by the l'uss he makes about it The interval between drinks seems to be the issue again in old Maine. Editorials in Brief But, of course, wiu- such a big demand for steel at increasing prices the Steel Trust can’t devote all of its time to third-term politics—lndianapolis News. “They are furnishing us with more ammunition for the war chest,” says T. R., speaking of the Pen rose-Standard Oil mixup. Still, there are more pleas ant ways of receiving ammunition than having ic fired at you.—New York Evening Sun. Governor Johnson says be Mould rather go to defeat with the Third-Termer than win with any other man. Yes, ye; that’s all right, Governor; but it’s a very unpleasant sight. Pull down the blinds. The critter’s eyes are sot—New York Evening Telegram. A St. Paul church worker says the automobile has done more for sin than any one thing. However, the self-starters have materially reduced the output of cusswords.— St. Paul Pioneer Press. It is terrible irony that the one man in public life who ha& been the readiest to befoul the reputa tion of his opponents and to asperse their veracity on the slightest pretexts should now be forced to fight with all his might and main in what appears to be> futile effort to repel a definite charge of men dacity, combined with the sort of hypocrisy that Is peculiarly repulsive to all upstanding and square dealing menz-fhUadelphia Public Ledger, Georgia Teachers to Aid Woodrow Wilson Fund Dr. Clarence J. Owens, chairman ot the National Teachers’ Woodrow Wilson Campaign Fund Commit tee, has appointed as vice president of this commit tee for the state of Georgia, Prof. J. T. Derry who. for thirty-five years, has been a teacher and profes sor in the leading educational inftltutions of the state. It is an interesting circumstance that while principal of an English and classical high school at Augusta, Professor Derry taught Woodrow Wilson for two years. Professor Derry will immediately begin the work of organising an active Woodrow Wilson club among the teachers of Georgia. In this connection he maxes the following announcement which will be of partic ular interest to all teachers: A nation-wide movement, the first of its kind in history, to enlist the aid of the school teach ers of the country to elect Governor Woodrow Wilson to the presidency of the United States was launched in Washington on or about August 20, . 1913, by the Wilson-Marshall Democratic associa tion of the District of Columbia. The plan has the official sanction of the Democratic National committee. The question has been asked "What need is jthere for a campaign fund to secure Georgia’s vote for Wilson and Marshall?” In answer we reply that the Democrats are not being backed by the millions of dollars of the great corporations, but are trusting the patriotic people of the en tire Union to furnish by contributions the necessary funds for bearing the legitimate expenses of a presidential campaign. It is, therefore, earnestly urged that the teach ers of Georgia, who are interested in the cause of Democracy, forward, each, one dollar to J. T. Derry, Assistant Commissioner of the Georgia De partment of Commerce and Labor, State Capitol. Atlanta. Ga., to b e used as a part of the campaign fund. The names of all teachers contributing will be presented in an attractive form to Governor Wil son at the close of the campaign. It is hoped that each one thus contributing will make every letter of the signature plain and legible, without flourishes of any kind. Teachers of Georgia, I still claim the honor of belonging to your noble profession and will feel great pride in a liberal response to the appeal thus made to yow to come to th® h el P ot our whole country in this crisis of her history. JOSEPH T. DERRY. Vice President for Georgia of the National Com mittee of Teachers' Woodrow Wilson Campaign Fund. Pointed Paragraphs Experience often teaches us that it isn’t worth anything after we learn it. e • e It is easier to go broke in a hurry than it is to get rich quick. \ • • • The average girl can love almost any one—ex cept a stepfather. • • • Many a pretty woman is merely a bunch of pride, pretense and practice. ■ • • One way to hold a man’s Interest ia to take a mort gage on hlg property. e e e People who are crippled in the bead get less sym pathy than any other cripples. • • • When a man does get even with another he ia never satisfied until he gets a little more so. ■ • • A woman has no business with a family if she can't take something old and make it over into some thing new. • • • A rolling stone gathers no moss, but if it’s a grinds-" stone it takes the heart out of a boy who has to turn it when he wants to go fishing. • • • When a dwelling burns down the family usually manages to save everything except the things that were worth saving. • • • Where ignorance is bliss it is folly to cultivate the acquaintance of a chap that knows it all. ‘ “ I Heredity never fails to work out in the matter cf red hair, but it frequently tails down when it comes to brain. •• • 4 It is surprising how helpless some self-reliant peo ple are when they come face to face with some in significant trouble. • • • A silent man never has to eat his words. • • • Almost any little old restaurant can pose as a chop house. • • • If you would keep your friends, let them keep their money. e e • Some people seem to live a long time just to spite other people. • • • The size of a dollar depends on whether it is com ing or going. -1 The Ragtime Muse HERE IS THE EXPLANATION. May, Evangeline and Sue. Floradene and Belle and Myrt, Maidens in the peekaboo, flopping hat and hobble skirt, ‘ Alice, Mamie, Claribel—all you Adas and Lu- ciles, Clothed in skirts not overtlght, little hats and sanest heels. Is It summer drives us men to the mountain and the shore? Do w e long to see the heights, long to hear the bil lows roar? Do we seek those places to gaze off in the distance blue? Maybe some do, but I swear they’re exceptions if they do. « Who would care to watch the waves rush to dash high up the beach? Who would dress in gladsome duds and parade that sandy reach? Who Would take a staXf and climb up the sky-high mountain peak? Who would save a year to go on vacation for a week? Who would choose his ties with care, spend a day se lecting socks Just to scramble out alone on a bunch of wav e wash ed rocks? It there were no Alice there, no Evangeline or Myrt, Who would pose beside the sea bound up in a hard boiled shirt? Kay, 'tis not the waves that call. Nay, ’tis not the mountain height. Sunsets and sunrises pall; only gleeful eyvs alight With the joy of being young make the sea at all worth whila; Men don’t climb to mountain tops for the climb, bi t for a smile. Mabel, Floradene and Sue. Isabel, Lucile and Marne. Mountain height and storm flung seas without you were more than tame. It is just for you we chase aJI* 1 the year the nTmble sou— ' We'd want no week by the shore were it not a week by joul MODERN ILLUSTRATION Photo Engraving Processes. By Frederic J. Haskin The development of the photo engraving more than any other one thing, has made possible ths wonderful illustrations which now embellish even ths cheaper classes of Including the daily newspapers! This came into general use in the early nineties and is continually improved. With the increased number of half tones and their Improved qual ity as used in the magazined came a reduction in the use oil wood engravings and other 1 kinds of illustrations which had previously been in vogue. The half tone through the mechanical means of its construction is necessa rily true to the original object* In the way, as in many others** it is a long step in advance w over earlier methods of Illas-" tration which depended entire-, ly upon the skill of the hand • • • With the improvement in quality also came a great reduction in price, a full page half tone in a magazine costing from a tenth to a fifth of the price of a fairly! good wood engraving. The process of photo-engrav-4 Ing includes two branches—the half tone and the llni engraving, which is known also as the zinc etching. • • • The half-tone process resulted from experiments hy, Frederic J. Ives, of Philadelphia, who made the dis coveries leading up to it when he was in charge of the photographic laboratory of the Cornell University in 1881. The name of this branch of photo-engravink is in away descriptive of the process, inasmuch as it brings out by chemical and mechanical methods thd various gradations of light and shade, or tone, of the photograph or painting which is the subject of repro duction. Ives convolved the idea of breaking up the surface of the picture into iplnute dots and lines, which in that portion to print dark should be heavier than in the portions to be in the lighter tones. This he accomplished by the invention of the half-tone screen. This screen is of glass, there being two pieces of plate glass folded over and cemented to-i gether, each piece of glass, however, having been ruled with a diamond point diagonally across its sur face to a slight depth at intervals equal to the thick ness of the ruled lines. After the surface of the plate has ruled as indicated the lines are filled ia with an opaque substance, so that when folded I©J gether as stated, the effect upon looking through it IS ol a series of cross lines with minute transparent openings between them- This screen Is Inserted in the plate holder of the camera used in process work. Immediately in front of the sensitized plate upon which the negative is to be made. The result is that! a reproduction of the screen appears upon the nega tive. as well as the picture which is to be repro duced. • e e If, for instance, a landscape is the subject for re production, the high light effect would predominate in the sky of the picture, and where the sky appears in the photograph, because of the density of the light reflected from it through the lens of the camera on the sensitized plate, a halation occurs around the light admittted through the openings in the screen, so that the line effect of it is destroyed and a series of small dots will appear in the resulting half-tone. Cor respondingly, in the dark portion of the picture re flecting but a small amount of light the line effect of a the screen is reproduced or else entirely lost in the resulting half-tone, thus leaving a substantial and solid, or nearly solid, surface in the resulting printing plate. This screen is, as will readily be observed* the key to the process, for without it merely a picturs could be taken, that would have no qualities front which satisfactory etching could be done. In order to adapt the process to various grades of paper, ths scr&ens are ruled with lines of varying coarseness, running, for ordinary newspaper work, from 85 tti 100 lines to the inch; for ordinary super-calendered paper .about 120 lines to the inch; and for coated paper, from 133 to 175 lines to the inch. • e e In the photographic part of the process In bothl the half-tone and line branches the negative that is made from the copy is of the wet plate variety now almost obsolete for any other purpose. It is because of the fact that the black parts of the copy are re produced in the negative in an absolutely transparent line, whereas in dry plate photography a thin base! appears over the line, and to an extent would inter fere with perfect etching. After the negative has been 1 made from the copy under consideration, it is coated! with a solution of liquid rubber and collodion, rad after drying for a few minutes it is placed in a bath, of acetic acid, which enables the workman to remove 1 the film, now transposed into a thin rubber mem-J brane, which is then transferred to a sheet of plats glass usually about 15 by 18 inches in size, enough* different negatives being placed upon this glass to allow the workman to handle them in a wholesale manner. After these negatives have been properly squared up to the exact size of the required cut they! are ready for printing on the sheet of metal upon which they are to be etched. In the half-tone process this metal consists of copper the surface of which r.ae been coated with a sensitized solution. The nega tive is placed in a printing frame and the copper laid sac« down upon it, and by action of sunlight or arc electric light a print is made on the metal in practic ally the same manner that the gallery photographer prints his negative upon the sensitized paper. • • • The line engraving is naturally done in the same manner as the half-tone, except as to detail. Instead of etching in sequlchlorlde of iron the zinc plate, upon which the line engraving has been printed, is etched in nitric acid, that chemical being better adapted to the etching of zinc plates. In line en graving it is necessary to cut the spaces between lines to a greater depth than has appeared through the etching process, and this is accomplished byj routing between the lines on a machine that carries H what is merely a movable drill. , • • • The best grade of half-tone work always is etched l . upon copper, whereas line work is almost Invariably etched in zinc, for the reason that zinc suffices for the line process and has the advantage of being a much cheaper metal. ONE THING FREE BY WALT MASON (Copyrlsbt. lAI2, by George Matthew Adana.) The sinful trusts, which scheme together, all mun dane things to own. can’t get their talons on the. weather—that they must leave' alone. Oh, nearly all life’s nee-, essaries cost so they make us bawl, but one great blessing) never varies—th* weather’s free to all! No man’s so poor he cannot wallow in weather day by day; he knows that in the days to follow, ’twill be the same old way. The trusts.) those- grasping, soulless var-i .mints, may boss the universe,; may rule the price of grub and garments, of cradle artd of* hearse, may raise the price ofj r W. Ml'' shredded heather, flaked wheat and boneset tea. but they must keep hands off the weather—that blessing still is free! The trusts have piped our drinking wa ter (I hope the piping busts!), the hat you purchase for your daughter is sent forth by the trusts; the coal you burn, the oil, the kindling, are trust con* i trolled, my friend; what wonder that your wad 1* dwindling, your patience near an end! The trusts have raised the tax on leather until you have BP, w shoes, and all that’s left you is the weather, to com fort and amuse. My indignation—l oan’t rhyme, -It.—• stirs all ray soul, by jing, the while I All myself with; climate, and try to dance and aingl