About Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920 | View Entire Issue (March 3, 1916)
4 THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA. QA-. 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST. t Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of the Second Class. JAKES B. GBAY. President and Editor. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE. Twelve months Six months Three months- ac The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over tne world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong departments of special value to the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every post office. Liberal commis sion allowed Outfit free. Write R. R. BRADLEY, Circulation Manager. The only traveling representatives we have are B. F. Bolton, C. C. Coyle. L. H. Kimbrough. Chas. H. Woodliff and L. J. Farris. We will we responsible only for money paid to the above-named traveling represent atives. ✓ X NOTICE TO SUBSCBIBEBS. The la*»el used for addressing joer paper aaowa the time yocr aubacriptt'o expires By renewing at least two weeks be fore the date or. this label, yon 1 usurp regular service. In orderins pap. r changed, he sure to mention your old, as well as your ne> address. If on a route, please give the route nuoiber. We canr«»t enter subscriptions to begin with hack numbers. Remit lince should be sent by postal enter or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this Department to THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta. Ga. J The Mutineers. The attempted revolt in Congress has failed. Those members of the House and Senate who. suf fering from hot heads and cold feet, undertook to raise a mutiny against the Administration’s de fense of the country's honor and rights, have re gained their senses, if not their patriotism. The effort to ram through a resolution or a bill forbid ding Americans to take passage on the liners of a belligerent nation has been abandoned, at least for the time being. The malcontents who hoped to make political capital by thwarting tae President, and the opportunists who hoped to catch the Ger man vote by deserting their own nation's colors have been silenced. The policies of the United States are still to be shaped at Washington, not at Berlin—despite the schemes of foreign agents and recreant politicians to the contrary. Yet. who can measure the difficulties which this ill-timed outburst has raised, or the danger and harm which it may entail? In this country we know that the insurgency against the Administra tion's course in the submarine issue was a minority affair and did not represent the American mind. But the foreign offices of Vienna and Berlin may construe it quite otherwise. As the New York World convincingly says: “After what has recently happened in Washington. Germany may logically assume that, no matter what American rights are • violated, there will be nothing to fear from the United States; that the President may - protest against Germany's slaughter of de fenseless Americans on the high seas, but that the Congress which represents the American . people will take no offense, whatever the crime against Americans may be. • • • Once it is evident to the German Government that its pledges to the United States need not be kept. thst the Congress of the United States is a coward, and that the war-making power will submit to any measure of humiliation which the Prussian autocracy may impose, the •way is paved to certain disaster.” The Bryanesque idea that the only way to pre serve peace is by submitting to insult is the surest way to precipitate war with Germany. The craven assumption that the best way to work out a diplo matic problem is by surrendering national rights and national self-respect is the inevitable way to make such a problem doubly dangerous. Much of our difficulty with Germany and Austria in months past is ascribed to Mr. Bryan’s reported remark to a Teutonic diplomatist at Washington that the firm language of our first note on the Lusitania was Intended for home consumption rather than as the declaration of a serious purpose. Berlin naturally inferred that we were merely talking when we said •we would omit “no word or act” needful to enforce American rights, and accordingly Berlin continued to parry and quibble and postpone. That inference was strengthened when Mr. Bryan deserted the Administration rather than sign a succeeding note of an even milder tone. Germany concluded that both the Government and the people of the United States were divided on the submarine issue and that she might continue to trifle as she pleased with questions involving the nation's interests and sovereignty. The Congressmen and Senators who joined the recent revolt against the President’s foreign policy repeated this recreance at a still more critical moment. By misrepresenting the American atti tude they have encouraged Germany to feel that she may go any length in submarine outrages with out being called to account. By proposing that the United States actually forbid its citizens to exercise an unquestionable right simply because a foreign despotism threatens to ignore that right, they have added fuel to Germany’s lawless fire. Certainly it is to be hoped that the President's triumph over this attempted rebellion in Congress still duly impress the German Government. But If Germany, taking her cue from the Bryan-Bern storff element in Congress, carries out a submarine campaign in defiance of law* and humanity, and in so doing kills American citizens on the high seas, the Representatives and Senators who now are whimpering of peace will be largely to blame for the war that almost inevitably will follow. For the sake of peace as well as honor it is to be hoped that we have heard the last of cringing proposals to disclaim or abridge American rights. That sort of expediency forfeits respect and invites aggression. President Wilson happily said in a recent speech at the Gridiron dinner that the point in national affairs “never lies along the lines of expediency.” “It always rests in the field of principle. The United States was not founded upon any principle of expediency; it was founded upon a profound principle of human liberty and of humanity; and whenever it bases its policy upon any other foundations than those, it builds on the sand, and not upon solid rock.” The Congressman or Senafor who acts upon ex pediency instead of principle in the present issue is unworthy of bis State and his nation. Between Germany and congress, the president cas his hands full. Roosevelt is the Republican nominee in North Carolina, but it takes more than a party victory to make a successful candidate. Teuton Torpedoes and American Poltroons. " Germany's new submarine campaign has begun. How far it will go, what scruples of conscience or law it will observe, to what complications with neu tral Powers it may give rise, remains to be seen. Some reports from Berlin indicate that the I boat commanders will be circumspect, particularly in attacking vessels that may have Americans aboard. “They will endanger human life,” writes one correspondent, “only in case a steamship at tempts to escape, to tire on the submarine, or to ram her.'’ If that be true, the new campaign will have no more results than the one last year, but will prove to be. as some observers already sur mise. designed mainly for political effect at home rather than for military effect on the fortunes of the Allies. Germany has declared, however, that enemy merchantmen carrying arms, even for defense alone, will be sunk without warning. If the threat is idle, all the better for the cause of humanity and for continued peace with neutrals. But if it is carried out, and if Americans fall victim to its law lessness and barbarity, the result will be serious indeed. We should have better reason to expect Ger many to show due regard for American rights, were it not for the cowardly group of politicians in Congress who have deserted the President in this trying hour. If Berlin takes its cue from those traitorous Representatives and Senators, it will not hesitate to commit any outrage against American sovereignty and honor. Nor could any blow that a German submarine might strike be a greater insult to the United States than that which this rene gade crew at Washington has already delivered. Verdun and Erzerum. While the fortunes of Verdun still tremble in the balance the Russians are making the most of their recent gains in the Caucasus. Erzerum having fallen, the Turkish forces are menaced in Armenia and Mesopotamia alike. They are said now to be evacuating Trebizond and neighboring towns on the Black Sea coast. This they would never do un less sorely pressed, for in that region they depend chiefly on sea transport for supplies. Furthermore, Turkish communications along the Tigris and ad jacent fields are threatened by the swift southward march of the Grand Duke Nicholas’ men. Relief is hastening to the British at Kut El Amara and the capture of Bagdad itself is not improbable. The entire rear of the Turkish position in Meso potamia, dispatches indicate, is In peril. Events in that arena may prove, in effect, more farreaching than the outcome around Verdun, de spite the dramatic sweep of the great battle in the west. The French may fall back and back with out suffering a really decisive blow. The Germans, if they fail in this desperate stroke, will hardly at tempt another big offensive but they still will be valiant for defense. Tn the east, however, condi tions point to possibilities of a decisive nature. For if the Russians continue their present advance, Turkey, the weak spot in the Teutonic armor, will crack and the hostile circle around the Central Empires will be more than ever formidable and firm. The effect of the Russian successes on senti ment in the Balkans is indicated by the report that Field Marshal von Mackensen is to visit King Con stantine at Athens for the purpose “of regaining for Germany the ground lost in Greek opinion since the fall of Erzerum.” Throughout the east the growing ascendancy .of the Russians makes a profound impression. The unrest in Persia is sub siding. The once heralded movement of the Turks against the Suez Canal has faded like a dream. The cause of the Allies grows stronger in the region where lately it -was weakest. Germany's New Taxation. Germany entered the war expecting an early and decisive victory, on the strength of which she would exact from her defeated foes indemnities all sufficient to pay her ipilitary bills. It was to be a war of profit as well as conquest; the Fatherland was to jingle with foreign gold which would make unnecessary any unusual tax burdens at home. As late as August the twentieth, 1915, the Imperial Secretary of the German treasury said in address ing the Reichstag: “During the war we will not increase the huge load on the people by new taxa tion.” Interestingly enough, however, news now comes from Berlin that additional tax measures have been devised. They include, according to the New York World's correspondent, “levies on corporate war profits, levies on increments in property values against individuals to avoid interference with the State income taxes, and various indirect taxes.” At last, then, the policy of mortgaging future victory has been abandoned. The cost of the vast adven ture has overtopped original plans. The fighting has lasted longer than the General Staff ever dream ed it could last. The indemnities that shone so al luringly in the summer clouds of 1914 have dwin dled and faded in the gray realities of the present winter. The Allies have financed their end of the war, as far as possible, by meeting the cost as it arose. Their peoples have felt the sharp pinch of taxation from the outset. Germany floated internal loans and piled towering debts of the Government to the people on the theory that in the end neither the Government nor the people but the enemy would pay. When the war is over, the burdens on all the belligerents will be fearful but on Germany, unless she triumphs overwhelmingly, they will be staggering. Georgia's Congressmen. it is deeply gratifying to the people of Georgia to learn that their State's entire delegation in the lower house of Congress stands squarely with the President in this crucial hour of the country’s for eign affairs. Georgians are no less loyal to the nation's rights and integrity than the rank and file of true Americans throughout the Union. They earnestly desire continued peace, but not at the sacrifice of principle, and they realize that the surest way to avert war and dishonor alike is to leave the conduct of this perilous issue to the man at the Republic's helm. They expect their repre sentatives at Washington to act as Democrats and as Americans, not as marplots in the party’s coun cils. nor as trucklers to “hyphenlsm.” They approve and applaud their Congressmen who. without ex ception. have declared, in response to The Journal’s inquiry, that they will uphold President Wilson and resist any effort to discredit or hamper him in the present controversy with the Teutonic Powers. Any other course in existing circumstances would be un-Democratic un-American and unworthy of the spirit and traditions of this Commonwealth. THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, MARCH 3, 1916. Will the South Extend Leadership to Morals and Ideals? (Washington iGa.) Reporter.) The surest way of "turning money into manhood and not manhood into money" is to provide the right kind of education, and not until now has Georgia had the oppor tunity of securing, under so favorable conditions, a great university which will bring the entire south into educational prominence. We, of course, refer to Emory university. Lest you may not be familiar with what has been done, is being done, and is expected to be done for this institution, read the following facts: “For its endowment Mr. Asa G. Candler, of Atlanta, has given 11,000,000. “For it, the Chamber of Commerce of Atlanta has pledged $500,000. "Into it the old and honored institution Emory col- Icg?, has been incorporated, with its assets amounting to about $700,000. "The Atlanta Adi cal college has become the medical department of Emory university, and the trustees of the university have endowed it with $250,000, to which has been added $20,000, previously secured. Without this endowment the medical college could not have main tained itself as an A-grade instltutioh. With the en dowment Its standing is assured, especially if the friends of the institution will supply the money required to building the outdoor clinic which is needed. The plant and endowment of the college together are worth $500,000. "To it Rev. T. T. Fishburne of Roanoke, va. has given $25,000, and Mr. George Winship, of Atlanta, has given $25,000. "The late Samuel M. Inman provided for a girt or 15,000. „ "Mr. Samuel Candler Dobbs has agreed to erect a dormitory of ample proportions and excellent equip ment. . "Besides these gifts other amounts have been suo scribed aggregating tn all about $30,000. “Thus a most cheering beginning has been made, but it is only a beginning. "To make a fair start the university ought to have at least $5,000,000. x With that much as a foundation, it would speedily draw to it other large amounts and would presently have $10,000,000. Here in the central south we would then have the great university waich we need so sorely, and it would continue to grow rapid ly with every passing year.” Is there a county in Georgia that can withhold from such an enterprise Its liberal financial support without absolute stultification? Should not the carrying for ward of this momentous undertaking appeal alike to every Georgian as well as to every Atiantian. The bene fits of this institution of learning will no more be con fined to Atlanta, where the university is properly lo cated, than will the legislation at the state house be confined to the people of Atlanta. Tnere is a great deal of wealth, in Wilkes county, and will not some of its owners feel constrained to make a substantial invest ment in an institution that will bless Georgia and the south throughout the coming generations? Compare the lasting benefits of a great university with the transient results of the average business investment, and then determine whether any one with means can afford to be indifferent to the campaign that is now being so earnestly conducted to find the means 'whereby the plans may not fail. Y'es the close of this war in Europe will see America the one great, rich nation of the world leading all the nations In wealth, commerce and industry. The question above every other for us to answer Is this: Will the United States and particularly the south extend its leadership also to the realms of morals and Ideals? Self-Contempt and Suicide BY DR. FRANK CRANE. SOME time ago the newspapers told a story of strik ing tragedy. It occurred in a western city. A man and woman had been married with the usual festivities, had furnished a home, and had lived together for four days. The third day he seemed de pressed and remained albne .in his room. The fourth day he shot himself in fne o f>riln. His young wife was almost deranged by the horror of the calamity. He left a note. In it he said; "I cannot stand this turmoil within myself any more. The fault is and has been all my own. *1 have tried hard and earnestly to make a success of life, but everything points toward a failure. So here goes. I’m the only one to blame. God has' simply damned my soul. All I deserve is hate and derision from my love and friends. My most impor tant wish is that this discontinues my existence here and hereafter, and that my torture ceases, not from without, but from within. My body deserves no more respect than to be placed on a burning brush t heap.” It is not hard to diagnose this case It is a frenzy of self-contempt. It is self-condemnation and self-pity rising to the point of mania. It is not pleasant reading, but it may be profitable, perhaps, if we realize that the state of mind which drove this man to ruin his own lire and bring such poignant sorrow to those who loved him, is bad in any small degree. And in small degree we are most of us guilty of it. By some subtle per Version of human nature we make of self-dispraise a luxury. We enjoy slandering our moral character, criticising our ability and advertising our weakness very much as we take a strange pleasure in working at a sore tooth. How often we hear such exclamations as, "I am so wicked,” “I never do the right thing,” “Why was I ever horn? - * 11 and, "Was anybody ever so stupid as I?” We get a certain satisfaction from this mock humility. In some way it seems to help us slip out of our responsibilities. If you have this abominable habit, stop it right now, while the miserable example of this unfortunate victim is fresh before you. For it is despicable cowardice. It is a wretched whimper in the face of misfortunes that other people bear manfully. It is irritating to your acquaintances and distressing to your friends. . , And it is away that grows on one. It rapidly be comes a diseased obsession. When Lt is full grown it prepares you for any act of disgraceful weakness. It’s the common lingo among degenerates a n( ( crim inals.- The whole underworld is mired in this sort of disgusting self-pity. It is the road to self-destruction. There never was a suicide that did not get himself ready for his wicked end by groveling; in self-cursings. Humility is the greatest of virtues. But humility gone wrong, soured, spoiled, and malodorous, is the most contemptible of frailties. i Quit condemning yourself,.. (Copyright, 1916, by Frank Crane.) Editorial Echoes What the people of this country cannot see or know is the part which agents of foreign govern ments are playing in Washington. The stakes for which they play are enormous, being no less than the influence of the United States, the only great Power not engaged in war. No price would be too high to pay and any price that consisted of cash would be paid by either side. The most astute secret service agents in the employ of the belliger ents are on the ground and intrigue is playing a part in Washington as it never did before. Some extraordinary things have been said and done al ready in Congress which are hard to explain. When the history of these days is written what is being done in Washington will form no small part of the story of this war.—New York Commercial. “Eggs not 9 5 per cent good barred from mails.’’ Why not make it 100 per cent? A leap year birthday is hard on the children, but a blessing to the middle aged. All is not gloomy war news, for now comes the announcement that both the peach and apple crops are safe. PHILIPPINE PROBLEMS. IV— Taming the Wild Men. BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN. WASHINGTON, Feb. 22.—Advocates of Philippine independence hold that the non-Christian tribes are no more of a problem than are the Indians in the United States. Their opponents say that the parallel would be more accurate if t’nere were 14,000,000 Indians in this country, if they had recently come off the warpath and were anxious to go back to it. The truth lies somewhere between the extremes of opinion, but at best the non-Christian tribes are a problem, and at worst they can be a serious menace. Nobody knows exactly how many of the non-Chris tian people there are. It is certain that there are enough of them to form an Important element in the total population. Some Filipinos have set their number as low as half a million. Other estimates, including that of the census, put them nearer the three-quarter million mark. Mr. D. C. Worcester, for thirteen years a member of the Philippine commission and secretary of the interior for the islands, reckons them in great de tail, island by island, to a total well over a million. Mr. Worcester is probably better acquainted with this particular question than any other American. The total population of the arcnlpelago is about 8,000,000. Thus 7,000,000 Filipinos will have from 500,000 to 1,000,000 non-Christians, whose territory em braces about half the land area of the islands, to police, educate, sanitate, administer and govern. The question is somewhat simplified by the fact that these wild tribes are in some way not exactly wild. They are savage, and in the very recent past waged savage warfare, but they are intelligent and quick to progress. Theie is a tribe in the Interior of Mindanao that lived in the treetops five years ago. Today that tribe lives in a village, uses late model disc plows and trims the public plaza with a lawn mower. Such tribes have been won to law and order by the American civil and military officers who had charge of them. The task called for utter fearlessness, infinite patience and a man who eould set for each crime an adequate punishment and see that it was carried out. These American officers risked their lives a dozen times a day. They traveled unarmed through remote and hos tile regions where every man boasted a lance and a strong desire to increase his headscore. They deco rated their quarters with the spears thrown at them. They arbitrated feuds between villages when only the presence of the other tribe prevented each warring party from gathering in the arbiter. The American in charge of some hidden island dis trict represented the whole machinery of administration in his one quinlne-filled person. He was the legislative, the judicial and the executive branches of government combined. He was the health department and the bureau of public works. Between tribes he. was a Hague tribunal, and between individuals a court of last appeal. At the head of a few red-capped native con stables he ranged through the jungle in the name of the new law. The hill people regarded war as a part of life, yet in some ways they proved a likable race to deal with. They recognized the justice of punishment, and bore no malice after it was over. On their side, they expected that punishment should wipe the slate clean, that the offender who had paid his penalty should get back his old status in every way. They were not a race to ap preciate mildness, but they admired courage in an enemy with ready generosity. By uourage the Ameri cans ruled them, occasionally falling back on the na tional resource of bluff. A good example of what the pioneers of our admin istration had to deal with, and the way they dealt with it, is furnished by an incident that happened on one of the smaller islands. A young governor set out with two native constables to compel a band of outlaws to disarm. They found the whole tribe in arms, and show ing an ugly mood. It was apparent that they were working themselves up to the point of attack, and, as the tribe numbered over a hundred, the governor and his two followers s\ere in a ticklish situation. So the American forced the issue. Seizing on a pretext for a quarrel with the chief, he ordered his constables to hold the man while he gave him a cut with a stick. The natives were aghast at sueh temerity: it convinced Them that the governor had a hidden force in reserve. They meekly gave up their weapons. Once the new government was established, friendly relations between the officers of administration and their districts grew rapidly. The wild tribes are quick to appreciate courage and a square deal. They obeyed the law, and regarded the local lawmaker as a sort of THE obvious often is overlooked. This is a truism strikingly exemplified in' every phase of business life, and not least in the writing of business letters. It should, for instance, be perfectly obvious to everyone that in writing a sales letter, or a letter of application for work, care ought to be taken to empha size the writer’s willingness and ability to meet the particular needs of the person to whom the letter is addressed. But frequently such a letter is written without the slightest reference to these needs. No reference is made to them because the writer has not taken the trouble to ascertain what they are. He knows what he wants. But he forgets that as a seller of commodities or of personal services, the really important thing to him is to know what his prospective customer or employer wants. . Not so very long ago a man of forty suddenly found himself thrown out of work, after years of employment with one firm. He had a clean record, and he confidently looked forward to securing a second place easily. But, after having written to no purpose a number of letters of application, he began to feel less hopeful. The thought then occurred to him to make a specific investigation of the particular needs of the next man to whom he applied. Selecting an advertisement, he carefully studied its wording, noted the requirements this directly or indi rectly indicated and in addition inane personal inquiry to gain further knowledge as to what would be expected Os him. He then wrote not the formal letter of application he had hitherto been writing, but a more direct and informal one. In this letter he made plain that he was aware of, and could meet, the special requirements of A Trinity college student being out of ready cash, went in haste to a fellow student to borrow*. He hap pened to be in bed at the time, and, shaking him, the Cantab demanded: "Are you asleep?” "Why?" asked the student. "Because,” replied the other, “I w*ant to borrow half a crown.” “Then,” answered the student, "I’m asleep." • • • A tall, fidgety man hurriedly approached the railway station, and, addressing a porter, asked: "Do you think T can catch the mail to G ?" The porter casually surveyed the other's long legs and, removing the pipe from his mouth, replied; "Well it looks as if you might, but you’d better hurry, for she’s gone half an hour.” \ “Now you fellows, help yourselves to the cigars!’’ cried Smith genially, after dinner. "They are some my wife gave me on my birthday." Gently but firmly, man after man vowed that he had sworn off smoking “for the duration of the war,’’ and the dinner party ended in a ghastly fizzle. "Whatever did you tell'such a fib about those cigars for?” asked Mrs. Smith, in angry surprise, when the guests had departed. "You know perfectly well that I gave you gloves for a present!” "Oh, that’s all right, Mary!" replied Smith blandly. “That box of cigars cost me SB, and I can’t afford to give any of them away!” • • • “I keep the best bread," said a certain baker the other day to a poor fellow who complained of the in ferior quality of the article he had purchased of him the day before. ”1 do not doubt it," replied the customer. "Then why do you complain?” asked the baker. “Because I would suggest that you sell the best bread and keep the bad,’’ was the reply. BUSINESS LETTERS BY H. ADDINGTUN BRUCE. QUIPS AND QUIDDITIES demi-god; for the ruling Os such people is largely a personal matter; they cannot grasp principles of gov ernment. Give them a man who deals fairly with them, punishes them when necessary, without malice, but without favor, respects their customs as far as possible, and works for the general good, and they will admire that man and the government he stands for. All these phases of the American regime must be spoken of in the past tense, but not because thej are anslent history. They happened in the tw*entieth century, some of them happened five and six years ago. Today head hunting has practically been stamped out; the wild tribes are beginning to go to school; they are cheerfully working ten days a year on the roads, and are proud of the wonderful system of trails they have built. Century-old feuds between hostile tribes have been adjusted, men have come down from the treetops to live in model villages, agriculture has been stimu lated among the hill people, the guileless savage is get ting a fair price for his produce and buying what he needs reasonably at government stores —in fact, every thing goes as smoothly as could be asked. Yet, in con sidering what problem the non-Christian tribes present for the future, it is well to remember their record in the past, and the record of the men who reclaimed them, as well as the recent date of that reclamation. The non-Christians are divided into three very dis tinct classes. First is the Negrito, the "little black man” of the Spaniards, who has the proudest lineage of all, for he is all that remains of the aboriginal race of the islands. The Negrito is one 'of the lowest types of humanity, ranked by ethnologists with the Australian Bushman. He is a little, black, wooly-headed individual, who has no capacity for receiving civilization. There are only about 25,000 of him in the islands, so he does not present a probleim, except as he bears on the much discussed question of the existence of slavery in the archipelago. The bulk of the non-Christian peoples are of Malay descent. Some of them have a slight admixture of Negrito blood. The hill tribes, or pagans, are derived from Malays who invaded the islands in ancient times. Many distinct tribes are recognized among them, halls a dozen on the main island of Luzon alone. The pagans of Luzon inhabit the mpuntaln province for the most part, in the northern end of the island, where they for merly held supreme sway. Here dwell the Ifugaos, the Kalingas, the Igorots, the Apayaos, and others of the head-hunting peoples. It is hardly fair to speak of such people as the Ifugaos, wi|h their wonderfully con structed rice terraces clinging to the sides of almost perpendicular mountains, as savages, but many of their old customs were savage to the last degree. Today it is possible for men of one of these tribes to go about safely in the territory of another tribe for the first time in centuries. Their own raids on their civilized neighbors have ceased altogether. Educational work is going forward among them, they furnish soma of the best recruits for the constabulary, and their progress in all lines is highly satisfactory. Baguio, the great summer resort of the islands, is among the pines of the mountain province. On other islands the w*ork among the pagan peoples has naturally not progressed as fast as in Luzon, but perfect order prevails, and education is ‘beginning. The interior of the great island of Mindoro is peopled by a pagan tribe known as the Mangyans, whose very number is still a matter of guesswork. It is estimated around 15,000. These people live in isolated huts, moving from place to place whenever a member of the family dies. Their strain of Negrito blood makes them backward, but schools and permanent villages have been estab lished. Such tribes as these may be taken as typical of the twenty-five or thirty pagan peoples found in the Phil ippines. The third race of non-Christians are the Moros of Mindanao and Sulu. The Moros represent a compara tively recent Malay invasion, as well as the highest stage of civilization tjie Malay race has ever reached. They are devout Mohammedans, men of immense per sonal courage, fierce fighters, pirates who in the past terrorized the whole archipelago. Their number is esti mated all the way from 275,000 to 350,000. Such are the peoples classed under the general head of the non-Christian tribes. In spite of the fact that' today there is no disorder in any part of the islands, and progress toward civilization is most encouraging, it is obvious that for many years the equilibrium will be a delicate one and the situation will continually be fraught with possibilities. the vacant position. For the first time since he had begun his letter writing he received a favorable reply. An appointment was made, and a job-winning interview followed. * Another obvious, but frequently overlooked, element in successful business letter writing is brevity. Some expert business advisers insist that a business letter should never be more than a page long. This, perhaps, is carrying a principle to an extreme. But the fact remains that if the writer of a business letter can possibly say on one page all that he needs to say, he should confine himself ter one page. In these days of multiple demands on time, a short letter always has a better chance of getting an atten tive reading than a long letter will have. Also, business letters, like private letters, should "ring trite. ' They should leave an impression of the writer’s sincerity, of his belief in his wares, of hi? energy and vitality. "Energy in letter writing is a trick style.” says Sherwin Cody, in his interesting book, “How to Deal With Human Nature in Business.” But Mr Cody has tened to add: 'lt consists at bottom in being exceedingly ener getic and intense yourself. To write in an energetic style, get into an energetic mood.” And do some real thinking. Besides analyzing your customers, learn everything you possibly can learn about the business in which you are engaged, the goods you are trying to sell. The more you know about these, the easier it will be for you to write of them in letters that will bring results. This likewise is a truth so obvious that it would seem not to require statement. But, then, as was said in the beginning, the obvious often is overlooked. A prominent physician was recently called to his telephone by a colored woman formerly in the service of his wife. In great agitation the woman advised the physician that her youngest child was in a bad way. “What seems to be the trouble?” asked the doctor. "Doc. she done swallered a bottle of ink!’’ "I’ll be over there in a short w'hile to see her," said the doctor. "Have you done anything for her?” “I done give her three pieces o’ biottin’ paper, doc," said the colored woman, doubtfully. • • • Said the waiter to a noisy card Party in a hotel bedroom: "I’ve blen sent to ask you to make less noise, gentlemen. The gentleman in the next room says he can’t read." "Tell him,” was the reply of the host, "that he ought to be ashamed of himself. Why, I could read when I five years old.” "You must admit that the founders of this govern ment have earned your enduring gratitude." “I admit it without hesitation," replied Senator Sor ghum. “Many is the time they have rescued me from personal embarrassment. Whenever I make a public speech I know that all I have to do to wake 'em up and get a round of applause is to mention oeorge Washing ton or Abraham Lincoln ” • • • King George was once enjoying the hospitality of a prominent peer at his country seat near the scene of one of Cromwell’s historic battles. Strolling out one day by himself, the king met the village blacksmith return ing from a shoeing expedition. ”1 say, my good fellow,” said his majesty, genially, "I understand there was a big battle fought somewhere about here.” “Well—er," stammered the blacksmith, recognizing and saluting the king, ”1 dM ave a round or tw*o with Bill, the potman but I didn’t know your majesty had heard of it”
