Newspaper Page Text
4
THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL
ATLAMT*. GA., 5 NOBTH ’ OBSYTH ST.
Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of the
second Cl'«ss-
JAKES - *: G*AY.
President and Editor.
sv*sc*x>Txb* pbiceT ~
Twelve months 75e
six months
Three months 25c
The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday
and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for
early delivery.
It contains news from all over tne wot Id. brought
by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff
-of distinguished contributors, with strong departments
• of special value to the home and the farm.
Agents wanted at every postoffice. Liberal commis
sion allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R. BRADLEY,
Circulation Manager.
The only traveling representatives we have are B.
F. Bolton, C. C. Coyle, L. H. Kimbrough, Chas,, H.
Wood 1 iff and L. J. Farris. We will tie responsible only
for money paid to the above-named traveling represent
—• alive*. . ,
“ WOTICe'to' SUBSCXIBEBS.
The label uae«l fur addrewing your paper abows the time
your übaertptkxj expires. By renewing at leaat two weeks be
fore tbe date or thi» label, you inenre regular service.
In ordering paper changed. be sure tv mention your old. as
well as your new address, it on a route, please give tbe route
Q-aiber.
We canrot enter subscriptions to begin witb back numbers.
Kcaaittanee abet. Lu be sent by postal order or registered mail.
. Address ail orders and notues for tbis Department to THE
-EM I-WEEKLY JOLItAAU Atlanta, Ga.
Mail Service by Air,
Instead of getting their mail by dog-sleds as
no*, the people of Nome. Alaska, and thereabout
will get it by aeroplane, if the project of Earl L.
Byers, an enterprising aviator, is effected. He of
fers to furnish, for forty-nine thousand dollars a
year, a twice-a-week service month in and month
out between Seward and Iditarod. carrying a
* thousand pounds of mail on every trip. This plan,
if successful, would save much time and money.
- As Mr. Byers points out. mail for Nome now starts
' at Cordova on tne coast, jogs laboriously to Fair
banks and Tanana by wagon or sled, and moves
thence to Nome by dog team. The distance is
about fifteen hundred miles, and the time thirty-
. nine days. He estimates that by the shorter route
and incomparably swifter speed of the aeroplane.
■ the time could be reduced to eighteen days and
the service vastly improved. Dispatches say that
if he furnishes a satisfactory bond, the postoffice
department probably will accept his bid.
Though the aeroplane has not yet been turned
to broadly practical use except in war. it has many
possibilities which soon or late will be developed.
The aviator can laugh at obstacles which the mo-
■ torist or teamster wonld find impassable. Boggy
roads, swollen rivers and steep mountain paths
•eave him undisturbed. He has his troubles and
dangers, such as unfavorable winds and treacher
ous air currents; but with a stanch machine and
a practiced hand, he can perforin wonders of trav
el in security and ease.
For years the automobile was mainly a means
• to recreation. Now it rivals the mule as 8 burden
bearer. The airship may not develop so quickly
or extensively, but there is reason to believe that
its service in certain fields of commerce will be-
< come more and more pronounced.
Shackleton's Return.
- There are mingled -relief and disappointment
C in the news that Sir Ernest Shackleton has reach
~ ed the Falkland Islands, virtually the point whence
£ he embarked upon his South Polar expedition
? nearly seventeen months ago. It is good to know
? that this gallant explorer has escaped the fate
L which seemed to have overtaken him but it is re-
Z grettable that he was forced to abandon the pre
s liminary object of his adventure.
In the autumn of 1914 the Shackleton part}
I sailed from the Argentine coast for Weddell Sea.
• their object being to cross the Antarctic continent.
• The plans of Sir Ernest were different from *?ither
3 Scott's or Amundsen's. Instead of depending on
4 a rear base and a line of stations set up ae he went
5 forward, he purposed to press straight on, carry
S ing supplies the entire journey of seventn-?«i bun
» dred miles and hoping to effect a junction with au
-3 other contingent which was to set out from the
5 opposite, or New Zealand side of the frozen c?,;ti-
X nent. Until his recent message from Port Stanley,
—er the last word received from him came in the late
winter of 1915. “The Ice is so bad," it ran. "that
' you must not look for us until March of next
year."
_ From the latest account, it seems that the ec
plorer's ship, the Endurance, was crushed in a
Weddell Sea ice floe last October and drifted un
til midwinter, when he and his comrades landed
on Elephant Island in the South Shetland group.
"A week later.** sgj>s the dispatch, “he left in a
~ small boat with five men to summon help.** Much
•, concern is nqw felt for those who retrained there
• and also for the Ross Se.i pa’-ty from wn.vli uoth
’ • ing has been heard in many month <
The scientific aims of the Shackleton e.xpcdi-
II tion were important. It expected to gather much
- data of geological and meteorological r; lue. to
I ? determine whether the Antarctic continent is a
homogeneous mass or is divided into two or more
pans, and whether the Andes chain extending
beneath the sea, crops out again on the- Polar con
tinent.
The Canal
A committeee of the National Academy of
Sciences reports after thorough investigation that
• the earth slides at the Panama canal, disturbing
though they have been and likely, perhaps, to give
some further trouble, are not to be considered
alarming.or beyond control.
"There is absolutely no justification." say
the experts, "for the statement that traffic will
be repeatedly interrupted during long periods
of years. The canal will serve the great pur
pose for which it was built, and the realization
of that purpose in the near future is assured."
The opening of the great interocean highway
maa overshadowed by the European war: otherwise
it would have been the outstanding event of the
decade. Even in the ensuing disruption of the
world's commerce more than a thousand trade ves
sels passed through tbe canal during the first ten
and a half months of its operation, and the tolls col
lected during that period amounted to nearly four
and a half million dollars, a clear excess of earn
ings over current expenses. With so good a record
- under peculiarly adverse conditions, there is every
reason to expect that when times are normal again
the canal will be justified abundantly both in profit
* and in service.
Tbe earth slides probably will recur from time
to time, but there is no doubt that engineering fore-
• sight and skill will succeed in controlling and
- eventually mastering them. There need be no
pessimism concerning the permanent usefulness of
.T the canal, which has shortened the water route
~ from New York to San Francisco nearly eight
r.l thousand miles and opened new paths of service
. . and enrichment to the commerce of all the world.
The Republican Nominatton.
In their national convention next Wednesday
the Republicans will face a choice between the red
shirt of Roosevelt and the ermine of Hughes.
There are other candidates, of course, —favorite
sons and political Micawbers who hope for some
thing to turn up—but unless all omens are awry,
the nomination will drift at last either to the
Rough Rider or the Judge. There could be no
sharper antithesis than that of these two men —
the one clamorous and fiery, the other reticent and
cool. The nomination of Roosevelt would mean
that the Republican party had commuted itself to
a sweeping reversal of the traditions and policies
which have kept the nation secure. The nomina
tion of Hughes, while amounting to a tacit en
dorsement of the Wilson methods, would be a pro
posal to change a tried and practiced leader, at a
moment of grave uncertainties, for one whose ca
pacity in such a task is at best a matter of sur
mise.
U is a common saying that if Roosevelt had
been in the White House during the last three
years, the United States would now be at war. cer
tainly with Mexico and probably with Europe. In
stead of the peace and prosperity it enjoys today,
the country would be a brand in the world confla
gration. Instead of standing forth as the great
advocate of law and humanity, ministering to
stricken peoples and ready at the proper moment
to serve as a mediator for permanent peace, the
United States itself would be grappling in the
dark arena. We have the Colonel's word for it that
he would not have handled the Mexican problem
or the submarine issue as President Wilsou did.
We have his record for it that he would have
thrown patience and diplomacy to the winds, and
have plunged the country into red adventures. If
preventable war is better than peace with honor,
then the Roosevelt way is better than the Wilson
way; but if the dangers America has escaped and
the principles it has upheld in this tragic season
are of any account, then we have cause to be de
voutly thankful that a cool statesman Instead of
rash politician has been at the republic’s helm.
In the Roosevelt lexicon, Americanism means
pugilism, and preparedness means a militaristic re
gime as absolute as that of Prussia itself. XV hile
a Democratic President and a Democratic Con
gress are working out a sane and adequate sys
tem of national defense, the Third-Termer, bally
hooing his patriotism and boasting of his "heroic
mood,'* sneers at the program of men who are
producing definite results in keeping with the
country’s traditions and needs. Ths only sort of
army that would satisfy Roosevelt would be an
army infused with his bellicose spirit and subject
to his dictatorship. The only sort of preparedness
that would meet his approval would be that which
would transform a peaceful-loving country into an
armed camp, not simply ready for defense but hot
ly eager for a fight.
President Wilson's foreign policies hate been
unfailingly prudent, always solicitous of American
rights and honor but always thoughtful and un
hurried. and always cognizant of the rights and
honor of other nations, great and small alike.
Roosevelt's foreign policies, if we may judge him
by his record and temperament, would be just the
reverse. He would plunge the country into for
eign dangers and complications as lightly as he
would call an opponent "a liar and thief.” He
would have no more regard for our interests and
obligations in Pan Americanism than he had for
the rights of little Colombia- when he "took Pana
ma.” He would be as likely as not to destroy at
a single stroke the relations of confidence and good
will which, under the Wilson administration, have
developed between the United States and its South
American neighbors. With Roosevelt in the White
House at this crucial juncture of affairs, the na
tion would be exposed to wild adventures and to
dangers incalculable.
If, then, the Republicans nominate Roosevelt,
the basic issue of the ensuing campaign will be
clear: it will be extreme radicalism-against liberal
conservatism; it will be reckless militarism against
well considered preparedness: it will be the Big
Stick against efficient diplomacy; destructiveness
against constructiveness, passion against reason
If the Republicans nominate Justice Hughes
and he accepts, they will have a candidate who is
conservative and dependable but no more so than
President Wilson. The issue then would be. as far
as the worth of the men themselves is concerned,
between leadership that is safe but untried and
leadership that Is equally safe and fully tested.
The fact is. the Republicans can name no candi
date who in any wise could approach the-Wilson
record of achievement for the country’s good.
Whatever may be choice of the Chicago convention,
Democracy can rest confident of its own standard
bearer and the principles he upholds.
Cotton Goods and South America
The South's opportunities in Latin-American
markets seem more than a hazy vision when we
are told that in a single year Argentina imports
ten and a half millon dollars worth of cotton
piece goods, of which only some nine thousand
dollars worth comes from the United States. These
aud other imiX-essive figures, presented to the
Atlanta Chamber of Commerce by Mr. C. L. Chand
ler, South American trade representative of the
Southern Railway, should arouse definite inter
est in those fertile realms which lie beyond the
Gulf and the Caribbean.
The Journal previously has noted the fact that
within two thousand miles of Atlanta there are
twelve countries having a combined population of
twenty million people and an aggregate foreign
trade in 1913, of seven hundred million dollars.
That seven hundred million represents an increase
of one hundred percent with a period of ten years.
At this rate, the same trade should be worth at
least one and a half billion dollars before another
decade ends. Can the South afford to neglect such
an opportunity? , -
These countries are Nicaragua. Panama, Sal
vador. Venezuela, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guate
mala, Honduras, Cuba, the Dominican Republic,
Haiti and Mexico. The” Southern States are better
situated than any other port of the nation or the
world to serve the needs and win the patronage of
those lands. Not only those countries but the en
tire Latin-American group offer inviting markets
to many lines of Southern merchandise, especially
cotton. Southern textile mills, as Mr. Chandler
shows, are losing vast sums annually "because
they have not followed up their export opportuni
ties.’’
it is to be hoped that the new financial facili
ties which large banking houses in the United
States are now providing for Latin-American com
merce will quicken and define the interest of
Southern merchants and manufacturers toward
that important field.
THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY, JUNE 6. 1916
Cruisers and Dreadnaughts.
Though admirable in many respects the Navy
bill passed by the House is fatally deficient in that
1 it mataes no provision for additional dreadnaughts.
This dangerous error must be corrected bj the
Senate if the American fleet is to be at all equal to
its vast responsibilities.
The one-year building program of the House
byi calls for five battle-cruisers, four scout
cruisers, ten destroyers, fifty submarines and one
hundred and thirty aeroplanes. None of these
items is extravagant; none can safely be reduced
Particularly commendable is the provision for bat
tle-cruisers, a type of vessel which has played a
foremost part in the present war and in which our
navy is wholly lacking, in its recommendations
on this point the House Committee advanced cogent
reasons:
"Each of the several foreign navies has the
battle-cruiser, and it therefore becomes an ab
solute necessity for the proper naval defense
of the country that the United States, too,
equip its navy with this kind of vessel. Battle
cruisers are used to harass the enemy's sup
plies and to act in concert with the battle-fleet
in a general action by placing the enemy at t
tactical disadvantage, as their superior speed
enables them to obtain a superior position,
or to prevent the enemy's battle-cruiser di
vision from obtaining a similar tactical ad
vantage. . . . If a possible enemy is operat
ing vessels whose speed enables them to elude
a battleship with certainty and which are pow
erful enough not to fear smaller craft, the
only method of. defense against the battle
cruiser seems to be the battle-cruiser.”
It is noteworthy in this connection that
Great Britain, prior to the recent North Sea fight,
had ten such cruisers, the fastest of which had a
speed of twenty-eight knots; Germany had nine;
Japan has four: the United States has none. It
is plainly imperative that our navy be well sup
plied with these swift and powerful fighters whose
value, as the Literary Digest observes, has been
tersely summed up in the remark, "Nothing else
afloat that can whip them can catch them, and
nothing that they can whip can escape them.”
The battle-cruisers specified in the House bill will
have each a speed of thirty-five knots—"six Knots
faster than the fastest of their type in the British
and German navies” —and a displacement and
armament far greater than those of any other ves
sels of the kind.
But battle-cruisers cannot take the place or do
the work of battleships, which are the decisive
factors in great naval combats and the backbone
of sea defense. This was demonstrated conclu
sively in the recent Anglo-German encounter in
which an English cruiser squadron struck the
main German fleet. In its earlier stages, at least,
the battle seems to have been mainly between
cruisers and dreadnaughts. Then tbe English, for
all their courage and skill, were at a woeful dis
advantage. Later, when the main British force, in
cluding dreadnaughts, arrived and got into action,
the Germans were forced to retire. The lesson is
unmistakable. Battle-cruisers, despite their •• se
riority for certain tasks and needs, cannot cone
•with the greatest battleships.
No preparedness plan that ignores this fact will
be adequate. The Senate by all means should re
store the two dreadnaughts for which the Admin
istration has asked, and at the same time it should
leave the battle-cruiser item of the House bill in
tact. Such a program calls for great expenditures,
but it will be the surest and soundest and most
patriotic investment Congress can make. Senator
Tillman voiced the country’s thoughtful judgment
when he recently declared:
"The one essential and most important
thing confronting us, and to which we should
bend all the nation's energies, is an adequate
navy. By that, I mean a navy second to none
except England’s, both in number of ships
. and their armament. This will cost hundreds of
millions of dollars, but no matter what it costs,
we must have it and we ought to set about
obtaining it in a hurry, for it takes time to
build battleships and battle-cruisers.”
No nation has greater need of a powerful navy
than has the United States with its unequaled ex
tent of coast line, its unequaled number of ex
posed harbors, its outlying possessions in the At
lantic and the racific, its obligations under the
Monroe Doctrine, its material interests to be de
fended, its national ideals to be upheld. It is
earnestly to be hoped, therefore, that when the
navy issue comes up for final adjustment in the
Senate, every Senator, particularly those of the
Democratic party and of the South, will stand for
ample appropriations and for a far-sighted pro
gram that will make the American navy supreme.
Our History of Unpreparedness.
There are complacent patriots who think of the
United States as an easy victor in every war it has
entered since Liberty Bell first rang, and who im
agine, therefore, that it could meet any future per
il by "leaping to arms overnight," A keen glance
into history will bring them a wholesome disillu
sion. In every great crisis it has faced, the Unit
ed States has borne the. handicap and paid the
penalty of unpreparedness. It has been singular
ly favored by fortune and bravely defended by its
people, but its lack of an adequate army and fleet
has entailed needless sacrifice, and time and again
has threatened it with disaster.
The Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Mr.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, recently pointed out some
of these stubborn facts. The War of 1812, he
showed, might have ended dismally indeed for
America, had it not been for “a gentleman by the
name of Napoleon who was keeping the British
busy at that time.” Our naval victories, brilliant
though they were, would have had scant military
significance, had the enemy's fleet been free from
European demands. Our land victories of impor
tance were limited to a single battle, that of New
Orleans, which was won after peace had been de
clared. Authorities now agree that the war with
Mexico could have been waged with incomparably
less cost in treasure and life had the men who were
sent forward been properly trained and equipped.
The Spanish-American war has been described not
inaptly as “a triumph of inefficiency.”
The United States has good reason to be proud
of what its soldiers and sailors have done for
it. but it has equally good reason to be ashamed
of what it has done, in the way of preparation,
for them. Never since the days of the Revolution
lias it faced a powerful enemy who was free to
wage war to a decisive end. Never in all that time
has it had an army or fleet that was adequate to
a supreme test. Far from justifying slip-shod com
placency. American history swarms with lessons on
the need for preparedness
rpxODAY J want a word with parents. I want to
j urge them as they value their children’s
future welfare not to shut them off from
playing with other children.
When children are kept by themselves when
for any reason they are denied the privilege of
contact with other children several unpleasant
things are likely to happen to them.
For one thing they are likely to grow to man
hood and womanhood with an unhealthy stunting
of the social instinct the instinct in which the qual
ities of fraternity and human sympathy are rooted.
It would be hard to name anything more im
portant to a man or woman than to have this
instinct well developed. Success and happiness
are In a large measure dependent on it.
Through its aid we feel for others and we feel
with others. We are checked from becoming too
self-centered. We are enabled to meet others on
an equal footing without being either diffident
or too aggressive.
The social instinct in other words operates to
keep us normal, healthy-minded persons appre
ciative of our responsibilities to our fellow be
ings a swell as of our personal individual inter
ests. It is a balancing, a disciplining, an educa
tive force.
The sooner it is given a chance to find expres
sion the more surely it will exercise its benign in
fluence. Herein is the great importance of provid
ing children with ample opportunity to play to
gether, and especially to play group games.
Consciously and unconsciously they teach one
another the social virtues. They quicken in every
member of the group the spirit of self-reliance
and of initiative, the spirit of fair play and of
team play. They foster the feeling of the need of
“Here," said a colonel of the United States
army the other day. "is a card I found on the
table at a restaurant in San Francisco where I
dined. The food was good and the service was
better. There was a democratic atmosphere about
tne place that was refreshing.”
The restaurant of which he spoke was in con
nection with a large department store, one of the
largest in the world. The card was as follows:
NO GRATUITIES.
Patrons aie requested not to give tips to em
ployes. They cannot accept them. A liberal
wage scale assures you of their best services.
If, contrary to this request, money be left on
the table, it will be given to charitable in
stitutions.
This is a sign of a growing sentiment against
the unpleasant custom of tipping.
Tipping must go. The chief objection to it is
not the extra money one is forced to give in addi
tion to the price of the meal, but the implied in
sult to the waiter. It makes him an object of
charity.
It tends to break down the self-respect of a
worker who is engaged in a perfectly honorable
calling. He ought to be paid, not made to re
ceive alms.
A man is self-respecting only so long as he
gets what he earns. A waiter earns his wages as
much as a bricklayer or a carpenter.
The waiter who expects a tip puts himself in a
class with the beggar or the receiver of a bribe.
The whole business smacks of servility, cring
ing, and favoritism.
You say you get your money's worth by giv-
WASHINGTON, June 2. —The call to a Woman's
party convention, to be held in Chicago at the
same time the Republican and Progressive
parties are holding their conventions in the city, has
gone out to over 100,000 women of every state in the
union. That the new party is to be a regularly organ
ized one along recognized political lines seems ,an
accepted fact. Over 40,000 women are expected to
answer the call. Chicago will be filled during that
week, not only with men attending the Republican and
Progressive party conventions, but with women,
organized for the first time in the history of the nation
for concerted political action.
• • •
The platform of this new party is simple, having
only one plank—national woman suffrage to be written
into the constitution of the United States. The party,
it is announced, will work independently of all other
political organizations, and its only aim will be to
secure the immediate passage of the Susan 8.. Anthony
amendment.
The suffragists who are working for this convention
are proposing to form an independent party of women
voters from the western states, to support the plea of
eastern women for political enfranchisement. They
propose to do this by utilizing the vote of the western
women for the good of the women in the east. They
are attempting to obtain the solidarity of the labor
vote, which, by its support or non-support of either
political party, wins legislation for the good of labor.
Twenty-three prominent women from the east made a
tour of the continent a short time ago, to act as heralds
of the convention and to win western women to unite
with them in their demand for the ballot. That this
new movement has spread widely through the west
was stated by a California woman a short while ago,
and this would appear to be true from the number of
western women answering the call to the convention
in Chicago.
• • •
The women who are organizing the Womens part}’
have announced that their "hats are tn the ring."’ They
are to have a regular political convention on the same
days the Republican and Progressive parties have
theirs, in the same place. This, the leaders declare,
Indicates no cohesion with the Republican and Pro
gressive parties, but an entirely independent party of
women voters, organized along recognized lines, for
the purpose of working more intelligently and unitedly
for the enfranchisement of American women.
The new Liberty Gage hat of the woman's party is
being worn extensively by pretty girls and women in
New York, New Jersey, the District of Columbia and
elsewhere, preparatory to the flooding of Chicago with
the hats and their wearers during tne week of June 5.
Many of these hats will probably be kept as heirlooms
by their owners, and handed down to future genera
tions as mementoes of the initial entrance of womer\
into the nation s politics.
Chicago girls have volunteered to act as newsies
during the convention, and many of them are now to
be seen on the corners of principal business streets,
selling suffrage papers and distributing programs of
the convention.
• • •
The fact that 4,000,000 women will be able to cast
their votes for president of the United States through
their electors next November gives the Woman's party
real political importance. The women claim that one
fifth of the electoral vote and one-third of the vote
necessary to elect the next president of the United
States comes from states where women vote on the
same terms as men, and that if they can bring even a
small proportion of these votes to the support of the
suffrage amendment, no political party will be strong
enough to withstand them.
• • •
Women do vote for president in twelve states, and
these states control one-fifth of the electoral college
and cast one-third of the vote necessary to elect a
president. In the past five presidential elections not
one of these twelve states has gone steadily for any
one party. Women vote equally with men in eleven
states for members of both houses of congress. Twen
ty-two senators and forty members of the house of
representatives come from these states where women
vote
In all the presidential elections since 1896, in these
states where women vote, the average change of votes
necessary to turn an election over to the other party
has been 9 per cent of the total vote cast. Since 1596
six congressional elections have been carried by a
THE SOCIAL INSTINCT
BY H. ADDINGTON BKUCB
THE TIPPING NUISANCE
BT DB. FBBBB CBABB.
THE WOMA N’S PARTY
BY FREDEKIO J. HASKIN.—
co-operation to get the best out of life.
Courage and self-control also are fostered by
the conditions of children’s games. Not least in
importance, tendencies to conceit are vigorously, if
sometimes brutally, checked.
All this the child who plays alone misses in
some measure. Unless his parents are very, very
wise, he will grow up with the social instinct so
undeveloped that he is a distinctly poor citizen.
He may be hard and selffish, insistent on his
own gain or pleasure, without the slightest regard
to the rights of others. Or, on the opposite, he
may be a soft, timid weakling, quite unable to
make headway in the world.
Simply because of his early isolation from other
children he may grow up a victim of some nervous
malady, the outcome of the self-centered ways of
thinking to which he was impelled by lack of cor
rective contact with playmates of his own age.
Os course, children are at times in danger of
learning undesirable things from other children.
This must be recognized. It explains why many
parents keep their children in a mournful isolation.
But wise parental training can always offset
anything undesirable that is thus acquired. And,
in any event, it is better to let a child take his
?hances with playmates than to treat him like a hot
house plant.
The one procedure may possibly put him in
some danger. The other is certain to have damag
ing, perhaps a crippling, effect on his mental and
moral make-up.
You simply must give your child's social in
stinct an opportunity to develop through social
play if you want him to have a fair chance of
amounting to something in later life.
(Copyright, 1916, by H. A. Bruce.Y
ing a tip, in courtesy and pleasing attention; but
these are the very things no man can afford to
sell. To exchange them for money is a species
of prostitution.
Tipping is a vicious practice imported along
with a lot of other unhealthy notions from Eu
rope, where the class idea prevails. It is obnox
ious to any sound American feeling.
A waiter is as much of a gentleman as a
senator or a millionaire. He ought to be pro
tected from a custom that degrades him.
There are many restaurants where all the
help seem to co-operate to make the customer feel
that he is being held up. A boy panhandler
meets you at the door to take care of your hat,
not at so much per hat. but for what charity you
may choose to give. The head waiter expects a
gratuity if he gives you a comfortable seat. The
’bus boy eyes you as a dog a bone. And your
waiter is an expert in sizing up your benevolent
intentions.
And the more magnificent and gilded the eating
place the more servile the atmosphere. It is a
relief to drop in at. the lunch counter and buy
nourishment as honestly as you would buy a hat.
The most disagreeable part of a journey is ttje
tip-seeking Pullman porter. Why should he be re
warded who makes your bed, and not the brakeman
and conductor who save your life?
dome day waiters will be paid decent wages
and the whole nasty tipping habit become disre
putable. Physicians now present their bills, the
same as plumbers, and do not live by the honora
rium, as they used to; why not waiters?
(Copyright, 1916, by Frank Crane.) i
majority of less than eighty votes, twenty-eight by a
majority of less than 500. seventeen by a majority of
beaween 500 and 1,000. In 223 of these 301 elections
less than 10 per cent of the total vote cast would have
sufficed to change the result.
• • •
So the women believe that their new party will be
a deciding factor in the election in many states. They
claim the power to make dr break a Party, and this
power they will use to compel legislation granting
them the vote.
Only the voting women from the west will be
allowed to vote at the Woman's party convention in
Chicago, but all states are being urged to send as large
a delegation as possible to assist in the work of the
convention. Kansas will send 300 delegates, California
200, and other states in proportion.
The are <he
stXTon’equal terms with men. for practical as well
fs altruistic reasons. Congress decides upon issues of
“tai importance to the women of the west, such as the
„ homesteader's act, the married womans citizen
aot and so forth, and congress cannot be brought
to th? woman s point of view on these question., which
belong peculiarly to women until the women of the
are enfranchised and are able to make their
voice heard on national legislation. Then, too, it hurts
thl woman's sense of pride in her citizenship
Xt that citizenship should be lost to her by the act
r grossing a state line. One western newspaper
stated recently that “the time had come when the fact
must be realized that no political leader can hope to
ignore the demands of the women of .ttfe east and keep
the favor of the women voters of the west. .
The women as a body are not opposed to either of
the old parties. Many of the western women most
prominent in the coming convention have campaigned
for President Wilson. They are banding together, they
say, to put principles above party in the establishment
of a great independent party of women, outside parti
san lines, and refusing to support any party which will
not write justice to women into the fundamental law
of the land.
• • •
The spirit of the Democratic women who may be
called on to boycott their own party in order to win
what they consider justice to women is illustrated by
cne suffragist with an anecdote from the European
war. A French Zouave found himself surrounded by
enemies masquerading in the uniforms of his dead
comrades. Being marched with them against a French
trench, where unsuspecting Frenchmen were ready to
welcome the supposed friends, he cried out, “For God’s
sake, comrades, fire!’’ The day was. saved and the
Zouave simultaneously a hero and a dead man. This
is the spirit, says the suffragist, that seems to be
actuating the women todaj'. “Sacrifice our friends if
necessary for the cause of justice. ’
It is stated as the hope of the Women’s convention
that the new party will be strong enough to control
the complexion of the presidential vote ip many states,
and thereby make an equal suffrage plank an essential
of a successful party platform.
Quips and Quiddities
American Visitor —1 say. Brown, is it true that jour
father is a man of means?
“Certainly.” replied Brown, rather proudly.
• Because, ’ retorted the Yankee, "I was told he was
the meanest man in town.
“But,” said Brown, "have you read this paragraph,
in the paper about your brother in Chicago? You
really should.”
“Great Scott!” gasped the Yankee, “let me know
what it is.”
“Well, it says, 'He stole his wife's teeth and then
got a divorce on account of her physical defects.”’
• • •
“I’m thinking of getting married, pa, and I’d like to
know what it's like?”
•’You had a job as janitor once, didn’t you?”
“Yes.”
"And you had a position as watchman once didn t
you
“Yes.”
“And you worked awhile as a caretaker, didn’t youJ”
"Ves.”
“Well, it’s a combination of all three jobs—and then
some.”
