Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, April 17, 1917, Image 4

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Atlanta semi-weekly journal., April 17, 1917, Page 4, Image 4

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Newspaper Page Text4 , THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL r~ ATLANTA, GA.. 5 NOBTH fOBSYTH ST.— \ ' Entered at the Atlanta Powtoffle© as Mail Matter of the Second Class. JAMES R. GRAT, President and Editor. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE. Twelve months ••*** 2 * c Six months ..... Three Months 2 ® c The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tues day and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong depart ments of special value to. the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every poetoffice. Liberal com i mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R BRAD- LEY. Circulation Manager. The only traveling representatives we have are B. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle, L. H Kimbrough, Chas. H. Woodllff and L. J. Farris. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above-named traveling represen tati ves. ' NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS. The label u*e-i for addreeauiff year paper show* the time seer eubecnptlon expires By renewing at l-'aat two week* t*- fore tie date on this label, yo i insure regnlar service. Tn artkirirc psper change!, be *ure to tnontlon your ole. •• well as your new address. If on a route, *.leaae give th.* route 3UIB We cannot enter aobacrtptio ns to begin with back numbers. KasUttance should bo sent by postal order or registered man. Address all orders an.l notices for this Department to THT SEMI-WEKKI.Y JOURNAL. Atlanta, On. Seven Billions for the IVor, America's hirst Shot. The passage of the seven billion dollar war ‘ revenue bill by a unanimous vote In the House, which assures Its approval by the Senate, is one of the major events of American history ana a decisive event in the world war. There is noth ing in all the records of national or international finance to compare with this stupendous grant. None of the belligerent Powers, not even Great Britain, the mighty banker of the Allies, has fired .so much into the struggle at a single shot. And thia is America’s first shot! Seven billlorf dollars to twice as much as the total national wealth of Turkey and Bulgaria combined; it is considerably more than one-fourth of Austria-Hungary’s na tional wealth, and approximately one-twelfth of Germany’s, as their accounts stood at the begin ning of the war. At one stride, and its first stride, the United States swings into the conflict with the weight and strength of a living colossus. These seven billions of dollars represent a vast deal more than mere money or mere purchasing power. They represent a people's conviction and purpose. They bespeak our loyalty to the repub lic’s blood-sealed faith and our resolution to fight tor that faith, side by side with the democracies of Europe, nntll the Hohenzollern tyrants are overthrown and the world's peace and freedom made secure. If Germany imagined that we were ; entering the war half-handed or half-hearted she is disillusioned. Os the seven billion fund the i > House has voted, three billion will go as a loan to the Entente alliance and four billion will be ex pended ter our own prosecution of the war. If the Kaiser and the Junkers have eyes that see and ears that hear they will understand that the United States. having plunged so far at the outset, will never turn back and never pause until its goal ' is won. Gigantic as it is. this budget is but one item In the Govern men t*s war plans. Not only financial power but Industrial power, agricultural power and man power as well will be poured into the bal ance as freely and as long as our cause requires. Preparations are under way for the construction, of a fleet of a thousand supply ships, to be in creased at the end of a year by two thousand more if needful, for carrying food and munitions and other necessaries to England and France. So vast an enterprise in shipbuilding and ocean car rying was never before undertaken, if indeed It was ever dreamed of. The plan is nothing less than to bridge the Atlantic with cargo vessels >and maintain a steady, stupendous flow of the supplies which Germany is trying to blockade with her U-boat campaign. Furthermore, we are preparing to muster and train an army that will number eventually three million men and- as many million more as the war. should it be prolonged, may demand. An expe ditionary force of considerable size may be sent to the battle front within the next six months, if it is possible to do so without Interfering with larger plans or crippling transport service. But even if a year or longer elapses before the first • American troops reach the front, the preparations we make, if they are wisely made, and the poten tial force they represent will have Instant effect. Germany will ’know that, fight and endure as she ’ may, there is an-armv of three million Americans mustering to the cause of democracy which her despots sought to trample down.' She will know that all the man power as well as all the Industrial and financial power of this nation of more than a hundred million people is being recruited against the Hohenzollerns. She will know- that this giant democracy of the west, which flung seven billions of dollars Into the war as the mere beginning of its efforts, will wade the Atlantic and, if need be, smash its way across the Rhine to put an end to tyranny and establish freedom and justice among men. Tye Justice and Need Os Selective Conscription IF the United States Is to play a worthy part I In the war. If it Is to help its allies instead of hindering them and shorten the struggle instead of prolonging it, if it is to be just to its own interests and its own people as well as to the world cause it has championed, the Selective Con scription measure now before Congress must be pressed surely and speedily to enactment. Selective conscription is simply common-sense patriotism. It assumes that all Americans of mil itary age and fitness wish to serve their country, and it proceeds to assign them to duties in which . they can serve it best. It makes due allowance for men with dependent families; and. what is equally essential, it takes due account of the fact that men are needed for farms and factories and other fields of production no less than for the army. Under a system of indiscriminate volun teering, that highly important fact would be ig nored. Thousands of young men would be drawn to the colors who were needed at the forge or the pipw, and thus the nation's effectiveness would be dangerously hampered. That was the case with the recruiting of England's volunteer army. An observer of that grievous experiment relates: ’’Men whose services were invaluable to the military industries of the country freely en listed. and the damage was incalculable. In one battalion there were two hundred expert munition workers who were worth their weight in gold to their country tn the industry they deserted. Former noncommissioned officers THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., i UEbDAY, APRIL 17, 1917. who were indispensable in training recruits volunteered as privates and were sent to tne front, where their exceptional qualifications were wasted. It was finally necessary to begin at the beginning and reorganize the military industries of the country in order successfully to carry on the w-ar.” We must avoid that costly blunder, if we wish to begin where the English are now instead of where they were nearly three years ago. But we shall uot avoid it or escape its penalties if we trust to indiscriminate volunteering. It would be as foolish to depend on a volunteer system in grappling the gigantic tasks of this war as it would be to send a squadron of wooden, wind propelled battleships to beard the Kaiser s fleet in Wilhelmshaven. If the onlj task were that of mus tering an army, a volunteer system might suffice— though it is well to note that if recruiting should stand at the rate established in the first ten days following the declaration of war, it would take more than six years to raise a force of a million men. which is the minimum number required. But mustering an army is only one of the tasks tower ing before us. This is an economic struggle no less than a military struggle, and we are called upon to pour into it all the industrial power as well as all the man power of which we are capable. England and France call to us for food. Shall we answer them by putting into the trenches thousands of men who are needed in the furrows? They call to us for munitions and sundry other supplies. Shall we answer them by diverting to army training camps thousands of men whose experience best fits them for industrial service? That is just what would happen under a system of Indiscriminate v9lun teering. After long months of delay and confusion an army would be raised, but it would be at the expense of those productive Industries on which our own and our allies’ military endurance and effi ciency depend. The volunteer system pleases the pacifists; it suits the slackers; and the Kaiser is praying that we may adopt it. But in the judgment of President Wilson and our army officers and of every expert observer of the w-ar, the volunteer sys tem would lead to grave misfortune if not down right disaster. The selective conscription measure now before Congress obviates these errors and dangers. It looks to the maintenance of industry and agricul ture as well as to the recruiting of an army. It protects the sources and instrumentalities of pro duction at the same time that it provides an ade quate fighting force. It comprehends the true na ture of this world war and the needs that we must meet if we are to play an effective part. It recog nizes the fact, made clear through England’s cost ly experience, that the nation must mobilize and co-ordinate all its resources, economic as well as military, and make them all contribute to one tremendous end. • On what ground of reason and justice can any member of Congress or any patriotic American op pose selective conscription? It is as fair as it is effective —fair to the nation and to the individual. It asks no more than any man who loves his country is willing and eager to give. It applies alike to all who are within the prescribed ages and of military fitness, regardless of wealth or position or any artificial distinction. It puts an end to the injustice and shame of letting the flowei; of the country’s youth bear all the hardships and take all the hazards of war time while tens of thou sands of slackers stay selfishly at home. As the only effective plan and the only fair plan for raising an army, selective conscription ought to be adopted without further delay. Every hour that Congress loses in hesitation over a measurf, the wisdom and necessity of which are so obvious, is an hour gained for Prussian despotism. Ten days have passed since we entered the war against Germany, yet we are still involved in long drawn discussions over primary needs. The President has submitted a carefully prepared plan of selective conscription, but Congress has not acted. It must act promptly and favorably, if the country’s interests are to be protected and its high duties fulfilled. Let us have no slackers at Wash ington at this crucial moment of the nation's life. Let us have only patriots who, seeing the need of the hour, measure fully up to their obligation. Let us have a selective conscription act that will make defense and victory sure. Corn Versus Cotton. "One hundred and fifty pounds of lint cot ton is a pretty good average for the farms per acre. At 20 cents that brings only S3O per acre, gross receipts. Fifteen bushels of corn this year will bring in thirty dollars. That would represent about the average yield per acre. It is much better for the farmer to raise corn than cotton. There will not be much, if any, difference in the money value next fall, and the corn can be eaten and the cotton can not. There will be no trouble for the southern farmer to get rid of all the foodstuffs he may raise. There will be a. demand and a market for it right at his doors.’’ This sound and seasonable advice is from the Athens Banner, one of the scores of Georgia news papers that are crusading for an abundant food acreage. It is good policy no less than true patriot ism, as the Banner points out, for farmers to con centrate their energy and resources on the produc tion of food necessaries. No matter how- much cotton they raised or how high the cotton market soared, they would be in a plight if they had to buy corn and meat and other staples at war prices. Self interest as well as regard for the na tion’s well-being should impel the farmers in every Georgia county and every Southern State to plant all the food crops they can and to plant now. The Kaiser's Promise. "The Kaiser promised that Prussia would be a democracy after the w-ar. And I think the Kaiser is right.” This Is Premier Lloyd George's witty way of summing up Hohenzollern foypocricy and the cer tain retribution that awaits it. Since the United States entered the war the German despot and those about him have been manifestly alarmed over the moral and political effect that that event might have upon his subjects. The action of the United States together with the Russian revolution has made the war undeniably and unmistakably a con flict between democracy and autocracy, and Presi dent Wilson's statement of the issue cannot fail to impress the German people, once they begin pon dering it. Hence the Kaiser’s sudden zeal for fran chise reforms and other promises of liberal govern ment. But interestingly enough all his promises are dated "after the war.’’ That there will he a democracy ffi Germany when this struggle is over can hardly be doubted; but it will be in spit© of the Kale er, notbecause of him. Federal Aid For Vocational Education. The Augusta Chronicle directs attention to the important fact that if Georgia is to share in the benefits of the Smith-Hughes measure providing federal aid for vocational education, tYe Legisla ture at its next session must establish or desig nate a State board through whom the national au thorities may deal. This board will serve in its particular field much the same purpose that the State highway commission serves in supervising the expenditure of federal funds for road improve ments. It will pass upon plans proposed for voca tional training by various communities and, in turn, submit such plans as it approves to the na tional board. It will see that all grants are effi ciently administered and encourage as far as it can? the extension and development of vocational training by various communities and, in turn, sub mit such plans as it approves to the national board. It will see that all grants are efficiently administered and encourage as far as it can the extension and development of vocational schools. No State which fails to provide such a board will be entitled to share in the federal fund. Georgia has especial reason to be interested because the authors of this broadly constructive legislation were Senator Hoke Smith and former Congressman Hughes. One© fairly applied, the principles of the Smith-Hughes act will increase the earning capacity of hundreds of thousands of individuals and will add incalculably to the nation’s productive power. The majority of American boys and girls leave school at the age of fourteen or younger, and enter forthwith upon the serious business of breadwin ning. Authorities estimate that at least two mil lion between the age of fourteen and sixteen are working for wages and that of these the great ma jority are unskilled and incompetent for respon sible tasks. It is estimated, furthermore, that each year at least one million youths are required to recruit the great army of the country’s workers. Farming, mining, manufacturing, transportation and kindred pursuits enlist some twenty-four mil lion persons of eighteen years and over. If the na tion’s work is to be done well and its human as well as economic interests promoted, these labor ing legions must be prepared for what they have to do. Yet, out of fourteen and a quarter million persons engaged in manufacturing and mechanical trades, fewer than one per cent have had, or now have, a chance to obtain adequate industrial train ing. It is to meet this far-reaching and urgent need that the Government purposes to establish its sys tem of aid and inspiration for vocational schooling. The friends of the plan are less interested in the amount of the funds to be granted than in the stimulating and constructive influence it will exert. It will bestir the public to keener concern in vo cational education and will lead to the establish ment of vocation schools in many communities which otherwise would never give the subject earnest thought. And thus it will open new oppor tunities to hundreds of thousands of people, espe cially young people, who otherwise would go through life without the advantages of skilled training for their work. The schools to be aided under this system are of three types: all-day schools where virtually half the time will be devoted to actual practice for a vocation; part-time schools for young workers over fourteen years of age; and evening schools for the benefit of workers older than sixteen years. The training to be given will fit the pupils for useful or profitable employment in agriculture, in trades and industries and in home economics. Main tenance costs other than the salaries of teachers are to be borne by the State and by local communi ties. The federal grants will be used for parts of salaries of teachers, supervisors and directors and for the training of teachers of agricultural, trade, industrial and home economics subjects. To Avert a Catastrophe. “Unless the United States wishes to walk deliberately into a catastrophe, the best brains of the country must devise immediately, un der Government supervision, means of in creasing and conserving our food supply.” This warning carries extraordinary weight be cause it is from J. Ogden Armour, head of the great meat packing concern and one of the largest grain merchants in the world. He, if anyone, knows con ditions as they really are and as they will be unless there is an abundant Increase in the otxput of food staples. He speaks advisedly in saying that neglect of this problem will lead to "a catastrophe." Food is the most urgent need of our allies—food for their millions of troops at the front, fighting the battles on which our security and freedom largely depend. Food is the basic need of the far-reaching military preparations on which we are entering—food for the armies we are to muster and for the artisans who are to provide munitions and equipment. For all these as well as for the country’s homes, we must have an abundance or at least a sufficiency of food, without which all the money and all the men we might mobolize would be unavailing. So grave does the situation appear to Mr. Ar moui that he advocates government control of food prices with a view both to stimulating production and protecting consumers. He proposes, for in stance, that the Government fix the wholesale price of all meat products and that it guarantee farmers a minimum price of a dollar and a half a bushel for all the wheat they can raise. He recom mends, moreover, Government supervision of fer tilizer prices, the instituting of meatless days, and stringent safeguards against food speculation. Such measures. It is true, would be radical; but war is radical, our needs are radical. Whatever steps may be necessary to meet the emergencies that are upon us must be taken. We must prepare to provision England and France and to protect our own people against want and extortionate prices. We must produce enough grain and meat and other staples to prevent the present food short age from becoming calamitous. Mr. Armour's pro posals are peculiarly impressive because they affect his own interests. Men of his type do not hastily espouse the idea of Government control over indus tries and profits. He is convinced that only drastic methods can serve the imperative need. He realizes that, the time is at hand when "business must be mobilized for patriotism and not exclusively for profit.” Whatever may be done concerning Government control of prices, every farmer in the land is mor ally bound to raise all the food supplies he can and every consumer is morally bound to aid as far as possible in economizing and conserving food sup plies. The problem is individual in its definiteness as well as national in Its scope; and indifference to its great import will lead to individual suffering as well as to national misfortune. THE DEPARTMENT OF. AGRICULTURE. I-The Job and the Machine WASHINGTON, April 12.—This war will be won In the wheat fields. It will take man power and money power in full measure. Blood and treas ure are the price of victory; the greatest of wars does not fail to call for its sacrifice. But behind the men who risk their lives, behind the guns that burn up treasure, there must be the mammoth, ceaseless flow of food for workers and fighters. To see that the river of food flows In flood, to assure that there is enough for America, and a lavish surplus for America's allies—that is one of the greatest prob lems that faces the nation. The endless miles of rich land in this country and the efficiency of American farmers give good guarantee that the problem will be solved. But the quicker and the better the solution, the sooner the victory- Every extra bushel of grain that the nation can raise, every pound of meat the nation can save from waste, means a shortening of the strug gle and a saving of life. There is no task more impor tant today than the production and saving of food. Every man, woman and child in America has a share and a duty in It. In the warring nations of Europe there is govern ment supervision of food raising, food buying, and food cooking. Each nation has an elaborately organized government department to look after the larder. We are a long way from needing a food dictator In America, but we are in honor bound to a hungry wtffild to raise and eat our food on a war basis. Moreover, we already have our government department, elaborately organ ized, to aid in the efficient production of food, to point out how it can be most economically distributed and eaten. That department is the federal department of agriculture. In the department of agriculture, with the state colleges and workers who co-operate with it. the United States has an establishment for the working out of agricultural problems—which means food problems— greater than that of any other thrse nations in the world combined. The department today stands confronted by an Immense task. In the next few months it will play a greater part In the life of the nation than ever before. It is far better fitted to play such a part than the vast majority of Americans realize. It has been growing and extending its activities at such a rate in the last few years that the public has hardly kept up with it. As the common center of organized American agricul ture, the department is an asset not only to America, but to France, England, Belgium and the other nations who look to us for food, whose value can hardly be overestimated. This is a time for every American to understand just what the department is. what it is doing and what it can do, so that he will give due weight to its advi.ee, and, by Intelligent co-operation, help to solve the nation’s problem in the most effective way. The department is the largest scientific establish ment in the world. In the last ten years its working force has shot up from 6,000 men and women to 17,000. The work it does in plant and animal investigations is not surpassed anywhere. The effectiveness of that work is reflected in the efficiency of the average Ameri can farmer. We hear a great deal about the remark able efficiency of farmers in Belgium and Japan, where intensive cultivation is carried to a high degree and the yield per acre runs large. But the yield per acre is not the test of efficiency In this country, where we have many acres and few farmers. The American farmer cannot afford to go in for intensive cultivation. His problem is to get the greatest possible yield, not per acre, but per man. Measured by this test, he is actually from two to six times as efficient as any other farmer in the world. This efficiency, which is going to be taxed to the limit in the next year, is the result of several things— the amount of land at our disposal, the intelligence of American farmers as a class, the lavish use of labor saving machinery, and not least to the scientific methods of cultivation worked out by the department. BACK YARD GARDENS By H. Addington Bruce N both the United States and Canada a cam paign is under way to Induce city dwellers to * transform their backyards and vacant lots into vegetable gardens. It is a campaign directly due to the serious food situation created by war time complications. As such it is an appeal to the patriotism of the people and should meet with a wide response. Those who do respond to it will have the satisfac tion of knowing that they are acting patriotically and are really doing something of economic value to the nation. At the same time they will be gaining important benefits for themselves. They will lower the cost of their food supply. They will insure themselves a food supply that is both fresh and nutritious. Most important, they will improve in health through the exercise they have to take in the open air when cultivating their gardens. Many city dwellers—l am tempted to say most city dwellers —do not get enough outdoor exercise. Their working hours are spent indoors —in office, store, or factory. Likewise their leisure hours are largely spent indoors, amusing themselves in the theater, "movie” hall, dance hall, or other enter tainment resort. They do not even get outdoor exercise when pass ing back and forth between their homes and their places of employment. Instead, they ride in crowd ed cars. Or, if they can, they ride in private auto mobiles and public taxicabs. People like these will profit immensely from gardening in their yards or in vacant lots. They may find it hard work at first. But, sticking at it, they will gain steadily in health and strength. Another class of people, and a numerous class, will find backyard gardening of special health gaining significance to them. These are the people who, though they may al ready spend much time outdoors, are for one rea son or another nervously unstrung. In many cases their nervousness may be directly traced to Idle ness, in many others to lack of really pleasurable occupation for their minds. Having little else to think about, they think overmuch about them selves. Let such people make a hobby of gardening and they soon will find their nervous systems better bal anced. This statement is borne out by the experi ence of directors of sanitariums for the nervously and mentally disturbed. They have discovered that gardening is one of the best of cures for tired nerves and distressed minds. Therefore, they set their patients garden ing, with the results of healing that sometimes are almost unbelievable. Cases of severe mental depression have been helped back to normality. Neurasthenic patients have lost their aches and pains. Psychasthenic sufferers have gained new strength and courage for the struggles of life. If, then, you who read these lines are a victim of "nerves.” or a person who does not get enough outdoor exercise, I urge you in especial to join the army of those who will be working in backyard and vacant lot gardens this summer. By doing so you will be helping your country to solve a grave problem of war time stress, and you will be helping yourself to gain better health. (Copyright, 1917, by the Associated Newspapers.) THE OLD GARDENER SAYS: Most amateurs make the mistake of sowing seed for crops too early, it is not necessary to put in the seeds for winter carrots and beets un til the middle of June, while the middle of July is early enough to sow winter turnips. Early carrots and early beets, however, should be planted every two weeks. In order to have a succession for summer use. People who have thought they did not like carrots have changed their minds when they have eaten the little French forcing variety. By Frederic J. Haskin The department has not only increased the yisld of almost every staple crop, but it has sent out exploring parties and introduced from foreign lands crops fitted for American cultivation. It has worked out methods for tilling and marketing such crops. On the list are such well-known names as Durum wneat, navel oranges. Sudan grass, kafir corn, and a dozen others. The total annual value of these plants introduced from foreign lands is estimated at {265.000.000 In getting the results of its work before the people, the department continually faces a colossal task. It is an adviser with an audience of 100,000,000. In a single year it has distributed as many as 39,000,000 publica tions. Under the recently enacted Smith-Lever act, which provides for actual demonstration work on t*» farm by state and government agents, the department became at a stroke the largest single educational estab lishment in the world. This extension education, this nation-wide school whose students are men, women and children going about their work, is unique. There is nothing else like it anywhere. Already 1.300 counties out of the 2,850 counties in the United States are getting the benefit of it. One of the biggest problems which faces American agriculture is the annual loss through diseases, both plant and animal. This annual loss is big enough to challenge the best efforts of the biggest agricultural department In the world. According to latest esti mates, the losses in crops and animals due to different diseases amounts to {550,000,000 a year. That is enough to feed even a modern army quite a while. The department is already winning its fight with disease. For a single instance there may be cited the case of Texas fever among southern cattle—a disease which closes to cattle raising great areas in the south ern states, which ar© very well fit for the business, and thus strikes the nation’s food production at the very root. The annual loss through Texas fever and the cattle ticks which carry it runs to {40,000,000 a year. But the ticks and the fever have been eradicated from an area in the southern states much larger than France or Germany, and that much land has been given back to beef production. There still remains an area twice the size of Germany to be cleaned up, and the department looks forward to doing it in the next ten years. This gives some idea of the size of the problems that come up in r country as big as this one, and the way they are handled. The work of the department has widened to Include a dozen other important branches. The federal aid road act puts the nation’s road building largely under its supervision, with {160.000,000 to be spent besides the Immense amounts spent annually by the states. The study of the problems of marketing has grown in importance until it ranks with the study of production. Altogether, the department, which in 1865 spent {152,- 000 and had {98,000 left over, which it apparently didn’t know what to do with—which spent {9,000,000 ten years ago—has just been granted appropriations total ing {37,000,000, without Including the road and exten sion funds. When these latter get into full swing In a few years, the department will have authority over the spending of about {80,000,000 a year. There are still Americans to be found, especially among city dwellers, who have the idea that the depart ment of agriculture is a sort of super-seed-dlstributlng agency. As a matter of fact, it is the largest scientific and educational establishment in the world, it has the administration of thirty of the most important na tional laws tn its hands, and, working with state co-operators, it is three times as effective in solving the problems of agriculture as the corresponding de partment in any other country. . The department is facing what may well prove the supreme test of its history. The food problem lies in its hands, whatever the future may bning forth. It will have much to say to the nation, to city as welLas to farm In the hard months ahead. And its sayings should be heeded. We have three cabinet officers whose departments are war jlepartments today. They are the scretarles of war, navy—and agriculture. GENERAL INFORMATION TEST By Dr. Frank Crane Now, children, said the schoolmaster, I am go* ing to teat your general information. I will give you a list of names. I want to see if you can tell me something about each one. Identify the name in some way. Some of them are modern, some of them are ancient, some of them are of real people, and some are characters in fiction. Are you ready? Gompers. Lansing. Shaw. Ribot. Thaw. Scrooge. Masefield. Haig. Hughes. Edison. Cassandra. Eve. Fauntleroy. Ramona. Ramola. Ford. Carranza. Pendennis. Heep. Goethals. John Rldd. Menocal. Chesterton. John Gilpin. Jeanette Rankin. Joan of Arc. Galsworthy. Dr. Jekyll. Hindenburg. Carrl e Nation. Howells. Brland. Villa. Jack London. Benedict Arnold. Poincare. Ulysses. Zeppelin. Robespierre. Cleopatra. Judas. Omar. Captain Cook. Captain John Smith. Captain Kidd. Sindbad. Brummell. Bolivar. Bagdad. Bapaume. River of Doubt. Lewis and Clark. Mllukoff. Taft. Galahad. Friday. Gargantua. Hester Prynne. Cassius. Dido. Frletchle. Ophelia. Gerard. Twain. Sunday. Tagore. Panza. Mazeppa. Val jean. Pickford. Casement. Rhodes. Buffalo Bill. Romulus. Robin Hood. Hypatia. Boone. Tamerlane. Raleigh. Borgia. Bacon. Beecher. Savonarola. John Law. Horace Mann. Pasteur. Franklin. Magdalene. Pericles. Confusius. Gettysburg. Tom Sawyer. Roman Rolland. Horace. Pilte. Shackleton. Balboa. Deronda. Sherlock Holmes. Whittier. Josephine. Patrick Henry. Garibaldi. Bunker Hill. Portia. Verdun. Micawber. Nero. Lot. Whittington. Hollweg. Dewey. Faust. Port Arthur. King Arthur. Drake. Alamo. Falstaff. Parsifal. Cornwallis. Farragut. Mts. Eddy. Mozart. Coeur de Lion. Asquith. Bernhardt. Praxiteles. Zuloaga. Night ingale. Samuel Johnson. Hiram Johnson. Ben Jonson. Sheridan (P. H.). Sheridan (R. B.). Mount Vernon. t Now tell me who said: "Let us have peace." "With charity to all and malice toward none." "Innocuous desuetude.” "Millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute.” "Watchful waiting.” "It Is a condition that confronts us and not a theory." "A rose by another name would smell as sweet." "Myself am hell.” "The last rose of summer." "Alas for the rarity of Christian charity.” "All mankind loves a lover.” "The world is my parish." "Sall on, O ship of state.” "Quoth the raven. Nevermore.” "I have called this principle Natural Selection.” "The parliament of man, the federa tion of the world.” "When found, make a note of." “God’s in His heaven, all’s right with the world.” “I loaf, and invite my soul.” "Don't you remember sweet Alice, Bent Bolt?” "The purifica tion of politics is an iridescent dream.” "A police man’s lot is not a happy one.” (Copyright, 1917, by Frank Crane.) WHY ARE YOU NOT IN KHAKI? Why are you not in khaki. Why do you Idle stand? Have you no love and fealty • To give to this fair land? Does it mean nothing to you That others bravely go Forth to face unknown dangers. Mayhap to face your foe? Now, while your country needs you. Will you not heed its call? Give up your ease, for service, Pledging your life—your all— Unto the flag which served you Well through your days of ease. Look at it! Does it not beckon. Fluttering there in the breeze? Have you no thought of honor? Care you still only for self? Shall others guard your homestead® While you are gamering pelf? Heed then the call of your country! Haste, then, its flag to defend! "Do your bit!" Don’t be a slacker! Get into khaki, my friend: —ISABELLE WOOD PATTERSON.