About Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920 | View Entire Issue (June 15, 1917)
4 THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL -ATtAHTA, GA.. 5 KOBTH rOBSYTH 81. ■“> Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter o the Second Class JAMIS B. GBAT, President and Editor. SUBSCBXPTIOM PBICE. .75c Twelve months <Oc Six months Three months •....• The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tues day and Friday, and is mailed by ths shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from .*ll over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong depart ments of special value to the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every postofflce. Liberal com mission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R- BRAD LET. Circulation Manager. The only traveling representatives we have are B. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle. L. H. Kimbrough, Charles H. Woodliff and L. J. Farris. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named traveling representatives. ' Bonds TO SUBSCiklßlteft. TUe label used for addressing your paper shows the time year subecnpttcn expires. By renewing at least two weeks be fore the date on this label, yoe insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, be sure to mention your old. as wen as your new address. If on a route, please give the route WMB We eanaot enter subecrtptlona to begin with beck Bemlttanees should be seat by postal order or registered man. Address all orders sod notices for this Department to THE IMI-WniLY JOt BXAL, Atlanta, Ga. »7iy We Must Send An Army to France. There are few Americans who do not see the wisdom and the necessity of our sending soldiers to fight in France; but those few, if they are hon est of mind and loyal at heart, deserve a plain and patient answer. Fortunately, the answer is not a matter of speculation but a matter of fact. It is written large In the record and the avowed purposes of German militarism. It is written in the ashes of Belgium, in the blood of slaughtered Innocents, in the hideous slavery of French women taken cap tive by Prussian troops, and in the Kaiser’s boast that after Europe, shall come America’s turn in his scheme of frlghtTulness and conquest. No one who is aware of what German militarism stands for and of what it aims at can fail to see that if we do not defeat it once and for all on the other side of the Atlantic we shall have to fight it in a more powerful and still more ruthless iorm on this side, with our own fields and homes imperiled. It is Germany’s purpose to invade the United States—if she emerges from this war victorious — just as surely as it was her purpose to invade Bel gium and pillage northern France. America is set down on Germany’s map of world dominion as plainly as Serbia, and is set down in her book of hate as bitterly as England. Long before the outbreak of the present war, as we now know, German authorities on their Empire’s politics and diplomacy—men in the Government’s confidence and the Kaiser’s favor —wrote books to prove the ease with which a German expedition could cap ture our Atlantic ports and press triumphantly in land. As far back as nineteen years ago, when we were at war with Spain, Germany tried to form a European alignment against us, going even so far as to make definite proposals for that pur pose to England, who spurned them. In these and like incidents we see the drift of the Hohen zollern mind, but to understand its matured inten tions toward America we must come to develop ments of the past few years, and more particu larly of the past six or eight months. At the outbreak of the war every part of this country, as we afterwards discovered, was in fested with German spies carefully distributed far in advance of the European catastrophe which the Prussian plotters hqd resolved to bring about. And hardly had the war begun, before these spies and the thugs they hired for their rougher work were attacking orur industry and commerce and seeking to Intimidate the Government Itself. Arson was among their favorite practices, and they had no scruples at assassination. They dyna mited bridges, set fire to freight terminals, placed bombs .in outgoing ships, spent vast sums of money on schemes of sedition and political bribery, and pried ceaselessly into the affairs of private business as well as those of our army and navy. It is said upon creditable authority that the Ger man Government has in its possession a list of -American citizens, State by State, who own as much as five thousand dollars’ worth of property —the intention being to use that list as the basis -for calculating and levying war Indemnities upon this country. Germany knows exactly what she wants and has planned exactly how to go after it. As the war lengthened and its cost soared far beyond what the Kaiser bad expected, his designs upon the United States took on a more and more definite aspect- He and the Junkers realized that if their losses were to be recouped and their dreams of stupendous fortunes brought to pass, they must’ look beyond the war-bled lands of Eu rope to prosperous America. The strongest pas sion of the Hohenzollern mind, next to ambition and cruelty, is avarice. The Kaiser and his ac complices set out to make their war profitable, just as deliberately as a gang of highwaymen would set out to wreck and rob a train. And they still are determined to get huge indemnities as well as vast stretches of territory—ls not from one victim, then from another; if not now, in the future. No wonder their spies and consuls in the United States were busy compiling lists of Ameri can taxpayers at the same time they were seeking keys to our plans of defense. The Prussian mili tarists mean to make our people pay for this war, both in treasure and blood. They mean to pour their pent up spleen upon us; they mean, if they can. to make as horrible an example of this coun try as they have made of Belgium and Poland and northern France; and, for their finishing stroke, they mean -to levy a war tax that will enrich them beyond the dreams of Croesus and impoverish America for generations to come. Germany’s plan to terrorize and trample down the United States is not merely some vainglorious ambition of Kaiser Wilhelm; it is the fixed and avowed purpose of the German Government. It came clearly to light in the plot to array Mexico and Japan 'against us for an invasion supported and engineered by German means. The German Foreign Secretary admitted writing the perfidious note that fell into our Government’s bands; and It was written and sent at a time when the United States was exerting every honorable means to keep peace with Germany. How many other plots of the kind were laid we probably shall never know; THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., FRIDAY, JUNE 15, 1917. but this one instance would suffice to show the hostile and treacherous purpose which Germany held for us. even while we were at peace with her. The idea of invading the United States is not a mere scheme of Prussian diplomatists; it is now. and was before our severance of relations with Berlin, a rooted purpose in the mind of the German army. Months ago, when the Government at Berlin still professed a desire for peace with our country, the Allies captured in German trenches flags which bore the inscription: ’•This year Paris; next year, Ixmdon; the year after, America!” The people of the United States, loving peace and fair play as they always have, could not bring themselves to believe that a European Power would attack them from sheer avarice and ambi tion to domineer. No more did the majority of people of England believe, before the outbreak of the war. that Germany would plunge Europe In blood merely to sate the Hohenzollern greed for power and gold. No more did Belgium believe that her fair fields and Innocent people would be pillaged and slaughtered without a shadow of rea son or justice. But at last America, in common with the world, is awake to what Germany really is and really has been for forty years. We know now that for decades past she has been scheming and arming for her murderous ad venture. We now see that her military special ists were not writing fancifully but altogether in earnest when they mapped out plans for captur ing our ports and pressing swiftly inland before we could muster an army for defense. We under stand her insolence and thinly veiled hostility to ward us during our war with Spain. W’e grasp the broader meaning of the network of spies she wove about our industries and Governmental offices in advance of the European war. We see that her plot to array Mexico and Japan against while she still professed peaceful Intentions, was merely a link in her long chain of intrigue and perfidy. We know that when her soldiers inscribed upon their banners. "This year, Paris; next year, London; the year after, America,” they were proclaiming the purpose that always had been in their rulers’ minds. We know, in short, that even before we became involved in war with Germany she had marked us for spoils, and that if she comes out of the present war victorious or unconquered, she will never rest until her how itzers are thundering at our gates and her savage • cruelty is loosened against our people. Knowing these things, we should be fools as well as cowards to stand aloof from the struggle in France. Even though w’e felt no duty to democ racy’s cause and had no heart for humanity, we still should be spurred by every instinct of self defense and self-preservation to strike at our murderous enemy before he can strike fully at us. We must wage war on the other side of the Atlantic, or it will be waged on this side. We must fight shoulder to shoulder with our brothers in democracy, whose blood has been our bulwark against German fury, or fight friendless and alone. We must fight with all our strength and soul to win this war for justice and enduring peace, or steel ourselves to a savage and terrible future. Hence the wisdom and the necessity of our sending troops to France where the battles that shape our destiny as well as Europe's are being fought, and where the issue is trembling in the balance. And hence the supreme duty of every American w’ho loves his country and his home to uphold the Government by every means at his command, but particularly, at the present junc ture, by buying Liberty bonds and thus doing his loyal, personal part to support our defenders at the front. New firm in Europe—Romanoff, Constantine and Company. ♦ . . Protecting the Food Gamblers. Unless Congress is hopelessly incompetent it will put aside petty bickerings over the food-con trol question and adopt practical measures for protecting the country against the greed of spec ulators in foodstuffs and other necessaries. Fail ure to meet this war emergency would be just as much a betrayal of national interests as failure to provide the simplest means of defense. Tol erance of food monopolies at this critical time would amount to nothing less than giving aid and comfort’ to the Kaiser. Every consideration of public interest and national necessity demands that legislation for the broad purposes recom mended by the President be pressed to the speed iest' possible enactment. Those Congressmen and Senators who oppose remedial action against extortionate prices for war necessaries on the ground that such action would give the President too much power, ignore the fact that the very power which they would deny him is now in the hands of conscienceless gamblers. The people are at the mercy, and the Government itself is at the mercy of cliques of speculators whose only concern is to swell their own fortunes at the country’s expense. Consider, for instance, the coal situation. A responsible committee of the Manufacturers and Business Men’s Association, after careful inquiry, makes this report: “By publishing a low circular price the sales agents have to pay a low royalty (to the mine-owners), but the consumer does not get the benefit. The sales agents manage to squeeze both the mine-owner and the con sumer. This is accomplished by selling only a limited amount, or none at all, to the retailers, at the circular price- The coal is sold to middlemen who advance the price to the highest possible point and then perhaps go “fifty-fifty” with the sales agent. • • * When retailers apply to the coal companies for coal they are told there is none for sale. They must then go to some jobber and pay 12 or more above the circular prices to get supplied. The “company price-list” is there fore false and fictitious, and is published with the evident intent to deceive the public.” What is true of this war-necessity and life necessity is true of scores of others, foodstuffs particularly. The speculators and monopolists conspire to swindle both the producer and the consumer- To permit this condition of affairs to go on would be an outrage upon the American people and a calamity to the American cause. We hope the Italians will leave the south with out a recollection of anyone having called them Eyetalians. DON’T LIVE TO EAT. T By H. Addington Bruce. |ODAY I want to address myself specifically to hearty eaters- I want to urge them to re duce their consumption of food, as a means both of helping to solve the problem of food scarcity and of benefittlng themselves. And hearty eaters are by no means few in num ber. Hearty eating may indeed be called a na tlonal trait. If there are many people in our land who eat sparingly from necessity or habit, there are more who habitually eat so heartily that they eat' too much. « On this point all hygienists are agreed. Also they are agreed in emphasizing the harmful re sults that follow overeating. One authority well summarizes these when he says: “Primarily overeating distends the walls of the abdomen, lessening its muscular power, and finally weakening the organ beyond recovery, producing what is known as a dilated stomach, which must always remain a weak stomach. “The object of eating—the nourishment of the body—is entirely defeated. For the original character of the food is w’holly changed, so that instead of a clear, assimilable, milk-like fluid, chyme, there is formed a fermenting and decay ing mass, the absorption of which can have but one effect, poisoning. “This circulation of poisoned blood in the hu man body, causing continual inflammation of the delicate cells of the lungs, kidneys, liver, or other organs, is certain in the long run to cause dis ease of some sort. “It may be Bright’s disease of the kidneys, diabetes, tuberculosis, rheumatism, or premature senile decay. In many instances poisoning by over-eating ends in the death of the individual after sudden outburst’s of appendicitis or en teritis” Too hearty eating likewise has serious men tal consequences. To put it shortly, overeating always means underthinking. This is inevitable because of the action of the poisoned blood-stream on the tissues of the great central organ of thought 1 , the brain. When the overeating is grossly excessive, and is long con tinued mental drowiness is an unmistakable symptom. There are many hearty eaters who, for hours after a meal, find it impossible t’o think alertly, to concentrate attention, to use their mind at all vig orously. Many find it next t’o impossible even to keep awake., Accordingly hearty eating, when habitual, les lens efficiency in* some degree and increases the liability to disease. It is better to err slightly on the side of eating too little than on that of eating too much. If, then you are a hearty eater —and especially if you are one of those of whom it may be said that they live to eat, instead of merely eating to live —begin at once*to practice moderation in diet. Get hold of a good hand-book oh personal hygiene. Learn -what the food requirement really are for a person of your age, weight, and work ing habits. Regulate your meals as indicated in the book. Do this for your country’s sake as well as for your own- 'Remember that every unnecessary mouthful of food you eat is a harmful waste of food that ought to be available for somebody else. Remem ber that the more wisely you eat, the more val uable you will be to yourself and to your country. (Copyright, 1917, by the Associated Newspapers.) THE REAL THING. By Dr. Frank Crane. LmOST all army men will tell you that the worst thing about war is not getting shot, not the marches and the limited diet —these A are byway of being adventurous—but it is the ter rlffic. persistent moral disintegration that sets in during the long periods of inactivity. A crowd of men has a tendency to settle down to the moral level of tne coarsest. In camp and barrack life the primitive barbaric instincts crop out. In the first place, “it is not good that the man should be alone,” now, any more than it wag be fore Eve arrived in the garden; and any woman less place of congregation is apt to slump. Even history of the mediaeval monasteries is not pretty reading. Penitentiaries and prison colonies of men develop a grim and ferocious atmosphere. Boys’ schools have to be watched closely, and the average man club i 8 not as a, rule the place where revivals of religion are inaugurated. Women are somehow the custodians of the de cency of the human race. When you eliminate women the forces in men are apt to fulmftlate de structively. It is stated that 30,000 men in the British con centration camps are already incapacitated on ac count of venereal disease. And not only this kind of perversion, but other forms of ethical loosening are liable to occur. Drunkenness is a soldier’s vice. To prohibit the use of alcohol in any form to soldiers adds at least 10 per cent to their efficiency. The question of maintaining the morals of troops is of vital Importance. It means more to keep a soldier from getting sick than it does to keep him from getting killed. For when he’s sick he’s a burden; when he's killed he’s gone. People, however, are very finicky about inter ference with their morals. For some reason a sol dier is perfectly willing to undergo the most severe restrictions as to his labors, his time, and his life; but he resents it when he is not allowed to poison himself hilariously. The government, therefore, has given its official sanction to the Y. M. C. A., recognizing the vast benefit of this organization in maintaining the morale of the fighting men. By substituting clean games, motion pictures, reading rooms, educational classes, religious serv ices and athletic championships in buildings equipped with pools, gymnasiums, and auditoriums, the Y. M. C. A. has gone a long way toward saving enlisted men from missteps that generally occur because of a lack of something to do to relieve the deadly monotony of their lives. (Copyright, 1917, by Frank Crane.) Our Army's Expansion. In the last twelvemonth the rogulai army of the United States has more than doubled. On June 30, 1916, the Regulars numbered one hun dred and one thousand, not including five thou sand, seven hundred and eighty-five Philippine scouts. On April 1 of the current year the number had increased to approximately one hundred and ten thousand. Early this week it stood at two hundred and seventeen thousand. These figures are substantial evidence that the volunteer spirit, when aroused by a prospect of adventure and serv ice, is as strong in the youth of America now as ever before in the nation’s history. If to the reg ular army recruits are added those for the Na tional Guard, for the Marine Corps and for the Navy, the total is splendidly impressive. It should be noted, however, that the regular army still needs some seventy-six thousand men to make up its full war strength of two hundred and ninety-three thousand. This is an opportunity which young men of military fitness should grasp -while they can. For those who want to see actual service at the earliest possible day and under the most competent officers, enlistment in the regular army offers exceptionally high inducements. Serv ice under the selective draft will be as honorable and as important as in any other branch of our military forces, but unquestionably the regular army has its particular advantages. Georgia has done well in enlistments thus far but it should be her aim, in keeping with her traditions, to do continually better until the lists are closed. CONTROLLING THE NATION’S FOOD. IV.—Prices and Price-Fixing By Frederic J. Haskin ASHINGTON, D. C., June 1-—There is one thing which every consumer can do righ’t now to keep prices down, and that w is refrain from buying more than he usually buys of staple food articles. The present’ high price of staples is due in no small part to the sudden alarm about a food shortage, which has sent house keepers into the market to buy far beyond their Immediate needs. For example, in a certain suburb the people have clubbed together to buy flour by the barrel. A certain clerk makes it a practice to buy ten pounds of sugar every day. All over the country these things are being done. One of the results is that millers have orders for about twice what their mills can produce. The inevitable effect' is to force prices upward, to en courage speculation. • • • Food hoarding is not necessary. To buy veg etables that will keep and store them in your cellar, to preserve fruits and put them on the pantry shelf are genuine food economies because in these ways you may save foods which are abundant in the summer, and large quantities of which will rot. By such expedients as these you are adding your mite to the nation’s food supply. But by hoarding flour and sugar you are forcing up the price of these articles, and you are not in creasing the supply. • • * The question of prices seems to be badly mis understood. Thus a general impression seems to have gotten abroad that congress is to give the president power to fix prices so that he can arbi trarily lower the retail price of food articles. As a matter of fact, although the bill, as reported by the committee does give him this power, there is little likelihood that he will exercise it- • • ♦ The primary purpose of price-fixing is to as sure the farmer of a good price for his products, so that he will raise all that he possibly can. It has been the invariable experience of the farmer that a small crop pays better than a large one. For example, a man could make more money last year out of a half crop of potatoes than he could two years ago out of bumper crop. The south gets more for a moderate cotton crop than it does for a big one. Every farmer knows this. And every farmer, for that reason, is extremely suspi cious of the propaganda on the part of the govern ment and the press for him to plant more and produce more. He is asked to spend his money for seed, and in developing new lands, when his entire experience teaches him that a big national crop of any staple will mean low prices for that staple. And his costs of production are so high that he cannot risk a lbw»price. For example, right now a big potato crop is needed badly. But it costs $35 to plant an acre in potatoes. Unless .prices stay at a very high level, the farmer cannot afford to plant many po tatoes. Dr. A. T. Russell of the Wisconsin State Agricultural college told the house committee on agriculture that for this reason he had advised students of that institution not to plant potatoes. A man can plant a crop of beans this year for about four dollars, and beans are a much better risk, therefore, than potatoes- • • • So the need for the food administration to have power to fix a minimum price is clear. Un less he has some assurance of a good return the farmer.will not enthuse over this bumper crop idea. • • • Price-fixing will not be resorted to at all until the need for it is certain. The first' price fixed, if any price is fixed, will be a minimum price for certain staples. This price will be high enough to assure the farmer of a liberal profit over all costs of production. If then, a staple becomes so abundant that its market value is less than the price which the government had guaranteed to the producer, the government will make up the dif ference. This is the working of the minimum price as it was explained to the house committee on agriculture. UNCLE SAM’S WAR PURCHASES MADE BY EXPERTS—By Herbert Corey ASHINGTON. —Representative Mann of Il linois and Representative Fitzgerald of New York had a dialogue in the house w the other day. Mr. Mann gravely inquired into the methods of the committee on buying and supplies. Mr. Fitzgerald furnished the information the gen tleman from Illinois wanted. “And am I correctly Informed —?” Mr. Mann would ask, with sorrow in his tones. Mr. Fitzger ald would admit that Mr. Mann's facts were regret tably straight. No moral was pointed. The com mittee was not criticized. Yet most of those who heard the dialogue undoubtedly left the house feel ing uncomfortable about what is going on in the Munsey building. They felt that possibly that pal laduim of our liberties, the competitive bid system, was being crushed over there. It certainly wad tough. Perhaps it is being crushed now and then. There are 1,000 of the better business men of the United States in town, continually or intermittently, giving their services free of cost to the government. They know how to buy because buying is their business, and they sometimes think of little tricks in buying that government officers have not thought of. Un der the competitive bid system, for example, when the quartermaster general of the army learned that he would have to furnish shoes for half a mil lion men and more, Lis first thought undoubtedly was to ask for blds. That is the way buying has always been done for the army. “Wait a minute,” said Julius Rosenwald, of Chi cago. who is chairman of the committee on buying. “Let us execute a flank movement.” The members of that committee knew precisely what would happen to the leather market if blds were asked for shoes in such quantities. Every shoe manufacturer would be forced to protect him self by making sure of his leather before he put in a bid. The first man to the leather merchants might get his option at a reasonable figure, but the second man who talked leather in higher mathe matics would find the price going up. So would every other man. “Let us get that option ourselves.” said the sub committee. So they did it. The leather men of the United States were called in to Washington, and the situa tion was put before them frankly and they were asked to give options at a reasonable price on enough leather to build enough shoes. They gave the options without a murmur and at a price that paid them a profit, to be sure, but not the sort of a profit that Uncle Sam must settle through the nose. It was rather fine of the leather men, most people think who know it. Then the shoemakers were told to go ahead and bid on the assurance that the leather could be had at a fixed figure. The govern ment got its shoes at a price that was cheap, quality and war-time prices being considered. The makers of airplanes are dealing with the government through men who know all about the business. When Howard Coffin was first told to go out and buy a lot of airplanes for the government he asked of the manufacturers how many airplanes they could supply in the next year. They were op timists, those manufacturers. They could Look at the war and navy building and then remember that their factories back home were just about the same size, only bigger. There was no limit—positively no limit —to the number of airplanes they could turn out. “That’s nice.” said Coffin. Then he sent out a scout. That scout knows the airplane-making business and the motor indus try, words and music. He visited the various fac tories and talked to the general managers. The Such a minimum price would tend to insure the farmer, not only against loss, but against the possibility of not! making a good profit. It was pointed out to the committee, however, that prices of farm machinery and tools, fertilizer and other cost's of production might advance so that even the guaranteed price would not mean a profit. In asmuch as the protection of the farmer is the main concern of all this price-fixing legislation, and the minimum price is t’o allow a good profit over all costs of production, this is not probable. The provision in the bill which allows for the fix ing of a maximum price was drawn, however, with this contingency largely in mind. It would make it possible t’o fix the price of farm machinery so that the farmer could not lose his profit in in creased costs. • • • In the long and earnest discussion which pre ceded the drawing of the price-fixing clauses In the bill now before congress, the ultimate con sumer was seldom mentioned. However it may be applied, the theory of the bill as understood by the congressmen, was to fix prices solely with a view to the farmers’ welfare. It is assumed that there will then be a greatly increased produc tion, and that this abundance, together with the elimination of speculation, the careful supervision of shipments and of storage will automatically take care of prices- « • • For example, many farmers this year sold their potatoes for a dollar a bushel and afterward saw those same potatoes sold in the market for three to four dollars a bushel. It is evident that carriers and middlemen made an exorbitant profit at the expense of both producer and consumer. Under the food administration as planned, supposing that a minimum price had been fixed, the farmer would have gotten perhaps two dollars for his potatoes, and with careful government supervision of ship ment and storage, they would have reached the consumer at just enough more than that to pay the legitimate costs of distributing them. An arbi trary maximum price upon potatoes, it may be safely said, will be one of the last expedients re sorted to by the food administrator. • • • Needles to say. these *price-flxing provisions of the bill will be fought in congress and may be stricken out. Even the committee deviated some what from scientific lines in drawing them. The consensus of expert opinion seems to be that a fixed or basic price is the best. A minimum price to the producer insures him but does not prevent speculation. A maximum price is hard to enforce, because if the farmer does not want to sell his corn, for example, at the maximum price, or if the market price drops below the maximum price, he may feed his corn to his hogs and sell them. ’A fixed price, guaranteed by the government, which will assure the producer of a good profit over all costp of production, is considered to be the most scientific method of price fixing. This sort of a price was urged upon the house agricultural com mittee by Gifford Plnchot, but the congressmen would not’ accept it, apparently because they were afraid their farmer constituents would resent Lav ing a limit thus arbitrarily set to the amount they might earn. • • • It might be added that according to Dr. A. E. Taylor, who spent’ some months in Europe studying food administration, the European countries have not been able to keep the price of food down to - ra*e of. wages. All over the world the cost’ of Jiving has been advancing more rapidly than the* rate of wages- War has brought this fact home to the European governments. for in order to keep their industrial classes at work making munitions they have had to pension them. According to Dr. Taylor the German government has a civil pension list of between seven and eight million people, who are paid pensions for the stated purpose of making up the difference between wages and the cost of living. Similar civil pensions, he says are paid in the neutral countries of Holland and Switzerland for the same reason. War, by making every man necessary to his government, has forced the gov ernments to take heed of what is necessary to every man. more he asked questions the more the rosy glow of hope faded out of the general managers and the more they got down to a cold, hard, solid busin&ss proposition. By and by he reported to Mr. Coffin and then Mr. Coffin told the country just now many airplanes he expected to deliver, and when. The chances are those airplanes will be delivered at the time appointed. All the big men whose names are known to the country as members of the advisory commission or its committees are working for nothing and paying their own expenses, of course. No one seems to think it at all out of the way that a man whose time could not be bought for half a million dollars a year should make a committee meeting at 8:30 o’clock every morning of the w'eek, and then put in a good part of Sunday in an informal way getting ready for the week to come and cleaning up loose ends of the week past. What the country does not know is that the un known men who are filling the subordinate places— the clerkships and intermediate places and buffer jobs—are also working for nothing and paying their own way. Many of them are big men in their own communities. Each of them is aijj effi cient man. In one .of the committees only one man has been hired since work began. Every other post has been filled by a volunteer. The hired man is to be fired. He is inefficient. QUIPS AND QUIDDITIES. A passenger on a New York-Cleveland sleeper, on awakening in the morning, found under his berth one black shoe and one brown one. He called the porter and directed his attention to the error. The porter scratched his head in utter bewilderment. “Well,” said the exasperated passenger, “what’s the matter?” "Now, if dat don't beat all!” exclaimed the porter. "Dat’s de second time dis mawnln' dat dat mistake’s happened.' 1 • • • “My Aunt Frettie was in certain ways the most ex travagant woman I ever knew,” stated the old codger. “For example, she got the measles at «nxty-seven, when, by taking time by the forelock, she could just as well have had them at nine.”—Judge. • • • Mr. MacTavish attended a christening where the hospitality of the host knew no bounds except the sev eral capacities of the guests. In the midst of the cele bration Mr. MacTavish rose up and made the rounds of the company, bidding each a profound farewell. "But, Sandy, man,” objected the host, "ye’re not goin' yet. with the evenin’ just started?” "Nay,'' said the prudent MacTavish, “I’m no' goin’ yet. But I’m tellin’ ye good night while I know ye all." EFFECT OF WAR ON WOMEN Woman, according to legend and romance, becomes during war the saintly Samaritan who ministers to heroes’ wounds. But, according to a report made to the London city mission, woman is really demoralized by the loss of her ’ protector and companion. Women carousing in public houses, drunk and vile of speech, have now become a common sight in the poorer quar ters of London. The administrators of the patriotic fund in Canada have also found that great social disor ganization follows the leaving of women alone, at the mercy of landlords and others upon whom they are dependent in financial straits. King Constantine has gone, William is going.
