Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, October 02, 1917, Page 4, Image 4
4 THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLAST4, GA., 5 JfOBTH FORSYTH ST.' > Entered at the Atlanta Postottice as Mail Matter of * the Second Class. _ SUBSCKIFTIOir FMCI. Twelve months ‘“ c Six months » Three months 2 ® c The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tues day and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for early‘delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong depart ments of special value to the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every postoflice. Liberal com mission allowed Outfit free. Write K R- BRAD LEY. Circulation Manager. The only traveling representatives we have are B. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle. Charles H. Woodliff. J- M Patten. W. H. Reinhardt. M. H- Bevil and John Mac Jennings. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named traveling representatives. V- NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS. The Jab*l tise-i for addressing jour paper shows the time your subscription expires By renewing at least two weeks be fore the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper cbaaged. be sure to mention your old. a* well as your new address If on a route, please gtre the rente number We cannot enter subscrlpUeus to begin with back number*. Remittances should be sent by postal order or registered mail Address ail and notice* for this Department to THE gEMI-WKEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta. Ga. Georgia's Patriotic Duty To the New Liberty Loan. The offering of the second Liberty loan affords the rank and file of the American people an espe cially inviting opportunity to show their patriot ism and good sense. - The bonds to be sold for this loan, like those of the one preceding, will be in denominations as low as fifty dollars and will be purchasable on 'easy-payment plans. They will bear four per cent interest, an appreciably higher rate than that.of the first bonds, and will be easily negotiable. For safety, few if any forms of in vestment are comparable to them; they are backed by all the power, all the resources, all the integ rity of the entire United States. Who owns a Lib erty bond, owns something far more valuable than its equivalent in gold; he owns an invincible se curity that will grow in worth continually with the passing years, and attest both the wisdom and loyalty of its owner. It is an honor to own a Liberty bond; more than that, it is a duty. By subscribing to this loan of three billion dollars or more the citizen will take a definite, personal part in winning bis 'country’s war for safety and freedom and right. He will contribute just so much to the everlasting protection of American shores against brutal Prus sianism. He will be supporting the gallant youths who by hundreds of thousands have joined the colors, offering their lives that their nation’s honor may be kept unsullied and its firesides kept secure. When those brave boys are giving their all. who that has a spark of patriotism or pride will fail to do his utmost to sustain and cheer them in the fight? It is largely for their sustenance that this Lib erty loan is to be raised. Its proceeds will keep up the flow of supplies needed for onr great armies now tn the making and for the large American contingents already in France. For this alone, millions upon millions of dollars are required; and equipment and provisions are but the first steps in the herculean task of putting and keeping our forces in the fight. Without these financial sin ews, our armies can do nothing; they cannot even subsist. And without a loyal response from the rank and file of Americans, those all-important sinews cannot be secured. In a very vital sense, therefore, the winning of the war depends on the man back home whose immediate and paramount duty is to buy Liberty bonds. Not only the winning of the war but the short ening of it depends largely on the success of this Liberty loan. The mos't inspiring thing the Amer ican public now can do for its cause and the most depressing thing it can do for the Kaiser’s cause is to oversubscribe the three billion dollar loan. Suppose they make it Jive billions within the course of the next few weeks. What an answer from the plain people of the United States to the Hohen zollern tyrant and his pack of war lords who are bent upon overrunning the world! What a notice to the German masses that we will have no deal ings with their faithless, war-breeding, murderous despots! The more speedily' and more powerfully we manifest our will to win. the sooner will the ' war be over. And at this juncture there is no way by which the American people can manifest their determined loyalty so plainly or so effectively .as by supporting the Liberty loan. • * The campaign for the sale of these bonds be gins tomorrow. October the first, on the threshold of the most prosperous autumn our country, par ticularly the agricultural sections, have known. —Here in the South and in Georgia, where the fruit ful months have brimmed our store and where the fires of patriotism have always burned so bright and true, let us see to it that our duty is fully I done and our traditions worthily upheld. Georgia's Wheat Planting. In common with many other Georgia newspa pers that are in close touch with the rural dis tricts the Tifton Gazette is making a sustained and praiseworthy appeal for the planting of a liberal acreage of winter wheat. The Government’s vir tual guarantee of a minimum price of two dollars and twenty cents a bushej for next year’s wheat makes it certain, as the Gazette points out. that flour will be "about equivalent to twenty-five-cent cotton." Farmers can ill afford to buy flour at that figure when they can raise all their own needs re quire. with a goodly surplus to sell. Whatever may l>e the fortunes of cotton, a profitable market for food crops is assured. The world’s reserves of grain and meat and kindred staples are unprece dentedly low.- and are likely to continue so long after the war is over. The Southern farmer who produces an abundance of those necessaries will have the double advantage of escaping high prices and falling in with handsome profits. Just now there Is the (/articular incentive of patriotism to the production of food supplies, par ticularly wheat. Without a great increase in our present store of that basic commodity, it will be im possible to continue provisioning our allies as we should and at the same time take care of our own armies. This year’s harvest. It is true, is cheer ingly bountiful, but It will not of itself suffice to fill out "the loop’d and windowed raggedn.ess" of last year's lean output. The South can do g great deal to solve this vital problem by raising its own stores of-wheat as well as corn, along with other food staples; and by that policy it will also be pro moting its material prosperity. What War appropriations When congress s|>eaks In millions and billions dedicated to war purposes the layman is pretty apt to figure only on the cost of raising and equipping armies, transporting them and the cost of the moun tains of ammunition necessary for the conduct of real hostilities. But there is vastly more than this principally because it would be poor policy to burden the French with a load we are so well able to carry ourselves. Here are some of the things we will do with the huge appropriations other than the items enumerated: At the port of entry designated for America s use we will build piers and big warehouses to ac commodate the ships and supplies needed for the army. From this port a network of railroads will be constructed for the transportation of men and supplies to the front, and to this transportation system will be added our own automobile roads. At various points along the rail and macadam highways supply depots will be erected, and like wise needed base hospitals. Big machine shops will be needed for the repair of engines, autos, guns, armored cars and aeroplanes. All of this means that for the duration of the w-ar only great American industrial cities will spring up all over France, and the bigger the part we play in the war the more comprehensive these undertakings. Much of the money appropriated so far and yet to be set aside for war purposes will go into the building of a huge merchant marine fleet. While every dollar for war purposes is an investment in the name of Democracy, the millions put into ships are of the visible type and ultimately means com mercial supremacy on the high seas for the United States. Outside of the investments in ships a large percentage of the appropriations so far made has gone to the Entente Powers in the form of loans, all of which will be returned with interest in the running of time. Even Democracy is an expensive institution, but it is incomparably cheaper than Kaiserism. The Southeastern Fair. The purposes for which the Southeastern Fair was established are of greater significance this year than ever before, not only to the material interests of our own section but also to the patri otic interests of the entire nation. War conditions and war responsibilities have emphasized as noth ing else could the need of efficiency in food pro duction. The Government recognized at the outset that plowshares would play as decisive a part in winning the war as would swords, and accordingly it has encouraged by every means at its command all those agencies that are working for a more efficient and more fruitful agriculture. And espe cially has it encouraged such enterprises as the Southeastern Fair. On the time-trleii principle that one example is worth ten precepts, the wonderful weatlh of ex hibits to be presented in this exposition, October 18-20. will do more for the cause of diversified farming and Increased food production than any conceivable amount of literature or lecturing. In virtually every department of the Fair, the exhibits will be from fifty to a hundred per cent more nu merous this year than last. This is ascribable partly to the greatly increased housing facilities which the new buildings at Lakewood have pro vided, and partly to the splendid reputation which the Fair has won throughout the Southeast. There is every indication, moreover, that the attendance from the State and section at large will excel even the magnificent record of 1918. By no means will the Fair be limited to agri cultural and livestock displays, though they quite naturally will be its heart. The industrial exhibits, including the automobile show, would make a nota ble exposition themselves. Especial efforts, too, have been made to secure the best amusement features obtainable in the United States, so that for jollity as well as for instruction the 1917 South eastern Fair will set a new pattern and a new pace. The Farmer and His Automobile. There is a great deal more than merely indus trial significance in the fact that forty per cent of the automobiles sold this year have been bought by farmers: there is an omen of a happier order of living for the rural districts; there is a forecast that the tide of American population which has been flowing unfortunately to crowded cities ebb back to the soil. Simply as evidence of prosperity the farmers’ extensive buying of automobiles is very interest ing. In lowa there is an average of one car to every nine persons: in Nebraska, one to every ten; in Kansas, one to every thirteen. Need more be said of the profits of food-growing. The rural South as well as the grain-gathering West is be coming motorized at an astonishing rate. Indeed, every agricultural region is mixing more and more gasoline with its hay. This betokens ex traordinarily good times for farming interests, which after all are the base of our entire structure of prosperity. But the chief import of the fact that nearly half the automobiles sold this year were bought by farmers is on the social rather than the business side. "The trouble with the farm,” said a shrewd philosopher, "is three miles an hour.” Visiting a neighbor six miles away is rather a laborious matter when the quickest means of going is a horse-drawn vehicle. But with an automobile handy, the distance dwindles to comparatively a step or two: it is easy for the family to get to church, easy for the children to get to school, easy for the wives to go visiting, easy for the boys to go courting. The isolation of the farm melts away when its traveling pace becomes twenty miles an hour instead of* three. , Isolation, with its consequent loneliness and lack of amusement, was always the aspect of farm life most responsible for the cityward drift. The automobile is but one among many factors making for freer communication and broader sociability in countrj' districts; the ' telephone, the rural mail delivery, the extension of railroads, the develop ment of interurban trolley lines and the wide spread improvement of highways, all work to that happy end. But as a distance-destroyer and an inveiltive to stirring about, the automobile rein forces and excels them all. When one reflects that the jeer capita production of foodstuffs in the United States has steadily declined in recent decades and that the cost of living ha# become correspondingly burdensome, the importance of attracting, more people to agriculture is keenly evident. But they must be ATTRACTED there: they cannot be argued there. Hence.the weighty and far-reaching impor tance of every movement, every contrivance and every idea that adds to the interest and joy of country life. , ’ THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1917. Prc-German Peace Parrots. The pro-German peace parrots in this country have been joyfully garrulous of late over the Kaiser's reply to the Vatican, and particularly over his rumored willingness to restore the lands which his vandals have invaded and despoiled. "There!”, chattered the yellow pollies of Prussian ism, "Germany accepts President Wilson’s terms, and stands ready to give up Belgium along with ruthless ambition.” But now comes Chancellor Michaelis, who is no more nor less than the Kaiser's secretary, repudiating the suggestion of Germany’s willingness to evacuate the conquered territories. So falls another piece of the camou flage with which the Hohenzollorn's Americah friends have been trying to mask his treachery, xnd so will the entire fabfllc of their specious propaganda crumble under the test of events. German autocracy is no more Inclined to fair dealing and righteous peace now than it was when it precipitated its long-planned war. It is no more minded to accept President Wilson's terms today than when it broke its solemn pledges to our Gov ernment and, by its continual murders of innocent Americans, forced the United States to arms. Now that it sees the vast shadow of America's mustering strength and hears the rumble of its approaching doom, German autocracy is eager indeed for a truce—an inconclusive settlement that will leave it powerful and free to resume its black adventure. But that is the only object of its sundry "peace” proposals—that, together with an effort to strengthen the morale of the German people by making it appear that the Allies will hear to no honorable terms whatsoever. The rumor of Germany’s willingness to give up Belgium started where all such rumors start, in Berlin. It was one of the gas bags the Kaiser is continually sending up to try the winds of world sentiment. Having served its purpose, this inspired rumor is now officially denied. So of all the peace suggestions that creep fortjh from Berlin and are nursed so sedulously in pro-German bosoms. Each is mere "feeler,” but each hides a serpent-sting of perfidy. What boots it that the Kaiser professes belief in arbitrating international disputes and in reducing armaments? Admirable as they are in principle, those world reforms will not be practi cally discussable while German autocracy stands. For there could be no reasonable hope of German autocracy’s abiding by any pledges or treaties it might make. President Wilson spoke emphatically on\this point in his reply to the Pope’s peace note: "We cannot take the word of the present rulers of Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unless explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and purpose of the German people themeelves as the other peoples of the world would be justir fled In accepting. Without such guarantees treaties of settlement, agreement for disarm ament, covenants to set up arbitration in the place of force, territorial readjustments, re constitutions of small nations, if made with the German Government, no man, no nation could now depend on.” • That is to say, there can be no peace with Kaiserism. There could be a patched-up armistice, it is true, a feverish interim of preparation for an other and more terrible war. But not until the criminal regime that now grips the German nation is overthrown, can there, be a peace that will en dure, or a settlement worthy of the heroic hosts who have poured out their tlood for freedom. America entered this war with the well-thought-out and resolute purpose of making the world safe for democracy and safe for civilization. Never until that end is achieved and it is certain that Ameri can firesides are forever secure against brutal Prus sianlsm, can we afford in wisdom or justice or honor to lay down our arms. if the war did nothing else it has engendered a new respect for the government. - A Chew for Pacifists. if anyone fancies that peace worthy the name is possible with the red-handed, unrepentant Hohen zollern autocracy, he will do well to chew and digest these words from a recent speech by former President Taft: "He who proposes’ peace now either does not see the stake for which the Allies are fight ing or wishes the German autocracy still to control the destinies of all of us as to peace, or war. Those who favor permanent world peace must oppose with might and main the proposals for peace at this juncture in the war. whether made in Socialistic councils, in pro-German conferences, or by Pope Benedict.” That is the heart of the whole issue. It is quite natural that individuals or newspapers who for any reason are in sympathy with the Kaiser s cause and wish "the German autocracy still to control the destinies of all of us,” should clamor for>a parley just when America is getting in position to make her vast resources count decisively in the war. It is quite natural, too, that persons who have not grasped the breadth and nobility '6f the principles for which the allied democracies are fighting should fail to see why the Kaiser’s tricky overtures should not be accepted. But it is inconceivable that any thought ful American who loves his country and under stands its ideals should stand for a compromise of principle that would amount to a base and foolish surrender. It is inconceivable that any American who wants a peace that will be righteous and en during should counsel the making of a treacherous truce with an irresponsible autocracy whose whole course has been and whose whole purpose ever will be. ruthless war. , Save f'ome Sugar for France. The sugar allowance in France has been cut an ounce a day, which is less than a fourth of what the average American consumes. Even that scant allowance cannot be maintained unless larger ex ports of sugar from the United States are forth coming. Mr. Hoover’s appeal to the public to make this possible by eating a bit less sugar for a season should meet with hearty and nation-wide response. A little more economy in the kitchen along with a little self-denial in the way of sweets will provide the one hundred thousand tons of sugar impera tively needed to keep France in its present meager allowance. The New York World truly remarks in this connection that it ik doubtless easier to give money and knit garments than to deny ourselves the pleasures of the palate) "but if there is sin cerity in our professions of sympathy for our op pressed and heroic allies.'there should be no diffi culty in saving enough frdm our lavish allowance to eke out their scanty?simply, '* THE FOUR-MINUTE MEN' —By Frederic J. Haskin. . WASHINGTON, D. C., Sept. 4. —A new war organization, known as the Four-Minute Speakers has recently been formed under the auspices of the government for the purpose of arousing patriotism throughout the country. The Four-Minute AJen, like the Minute Men of ’76, are patriots organized to meet an emergency, but they are disciples of Patrick Henry rather than Ethan Allen. Their task is to arouse interest in the war by making speeches about it—speeches strictly limited, confined and restricted to four minutes. Maybe you consider that a simple task? Well, it seems that it isn't. The organization has had the greatest difficulty in procuring men who could make a speech in four minutes. Many men who are splendid speakers, if they have plenty of time in which to tell stories and get up steam, cannot make good on a four-minute speech at all. And yet the four-ininuate feature is absolutely essential to the success of the organization. For the four-minute men speak in moving pic ture theaters. At the end of the big feature, an American flag is thrown on the screen to attract the attention of the audience. Immediately fol lows a large-lettered announcement that Mr. So and-So "will speak for four minutes on a subject of national importance. He speaks under the author ity of the committee on public information, Wash ington, D. C.” This saves time in introductions, which the organization dislikes for the reason that the introducer is always tempted to make a speech himself that is apt to string itself out and tire the audience. And the audience must not be tired. That is the basic principles of the four-minute idea. So strict are the four-minute men regarding this principle that a visiting committee, appointed by the organization, visits the moving picture thea ters and times the speakers. If a man allows his speech to run one second over four minutes he is severely called down by the visiting committee. And, if on a second occasion, he repeats the of fense, he Is asked for his resignation. The visit ing committee Is not lenient in this matter. It is made up o’s deposed speakers. As a further check upon the time in which a Four-Minute Man speaks the organization has en listed the aid of the moving picture theater man agers, too. If at the end of four minutes a man goes on speaking they, are requested to stop him either by linging a bell, blowing a horn or, as one member said, shocting him if necessary. The four-minute idea is the most up-to-date adaptation -of that ancient principle to the effect that people will listen to anything just so long as you don’t tire Diem. Men in public life have long practiced self-denial in the matter of words in order to "put over” their propaganda more effec tively. Politicians —that is. successful politicians —always make short speeches; ministers are con tinually diminishing the size of-their sermons, and some lawyers have recognized the value of few words. Tn confining their speeches to that four minute period between the change of films in the moving picture shows, the four-minute men have not only succeeded in holding the complete atten tion of their audiences —they have actually made those audiences applaud for encores. This, of course, means that the four-minute men are really most excellent speakers. They come from all walks of life. The organization will ac cept anybody from a policeman to a cabinet officer just as long as he can make a good speech. Mr. McAdoo and Mr. Lane are both four-minute men, although in view of their present heavy duties they will doubtless be infrequent speakers. Tn Wash ington the chairman of the local committee of four-minute men Is Ira N. Bennett, a lawyer, and the other forty or more who make up the rest of the committee are mechanics and profes sional men, government clerks and enlisted meh. the two cabinet officers already mentioned, the assistant secretary of the treasury, Byron S. New- REFORMS OF CRIMINALS —a—- By H. Addington Bruce IN a recent number of the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal Dr. V. V. Anderson issues a report bearing illuminatingly on the im portant problem of reforming criminals. Dr. Anderson, who is connected with the Bos ton municipal court as director of*medical service, recognizes the necessity of dealing with criminals not as a class, but as individuals. He recognizes further that many criminals are mentally disor dered, and that in all such cases special treatment is needed if the individual problems they present are to be satisfactorily and justly solved. In the present report he insists more particu larly on the importance of carefully discriminating between criminals who are feeble-minded and those of abnormal rather than subnormal mental ity. To aid court authorities in discriminating between the two types he has made a comparative study of a hundred feeble-minded criminals and a hundred psychopathic ones. Here, briefly, are his findings: A majority of the feeble-minded—6B per cent —never got beyond the fifth grade in school, while 82 per cent of the psychopaths got beyond that grade. Sixty per cent of the psychopaths graduated from grammar school, 22 per cent went to high school. 9 per cent graduated from high school, and 3 per cent went to college. Again, studying their later records, Dr. An derson found that jeven times as many psycho paths as feeble-minded were steadily employed. He comments: "The feeble-minded as a class, are in the ma jority of these cases industrially inefficient, and are not capable of 'holding down’ positions for any length of time. "But the psychopaths as a class are in the majority of these cases fairly efficient industrially; capable of holding positions for much longer pe riods; and, when they lose such, do so more be cause of their temperamental pecularities. their emotional instability, etc., than any real lack of industrial efficiency.” Continuing. Dr. Anderson notes that the hun dred feeble-minded criminals studied by him were arrested 1,825 times, or an average of 18.25 ar rests for each. The hundred psychopaths were : r times, or an average of 3.69 ar- rests for each pyschopathic criminal. In the light of these findings it becomes evi dent that if a wrongdoer’s mentality is under sus picion. and if his life history shows he was an extreme dullard in boyhood, was unemployable in manhood, and has been a repeated offender, the chances are that he is of defective rather than aberrant mentality. In which case., according to Dr. Anderson, it is of little use to put him on probation. Os the feeble-minded criminals studied by the Massachu setts specialist, "only twenty-five could be consid ered satisfactory probation cases." But with the psyehopathetic type the situation is reversed. Says Dr. Anderson: "Twenty-one per cent of the probation periods of the feeble-minded were successful, while more th: n twice that number <49 per cent l of the pro bation periods of the psychopaths were successful. "The chances are better than two to one in favor of the psychopaths, and this without any special effort directed toward training them to conn:erect the difficulties of personality most re sponsible for their failure. "It is quite likely that more cjin be done for through probation than through any other agency, provided their treatment be •guided by a knowledge of their temperamental pecnl’nr’Me ~. their personality maladjustments, so that their environment can be suitably influenced or chosen for them, and. they themselves trained to inhibit their impulses." In this report, clearly. th°re Is food for thought !>y those who r.s lawyers, judges, penal officials, or social workers come much into contact with of fenders against society. (Copyright, 1917, by the Assocated Newspapers.) ton. and the treasurer of the United States. John Burke. « The speeches of the four-minute men are con fined exclusively to the war. Each moving picture theater on the list gets two speakers a week. The first-night the subject is the “Need of Food Con servation;” the second night it is "Why We Are Fighting.” and the next week another speaker gives a four-minute talk on "What our enemy really is the German government rather than the German people.” In this way all the facts about the wax are presented to the moving picture audiences by different speakers who keep the interest of the peo ple by ceasing to talk just as they are about tu lose it. * The subjects of the speeches are given out each week by the national headquarters at Washington, which mails the data, as well as a sample speech, to every four-minute man throughout the country. He can either use the sample speech or Invent one of his own from the information given, with the assistance of the outline mapped out for him. Here is the outline of the speech entitled; "What Our Enemy Really Is:” 1. We must understand that the German sys tem of government is the opposite of democracy. 2. We must realize that a German victory would mean the downfall of democracy throughout the world. 3. We must unmask pro-German arguments that pretend to be American sentiment and which de ceive many well-intentioned Americans. 5. We must develop American sentiment In harmony with America’s purposes. From this outline the four-minute man makes his speech, which is usually from five hundred to seven hundred words long. It usually starts some thingjike this: "Ladles and Gentlemen: The time has come when the American people should know in this war who their real enemy is and what we are up against in a struggle which will determine the whole future of this country. By the Courtesy of the management of this theater I am going to talk with you a few moments on that subject.” The last sentence of this paragraph, by the way, needs a few words of explanation. The moving picture theaters are co-operating with the four minute men in every way possible. They offer their theaters and their audiences to the four-minute men free of charge, simply to show that they are patriotic citizens anxious to further the cause of. the war as far as they are able. Very few movie’ men have refused the courtesy, although perhaps those few are to be excused on the grounds th«t they have suffered from the effects of former gen erosity. When the Liberty loan was being floated, mov ing picture men offered their theaters to govern ment campaigners who had not been imbued with the four-minute idea. They made long speeches to the people in their zeal for inspiring subscrip tions. and as a result the people yawned, fidgeted and finally made their escape, never to return. It was the Red Cross campaigners who first discovered the efficacy of being brief. One of them had heard the story concerning the late Samuel Clemens,*who upon going to church was so pleased with the min ister's sermon that he put a five dollar bill in the collection plate. The sermon went on, and Mr. Clemens began to regret'his hasty act. It was still going on when the collection plates passed him the second time, at which Mr. Clemens is said to reached out and taken his five dollar bill back. At any rate, the Red Cross campaigners found that they could inspire more enthusiasm in four minutes than they could in twenty-four and from that time on the four-minute speech was here to stay. The four-minute men already have been very successssful, according to all reports. They hare aroused interest where* formerly there was indiffer ence —and why not? Advertising will accomplish wonders, and the four-minute men are the biggest verbal advertising campaign that has ever been launched in America. W 4 E-PRESENT MR. HOOVER / By Dr. Frank Crane This is not the story of a king’s son who had < kingdom and an army handed him, and rode to fame, and built a pyramid and a mausoleum, and got himself a date line in the histories. It is not the story of a man with a pull, nor of a lucky man. nor of a superman, nor of a genius, nor of anybody like Alexander, nor Caesar, nor Napo leon, nor Rothschild, nor Paderewski, nor Charlie Chaplin. It is the story of a plain, everyday, Unitecfr Stater boy who made good. He didn’t da anything wonderful, he didn't astound the world by his brilliant talents, he’ didn’t ravage foreign countries with an army nor bleed his own country to make himself a billionaire. All he did was to do what he was supposed to do. He accomplished. He produced results, not excuses. He is doing his bit now. without fuss and feath ers. just as Haig, or Petain, or Pershing, or Wilson, or thousands of others of the neblemen of democ racy are doing their bit. His name is Herbert C. Hoover. From a biography of him in “Curb News” I note these points: He was born forty-three years ago at West Branch. lowa. He was brought up on a farm. He wouldn’t go to a denominational college, as his family wished, but chose Leland Stanford Uni versity, where he paid his own way by running a laundry. \ At twenty-one he graduated, was offered a scholarship, but decided to go to work as a mining engineer. He spent a year in western mines as a common miner with a lamp in his hat and a pick in At twenty-two he was offered a job as fourth assistant engineer in Australian mines. While there he discovered an old mine whose dump heap, under modern processes, he thought could be made to pay. He interested some capitalists who were willing to take a chance, got the necessary machinery, and made a lot of money. At twenty-five he was so favorably known In mining circles that,he was employed by the Chinese Imperial Burau of Mines to make extensive explora tions in China. At twenty-six he was made mining expert for the North China government. Then the Boxer re bellion broke out. He managed to escape, with his wife, to Tien-Tsin. For six weeks they, with half a dozen other Americans, lived beneath a barricade of rice bags and sugar barrels. At twenty-eight he joined a company of mine operators in London, and his mining interests ex tended to many parts of the "world. At thirty-four his business had expanded, his fortunodnereased. and his reputation spread, until he was actively concerned as a world-worker, hav ing aflairs in Burmah. Australia, Mexico, China, and California. At fQrty he was asked to join a committee to aid war-stranded Americans to get back home. This work speedily grew until he was helping and feeding myriads tn Eurone. And at forty-three, backed by the president, congress, and people of the United States, he is oc cupying one of the most important posts of the world. This, ladies and gentlemen, is nobody's favorite, nobody's nephew, no pet of a party nor instrument of capital, nor silver-tongued politician, but just a plain lowa farmer boy. who has the habit of making good, and who today is in charge of the feeding of America and of practically-the entire world. Here's the answer. Mr. Kipling, to your adver tisement: "Creation's cry goes up From age to cheated age. GiVe us the men who do the work For which they get the wage!” We present Mr. Hoover. (Copyright, 1917, by Frank CraneJ