Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920, February 05, 1918, Image 4

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Atlanta semi-weekly journal., February 05, 1918, Page 4, Image 4

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Newspaper Page Text4 THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA, G.A., 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST.- "'I Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice us Mail Mattei of the Second Class. SFRSCRIPTION PRICE Twelve months Six months Three months " &c The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the short est routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished contributors, with strong departments of special value to the hem l ' and the farm. _ Agents wanted at every postoffice. Liberal commission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R BRADLEY. Circulation Manager. The only traveling representatives we have arc B. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle. Charles 11. Wood liff. J. M. Patten. W. If. Reinhardt. M. H. Bevil and John Mac Jennings. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named travel ing representatives. s_——— ——- ■-- ————— ‘ NOTICE TO SIBSCRIBERS. Tbe libel for addressing your r»p*r «bow« th» tin” -nnr BObncrtptlon erptre*. Ry «t lenst two weejts b*- for tte date th*» label, yei Incur* regular aervtee. In ordering paper ebanireu. be sure to mention your «M. ■' well as your new addrree. If on a root*, please give tbe rout- We eaunot eater »Tb«<-r!pt»or.« to begin with bert. numbers. Reouttaneee should ae sent by postal order or registered ma£L Address all orders and notice* for this Department to THI. SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlant*. tia. The Government s H ise Plans To Utilize Southern Ports, The Government’s purpose to utilise Southern ports more extensively for war traffic is the nat ural and. indeed, only solution of a problem that has waxed alarmingly serious. For three years or more the congestion of freight at North Atlantic ports has been a source of increasing and almost nationwide disturbance. The trouble has not been confined to the seaboard or to export cargoes, but, in consequence of the overcrowded condition at oeean terminals, has reached far inland and affected every field of the country’s material inter ests. Thousands of cars of freight have been tied up time and again for weeks together on railways leading to Northeastern ports. Such delays are ill enough within themselves, but they result also in keeping out of service hundreds upon hundreds of ‘•ars that belong to other parts of the country. At the time of the United States’ entrance into the war. trunk lines north of the Potomac had upwards of a hundred thousand box cars more than be longed to them, while Southeastern roads lacked some twenty-five thousand cars, which they owned and urgently needed. These problems with their into ward effect on commerce and industry have sprung directly from conditions which can be rem edied by the freer use of Southern ports. It was assumed when the Government took con trol of transportation that these ports, along with Southern railroads, would be employed more ex tensively in handling transatlantic shipments. The Government, it was obvious, could brush aside any obstacles that stood, or seemed to stand, in the way of the individual carriers’ diverting traffic from crowded to commodious routes —because the Government's sole purpose and policy, as Mr. Mc- Adoo made manifest at the outset, is to produce the maximum measure of results for the country’s common interests, particularly its war interests. That policy, of course, led straight to Southern ports as the simplest and surest means of relief for the freight congestion at North Atlantic outlets and on the railways leading to them. The latest advices from Washington indicate that the use of Southern ports for this purpose will begin in the immediate future and will become much more ex tensive than at first appeared probable. As Director General of railroads, Mr. McAdoo has or dered surveys made of the trackage and wharfage facilities at Savannah, Charleston, Brunswick, Jackson vine. Wilmington, Galveston. New Orleans and Mobile. The object of these surveys is to de termine not only what accommodations are avail able now but also what improvements are necessary to make those ports adequate to the increasing demands that will be laid upon them. It is trust wort hily reported that tn the Southeast alone im provements amounting to upwards of fifty million dollars will be made. Georgia ports will contribute largely to the new service and will share liberaUy, no doubt, in the improvements. Arrangements already have been made to divert to them much traffic which hereto fore has moved by rail to the Northeast. Savannah and Brunswick, together with Charleston, can handle the exports of cotton, pig iron, lumber and other basic materials supplied from the Southeast., Their nearness to the production centers of those staples will save much time and expense in rail hauls, and the fact that they are never ice-bound as Northern ports are will make them serviceable the year around. It means a great deal to the de velopment and prosperity of Georgia that these oorts are. along with others tn the South, to play a larger part in the nation’s commerce, a part more in keeping with their natural and strategic advan tages: but ft means most of all to the country as a whole that the unfortunate and now really dan gerous policy of trying to crowd a continent’s ex ports through a few North Atlantic outlets Is to he abandoned for a truly efficient course. .Strikes in the Empire. It is natural that the American people should rejoice over the news of strikes in Germany, but they should beware of overestimating the true sig nificance of these troubles. .As Ex-President Taft 40 sanely points out. Germany's Internal diffiicul ties in themselves will never end the war: only a decisive victory by the Allies or a series of deci sive victories can do that. Into her armies Germany has put her full strength. They dominate the nation and so long as they remain unshaken, they are fully capable of dominating any clique or organization in the nation. To put down dissatisfaction among a lesser class In the empire is a comparatively sim ple task for the war lords who have forged a fighting machine that has become the peril of the world. Once the Allies have penetrated the vitals of this peril and blasted the morale of its mem bers, there all! oe time enough to look hopefully toward revolution. Until then a German revolu tion of any consequence cannot be expected hy the most optimistic. Already the latest reports from Berlin indi cate that the iron leaven of militarism has begun to work. The upheaval is being subdued, the fire of dissatisfaction stamped out. It Is the signal for os to buckle down to the fulfillment of our deter mination to beat Germany with her own tools with no false hope of a satisfactory peace from any other BOurcA. THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA., TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1918. The Supreme Crisis. ’The culminating crisis of the struggle lias come. The achievements of this year on the one side or the other must determine the issue. It has turned out that the forces that tight for freedom, the freedom of men all over the world as well as our own, depend upon us in an extraordinary and unexpected degree for sustenance, for the supply of ma terials by which men are to live and to fight. . . . We are fighting as truly for the liberty and self government of the United States as if the war of our own revolution had to be fought over again; and every man in every business in the United States must know by this time that his whole future fortune lies in the balance. We must win. therefore; and we shall win.’’ There are warning and inspiration alike in these stirring words from President Wilson’s mes sage to the farmers of the country , a message in which he speaks no less earnestly to men and women of all stations and pursuits than to tillers of the soil. Upon the latter, as he makes plain, rests the peculiar responsibility of producing food; but upon the housekeepers of the pation rests the equally important duty of conserving food; and upon every American rests the solemn charge of standing stanch in the crucial days which are upon us, and of doing his patriotic utmost to win the war. When the President says that the "culminat ing crisis” has come and that "the achievements of this year will determine the issue,” he is refer ing. we take it, to economic and moral more than to military conditions, and to determining events or influences rather than to an actual conclusion. It is not improbable that in the course of the next eight or ten months the decisive military blow will be struck; certainly we shall have good rea son to expect it if, as now seems likely, a million or more American troops, fully equipped and as sured of constant increments, are placed at the battle front. But it may be many a day, after the decisive blow is struck, before its full force, rolling on to the inner fastnesses of Prussianism, brings the victorious end for which we are fight ing. The more cautious observers speak still in terms of years rather than months or seasons in hazarding an opinion as to how much longer the war will last- There is a possibility, to be sure, that Internal trouble in the Central Empires may bring an un expectedly early end. On that contingency, how ever, we dare not rest our plans or give a moment’s pause to any activity in any sphere of the war’s prosecution. The only safe and patriotic course for the individual, as for the nation, is to proceed in accordance with the President’s warning coun sel that the time of supreme test is at hand and that upon the zeal and steadfastness with which the American people do their duty in the present and oncoming months, depend a victorious peace and a world worth living in. The army and the navy will rise to all that is gloriously expected of them; in their valoious keeping American honor is forever secure. But theirs, after all, is but the shining point of the spear whose shaft is the labor and faith of the whole American people. Therefore it is that the President urges with so intense earnestness that farmers produce all the food they possibly can, that housewives save all the food they possibly can, that each man and woman and child within the nation’s bounds meet every duty that faces them and seize every chance they find for the im perative and noble labor of winning the war. For Heroes, Present and Past. Whoever reveres the memory of the South’s departed heroes and honors the spirit of those now fighting in freedom’s cause will be keenly in terested in the plan of the Georgia division of the United Daughters of the Confederacy to. endow in an American military hospital in France a memo rial bed, named for that beloved and knightly Georgian—John J}. Gordon. As a beneficent and urgently needed service, as well as a tribute to heroism past and present, this undertaking merits instant and generous support. The bed is to be instituted and maintained in what is known as American Military Hospital, No. 1, at Paris. Es tablished in September, 1914, by Americans in sympathy with France, this hospital was tendered to the United States Government upon our en trance into the war. and was accepted. Now under American Red Cross supervision, its phyiscians and nurses are provided for by the Government, but its running expenses, are still met by the philanthropy of its founders and friends; and upon that source, depends also the enlargement of its facilities. Those facilities must be enlarged, frequently and liberally, if the now rapidly increasing needs for hospital service In France are to be met. Our own troops are on the firing line and immediately behind the front—tens of thousands of Dixie boys amongst them. Their number is increasing con tinually; this year, there is reason to expect, it will reach or pass a million. Hence the great and imperative need of military hospital facilities; and hence the timely and patriotic undertaking of the Daughters of the Confederacy. Each State divis ion of the U. D. C.’s has resolved to establish and endow a bed in this hospital, as has also the gen eral U. D. C. organization. Above each of these beds will be placed a bronze plaque, inscribed with the name of some illustrious Confederate soldier and indicating, too. the donors. The Georgia Daughters of the Confederacy have decided, with fine appropriateness, to dedicate their donation to General Gordon. The privilege of having a part, however mod est, in this patriotic and humane work is one to be coveted. Each contributor will be serving America and mankind, and will be serving in the name of Georgia and the South. Every dollar so given will enter into a mission of mercy and heal ing, will allay suffering that otherwise would be unendurable and reclaim lives that otherwise would be lost. Georgians have responded liber ally to a number of war-relief causes, ail of them urgent and highly deserving. But no previous ap peal has struck home to their hearts so directly and so keenly. We feel sure that in every county and every town of the State men and women will count it a privilege to aid this broadly American, and at the same time peculiarly Southern, en deavor. The fund to be raised is comparatively small. Six hundred dollars will endow a military hospital bed. maintaining it for a year. This should be speedily forthcoming, and then should be doubled and trebled. The Daughters of the Confederacy have fixed upon May the twelfth as the day upon which to present Georgia’s endowed bed. It is hoped, there fore, that contributions will be made promptly. Miss Alice Baxter, 31 East Fourth street, Atlanta, who is director of war relief for the Georgia divis ion of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, will receive aid acknowledge subscriptions. To Those At Home. “As a nation we are in the presence of a great task which demands the supreme sacri fice and endeavor of every one of us. it de mands the kind of self-sacrifice that is in volved in the field of battle itself, where the object always looms greater than the indi vidual.” These words from President Wilson arc well worth pondering. He speaks from a knowledge of more things, no doubt, than the rank and file of us dream of, and with a gravity whose significance there is no mistaking. The war's ’‘culminating crisis,” ho tells us, i s at hand; the season of sharp est test for all the nations involved has begun. Whether or not a military decision be reached in the course of the current year, it seems certain that economic and moral conditions, which really are fundamental to all else, will take a decisive and unalterable turn. Before another winter comes and goes we shall know, at least, whether the resoluteness and endurance power of the Huns are greater or less than that of Americans; and every household and individual amongst us will have played a part in the decision. It is upon the resourcefulness and loyalty of the American people no less than upon the striking power of American troops that the results of this fateful year will turn. As the President explains, in urging greater production and closer economy in foodstuffs, “It has come about that the forces that fight for freedom depend upon us in an extraordinary and unexpected degree for susten ance, for the supply of materiaJs by which men are to live and to fight.” From the British I* ood Controller, comes the definite statement that un less we are able to send the Allies at leasj. seventy five million bushels of wheat over and above what we exported up to the first of last month, there will be no assurance of their food supply sufficing to win the war. It matters not how gloriously the French army fights, nor with what tenacious valor the British forces stand, nor how heroically our own legions throw themselves into the smoking breach, it will be all in vain unless the great body of the American people do their patriotic part in the work-a-day tasks and duties that are laid upon them. These obligations are none the less solemn be caaies, for the most part, they are homely and simple. Failure to live up to them is just as disloyal as direct aid to the enemy would be, and, as far as practical results are concerned, is just as treasonable. The farmer who does less than his loyal utmost to Increase the sorely taxed food sup ply is helping the Huns. The housewife who re fuses to observe wheatless and meatless days and other requisite measures of food conservation is helping the Huns. The man who refuses to subor dinate selfish interests to the demands of his coun try’s imperiled freedom and who carps nad whines instead of loyally helping to bear the burdens of the hour is serving the Kaiser. Let us shake off the delusion, if ever it pos sessed us, that because we are not in France or not in a training camp, we are not in the war and that nothing depends upon us. To regard this vast con flict as a struggle of armies alone, is to miss its chief import. Pre-eminently it is a struggle of peoples—a war of plowshares as well as of bayo nets; a war of principles and ideals, of hearts and nerves, of all elements and all forces in the nation's life. Thus it is pre-eminently a test of national character—the character of the American and the Allied peoples at grips with the Huns. In so sweeping and profound a test, the responsibility of the millions at home is no less weighty or urgent than that of the men at the front. Remissness at home would prove no less disastrous than crushing defeat on the firing line. Indifference at home would be no less despicable than cowardice in the heat of battle. We are all at war—every man, woman and child of America’s one hundred-odd million souls. We are all confronted with plain duties and plain opportunities to serve the nation’s cause. We are all honor bound to do whatever our Government asks of us, and if we are truly loyal we shall do it without churlish complaint. Are not the issues of this high hour —the highest that ever struck in “the tides of time” —enough to stir the depths of every living heart and make service a thing to be* coveted intsead of shunned? Is not our country worthy of our labor and love and of the utmost sacrifice to which we may be summoned? “Supreme sacrifice and supreme endeavor!” Those are the demands of the task before us, says thsb President. Who that is worthy of a place beneath the stars of the flag will fail the nation in this all decisive time? The main complaint in Germany seenu to be that the government has no Hoover. TRAVELETTE —» — By Niksah TIMGAD. Timgad is an ancient Roman city, forgotten and buried on the slopes of the Aures Mountains. The desert winds heaped the market places and ruined streets with shifting sand; the jackals and birds of prey made the stately forum, with its crumbling columns, their haunts and hunting grounds. For centuries Timgad lay deserted and forgotten, unvisited except by occasional wander ing caravans. In recent years, however, the city has been par tially restored and excavated by French architects and archaeologists. The columns of the facade of the capitol have been re-erected; the sand cleared from the mosaic floors of the ruined baths, whose colors are as fresh and bright as in the old days of Roman splendor. The arch of Trajan over one of the two main streets, stands as it did in the days of the great emperor, the founder of the city. The amphitheater, typically Roman, held at least four thousand spectators in the days when gladiatorial combats were considered respectable. Outside the city walls are tiny Arabian market stalls where brown-skinned merchants sell figs and dates to the visitor. Near the market stalls are ancient wells, their sides worn by the chains of water buckets long since crumbled to dust. The city has a dusty little museum where relics and curios found in the ruins are kept. There are bits of pottery, tiny statues, and worn books, found in the ruined public library founded by some Roman Carnegie. Timgad. or as it was known in Roman history, Tbamugas, was built in 100 A. D., by the order of Trajan. The city had an eventful history during its short career, repeatedly invaded, destroyed, and restored. Finally, after the Arabian invasion of 649 A D., it was left to the mercy of the wind and desert. Not only do we observe all the meatless and wheatless days, but when summer comes we promise to cut out oysters. POLITICAL PARTIES IN RUSSIA. Some Light on the Nature and Aims of the Various Socialist Factions. ♦ » By Frederic J. Haskin. WASHINGTON, D. C„ Feb. 1. —Along with the new interest attaching to news from Rus sia, has come an increased demand for knowledge of Russian parties and policies to enable the average American to understand the signifi cance of press dispatches from Moscow and Petro grad. What are the principal Russian parties to day, and what do they stand for? What does it signify, for example, when the Bolsheviki dissolve the constituent assembly because it includes a ma jority of Socialist Revolutionists? Many Ameri cans failed to understand this latter development, because they knew that the Bolsheviki were both Socialists and revolutionists themselves. * 41 « The following account of the principal parties of the moment is given by an excellent authority, a Russian of varied political experience, now in the United States. It tells only of the parties that are powerful and active in Russia today; several strong Russian parties have not reappeared since the revo lution. Russian poltics today is Socialist politics. The one party of present power that is not purely Social istic is the Constitutional Democratic, whose mem bers are the so-called Cadets. The name is coined from the initials of the party’s real title. The Cadets are the most conservative element in the present political situation, in the sense that they stand for a state not planned on Socialistic lines. While they continue to exist, they are powerless to guide matters. The two men assassinated in their beds in Petrograd recently were prominent Cadets, and this incident is probably significant of what might be expected from the lawless lower element among the extremists if the Cadets should actually become the dominating feature of the situation. The Socialists have matters in their own hands, but they are divided into several camps. Os these, those best known to the world, by name at least, are the Bolsheviki and the Mensheviki. The principal part of each of these parties had its birth at the second congress of the Russian So cialist Workmen’s party, held in Austria in 1903. The radicals, or no-compormise element, were in the majority at that congress, and took the name of Bolsheviki, which signifies majoritists. How ever the name is traceable to tbe fact that they had a majority in one particular congress, and by no means signifies that the Bolsheviki are always a majority party. It now stands for a set of princi ples, whether those principles are held by a ma jority or a small minority. The principles of the Bolsheviki may be summed up by saying that they desire to set up the pure Marxian state by the quickest and most direct means. They want no compromise with the so called bourgeosie, or middle class. They want the proletariat to rule, and they propose to set up its rule by direct action—confiscation of property and lationalization of land and industry. The Mensheviki are in sympathy with these ends, but they favor a more moderate means of at taining them. They propose to change the exist ing order more gradually into a new one. They were willing to compromise and to co-operate with Kerensky’s coalition government. In theory, how ever. and in ideals, they are practically at one with the Bolsheviki. Who, then, are the Socialist revolutionists, who were in a majority in the recently dissolved con stituent assembly? The Socialists of Russia first worked among the industrial classes of the great cities in spreading their propaganda. It is a well known sociological law that radicalism of any sort takes hold more easily among the Workers in great machine industries than in any other great class of the people. Thus the original Russian Socialist party was a Socialist Workmen’s party—largely the same as the party that met in Austria, and split into Bolsheviki and Mensheviki. But the mass of NERVOUS ASTHMA | By H. Addington Bruce T is important to recognize that inffch asthma has no essential organic basis. There is asthma due to an organic pul monary affection. There is asthma caused by heart or kidney disease, and there is asthma re sulting from an exceptional organic susceptibility to various 'dusts.. But there is alsoaasthmaa —a grqgt deal of asth ma—which is wholly functional in character and which is the product chiefly of self-suggestion- on its victim’s part. Many people who think themselves burdened with orgajiic asthma are in reality suffering from asthma caused by their own faulty thinking. If they would think a little differently they wouldj become free from their asthma. Take the case of a certain patient addicted to severe asthmatic attacks if obliged to remain for any length of time in a.stuffy atmosphere. Sleeping one night with a friend in a country hotel, the single window in the room being closed for warmth, this patient during the nig’ht was overcome by one of his attacks. Gaspingly he roused his mend and begged him to open the window. Groping in the dark the friend found that the window would not budge. Alarmed by the asthmatic one’s despairing ap peals he promptly smashed the glass with the heel of a boot. At once there came a sigh of relief from the patient, who soon was peacefully asleer But it was not fresh air that had relieved him. He had been relieved solely by the belief that fresh air had been admitted into the room. For morning revealed the interesting fact that the window had not been broken. In the dark the obliging friend had made a mistake.'and had smashed the glass in the front of an old bookcase. The window still was intact and tightly shut. It is not recorded that this experience effected a lasting cure. But it may well have done so. Certainly, as Dr. J. J. Walsh has pointed out: “The more one bears of cures for asthma, and the longer one has experience with these cases, the clearer does it become that there is a large sug gestive element in every treatment. “Any strong mental influence, especially if ac companied by the suggestion of assured relief, is likely to do much for asthma of essentially neu rotic character, and. indeed, is more powerful in dispelling the symptoms of the seizure than al most any means we have. "Sometimes even things absolutely indifferent which produce a profound mental impression prove curative. “There are many stories of men in the midst of a severe asthmatic seizure being suddenly roused by the cry of fire, or an alarm of some kind near them, having the spasmodic conditions dis appear as if by magic.” Asthmatic patients will do well to give some thought to the possibility of their own asthma be ing a functional rather than organic trouble. Un less a good physician has already passed on this point, it will pay them to have an examination made by a specialist in nervous disorders. (Copyright, 1918. by the Associated Newspapers.) A bricklayer, whose nationality was apparent in all he said and did, was working on a scaffold when suddenly a brick slipped from his hand and dropped with a sickening thud onto the head of his pal, who was mixing mortar below. The unfortunate man started dancing about and groaning in his agony. The bricklayer stared down at him with something very like contempt in his eyes. “Come, come?” he called down at last. “It can't have hurt as much as that, man. Why, it wasn't on your bead half a second!” the Russian people are peasants, not workmen. Certain Socialist leaders, notably Tchernoff, saw that in order to bring about a revolution in Russia, it would be necessary to enlist the peasants as well as the workmen. He founded the Socialist Revolu tionist party. a « » This party did not disagree with the other So cialits organizations, nor did it oppose them. It simply differed in method, and the features that distinguished its method were two: First, it worked among the peasants, primarily; and second, it was avowedly a terrorist party. That is. in order to keep heart and spirit in the peasants, it made a policy of employing assassination as a method against any officials who oppresesd the peasants with unusual cruelty. The late czar’s uncle, for example, was blown to bits by the Socialist Revolu tionists, as were several other high officials who oppressed the people. The Socialist Revolutionists were the first party to go to- the peasants with a detailed solution of the land problem that satisfied the millions of till ers of the soil. They were also, for a long period, the only division of the Socialist party to work with the peasants at all. Hence, they were well known to the peasants, and much of the strength that gave them a majority in the constituent assembly is traceable to that peasant support. Tchernoff was elected president by the assembly. The two features that first differenetiated the Socialist Revolutionists from the other Socialists have disappeared in the revolution. There is no longer any need for terrorism, and there is no longer any need to stir the peasants up to revolt. Hence, the party today stands for other things. It stands, as opposed to the Bolsheviki, for more mod erate methods, thus agreeing with the Mensheviki. In fact, the Socialist Revolutionists and the Menshe viki voted together in the recent assembly. On the other hand, a small radical wing of the Socialist Revolutionist party votes and works with the Bol sheviki, and hence they. too. are known as Bolshe viki, or majoritists, although as a matter of fact they are a small minority. The readiness of the Socialist Revolutionists to compromise and co-operate is shown by the fact that their leader, Tchernoff, served as minister of agriculture in Kerensky’s coalition cabinet. Tcher noff is recognized as one of the greatest authorities on agricultural questions in Europe. In their Socialistic principles, the Socialist Revo lutionists and the Mensheviki are practically at one with the Bolsheviki. But the Bolsheviki refuse to compromise, stand for direct action, and want all the power to the proletariat at once. Their motto before they became dominant was "More power to the soveiets” —the councils of workmen s. soldiers , and peasants’ delegates. Their principal support comes from these same soviets, and from the all- Russlan council of soldiers’ and workmen’s dele gates, which has just declared in support of the acts and policies of Lenine and Trotzky. The Bolsheviki scorned Kerensky because of his coalition cabinets, and his attempts to reconcile all the warring elements, except the reactionaries and imperialists. The original revolution was a revolt of all classes. The Bolsheviki had no major part in the actual rising; it was not until months later, that with what was almost a second revolution, they seized the power. Since then, they have been consistent extremists. They brand as “tame” So cialists, even such members of their own Socialist party as the Mensheviki and the Socialist Revolu tionists who are less extreme. They are embarked on what the middle west used to call a “whole-hog or-none” attempt. Their success depends entirely on how solidly the soldiers and workmen and peas-, ants of Russia back them up, and on how much trained executive and industrial talent they can muster to their support, to direct the proletarian masses of their communistic state. FALL IN! By Dr. Frank Crane Come! Let us get down to business! Are you a slacker? This country is at war. It’s cause is just. It is your own United States. Are you helping? Or are you standing by, whistling, with your hands in yoiy pockets? It’s not only by going soldiering tjiat you can help. Comparatively a small portion of the popu lation are fit for army duty. * But the man with the gun needs ten men and women back of him to make hira efficient. Are you backing him? There's one way every one of us can help. We can lend money to the government. It takes money, oodles of it, to make successful war. Money perhaps is the dominating factor at last. For money means food, clothes, ships, bullets, cannon, trucks and powder. Enthusiasm furnishes the man; money gives him a rifle. Usually when lending money to the government is mentioned we think it is an affair of Wall Street and the bankers. ■ The rich men have responded < oirftnendably. But that is’not enough. , The vast sums needed in this war will not be raised unless the masses of’the people come for ward with their littles. Uncle Sam needs my money and yours, and the money of all the rest of the small fellows. Can you spare 25 cents? Then go to the post office and buy a Thrift Stamp. Can you spare $4.12? Buy a War Savings Stamp. Your money will be safer than in a bank. You will get 4 per cent interest, compounded quarterly. Do not hoard your money. An idle dollar is a slacker dollar. Invest your money with Uncle Sam. Then it is at work. It is helping win the war. Do not spend your money on self-indulgence. If you do you are a slacker. Do you want a new piano? Do without it and ' buy a Liberty Bond. Do you want a new hat? Buy a War Savings Stamp instead. Do you want a sack of candy? Get a Thrift Stamp for 25 cents. Then you will be actually denying yourself. You will be helping along. You can do this. You. And you. And you. Also I. And, if we do not, we ought to be wearing the white feather. * You, too, boys and girls. Says the secretary of the treasury- “If every boy and girl says at home tonight, ‘I will fight in this war,’ T will save the lives of the big brothers of America,’ *L will try to teach every American I see to do the same,* then 20,000,000 homes, the homes of all America, will be filled with the spirit of ’76, the spirit of the drummer boys, of the brave girls of those days. America will win again, as it has always won, through the splendid strength, courage and sacrifice in the hearts of youth, that today will teach the nation the lesson of saving and serving which it must and will learn, through the message which its school children will carry home. Through saving your pennies, nickels, dimes, quarters and buying Thrift Stamps and then War Savings Certificates, you will help your country and its gallant armies to win the war.” (Copyright, 1918, by Frank Crane.) “Daddy,” said the small son, who was eating an apple, “what would be worse than finding a worm in this apple?” **l do not know unless it would be to find two worms.” "No,” said Bobby. "Tt would be worse to find half a worm.”