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THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL
t ATLANTA, GA.. 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST.
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BEMI WEEKLY JOI'UXAL. Atlanta. Ga.
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1
’ The Journal’s Service Flag
In honor of the seventy-three Atlanta Journal
men who have entered the service of their coun
try The two white stars are in memory of
Captain Meredith Gray and Captain Janies S.
Moore. Jr., Journal men, who gave their lives
for our country in France.
Wilson s Statesmanship.
If the American people should suddenly be de
prived of Woodrow 'A'ilson, and were called on to
choose a spokesman to conduct their negotiations
with Germany in the present crisis, it is not at all
likely that they would select either Theodore
Roosevelt or Henry Cabot Lodge.
In the latter instance they know so little con
cerning Senator Lodge that they would never think
of him in connection with the settlement of the
war. while in the case of Colonel Roosevelt they
are entirely too well acquainted with his character
and methods to entrust him for a moment with
questions of such tremendous import not only to
'America but the world.
The only thing wrong with President Wilson s
diplomacy from the standpoint of Senator Lodge is
the fact that he is a Democratic President instead
of a Republican President. The estimable “spokes
man" of the Republican opposition in the Senate
has been almost pathetic several times in his at
tempts to find a flaw in the President’s conduct of
negotiations.
As for Colonel Roosevelt, the same thing is
wrong with rresident Wilson’s diplomacy that has
been wrong with the whole American government
in all its branches since the Colonel retired from
the White House. Witness the Colonel’s own
statement, when asked what he would have done
if be had been President when the Lusitania was
sunk, that the Lusitania would never have been
sunk if he had been President. The Colonel at
least possesses one quality to his credit, and that
is nis candor. He can always be depended upon
io estimate his own worth at a higher valuation
than anyone else. The Colonel never deceives the
* people concerning his opinion of himself.
One of the principal things for which the
American people are thankful in connection with
the war is the fact that Colonel Roosevelt has not
had anything to do with the Nation’s foreign rela
tions in'ithe last four years. Even the Republicans
had sense enough to realize this fact when they
were casting about for a Presidential candidate
in 1916.
Brave little Belgium flung herself across the
nathway of Germany’s “invincible” war machine
and held it long enough for France to mobilize.
Then little Belgium was crushed and mangled.
France held the Hun with a ring of steel and a
wall of flame until the mighty power of England
could be gathered for the struggle, but in holding
the Hun she gave up for France and for all hu
manity the last full measure of blood and anguish.
England came wi’h equal sacrifice and sublime for
titude. Italy’s hrave armies fought their way to
the verge of success against unparalleled obsta
cles. then were thrown back in their hour of vic
tory. and finally emerged with triumphant courage.
All of these nations have paid a greater price
to make the world «afe for democracy than Amer
ica will ever be able to comnrehend. All of our
sacrifices already made or likely to be made are
* small in comnarison with what they have given and
wha» they have suffered
They are not criticizing the diplomacy of
Woodrow Wilson. They are not finding fault with
his conduct of the present negotiations. They are
not attempting to control his policy or dictate his
language. Their responsible spokesmen have in
formed the world that they trust the President and
approve his course. If they are satisfied with his
leadership, and if they are willing to trust him to
speak for them after what they have suffered, by
what authority and tn whose behalf does Colonel
Roosevelt attempt to interfere?
President Wilson speaks a universal language
which all the peoples of the earth can clearly un
derstand. It is neither the language of bluster
nor the language of blood, but the transcendent
language of Vast ice and light. Theodore Roose
velt apnarentlv is ablY to see nothing in it except
an evidence of weakness, but the war-ridden na
tions of Europe see in it the soul of a leader whom
they tru: and follow.
When he future place of Theodore Roosevelt
has shrunk to a few casual pages, volumes will be
written of ‘he world statesmanship of Wood row
Wilson, trij-mphant above all figures in history.
■ a
Our Latin-American Trade.
The fact that our Imports from Ijatin-America
have trebled during the war period, amounting now
to five hundred and seventy-five million dollars an
nually as compared with one hundred and ninety
eight million in 1914. strikes seasoned observers
of business as a substantial reason why the South
should organize to exploit her trade opportunities
heyond the Gulf and the Caribbean. Our export
as well as import traffic with Latin-America is on
the increase and will grow by leaps and bounds,
no doubt, when the war lifts its monopoly on ocean
tonnage The last four jears have developed be
tween the Americas commercial and financial rela
tions of unlimited possibilities. Its neighbors look
to the United States for credit and banking service
which they once obtained almost entirely from
Europe, and are receiving from this country many
kinds of manufactures which they once had to ship
from the other side of the Atlantic. Being mutual
ly profitable, these relations may be expected to
continue developing and to enrich those who are
prepared to steer upon their golden tides.
THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. ATLANTA, GA. FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1018
Sad and Silly Politics..
In their jeremiads over the President s appeal
for the election of a Democratic Congress, Repub
lican leaders are drolly remindful of the sanctimo
nious buccaneer who went to sea hugging the leu
Commandments. They beat their breasts and wag
their beards over what they term W hite House
“partisanship;” yet all the while they are steering
as obviously a partisan course as politicians with
out an issue ever adventured, their appraising eyes
rolling hungrily toward the ship of state.
“Outrageous!” cries the voice from Oyster Bay,
forgetting his own words of 1898, when the prob
lems of another war lay gravely upon Washington:
“Remember that, whether you will it or fiot, your
votes this year will be viewed by the nations ot
Europe from one standpoint only. A refusal to
sustain the President this year will, in their exes,
be read as a refusal to sustain the war and to
sustain the efforts of our peace commission to se
cure the fruits of the xvar.” Such a refusal, added
the Colonel, then a candidate for the Governorship
of New York, "will give heart to our defeated
antagonists,” and “we will gain less than we ought
from the war if the Administration is not sus
tained at these elections.” Likewise Senator
Lodge, whose Plymouth Rock conscience is so
shaken by a Democratic President’s appeal for
unity of control in these critical times, said of a
nationally beloved Republican President: If xve
give a victory to his political opponents xve say,
not only to the United States, but we say to the
world, ve say to the Spanish Commissioners that
we repudiate its (the war’s) result and repudiate
the man who has led victoriously the xvar and is
now leading us back to peace—William McKinlex.
But consistency can hardly be expected of politi
cal strategists who in one breath profess to be firm
supporters of the President, and in the next uige
the election of a Congress that would be under
control of men implacably hostile to his ad
ministration. Os course, these gentlemen are
for the war. Who that is not pro-German is other
wise? But, discrepantly enough, they are against
the'policies and the leadership under which the war
is being prosecuted to victory. They wish America
and the Allies to win, but. from the outset they
have cavilled at the methods by which success was
being attained. They are not partisan. Oh, no.
But they churlishly refuse the Administration a jot
of credit on its war record and seek to displace
unitv of counsel by a divided Government and, as
the President has said, “oblige all action to be
taken amid contest and obstruction.”
"Little minds and great empires,” we are told,
“go ill together.” What confidence could the coun
try place in a Congressional majority which would
take its cue from Coionci Roosevelt's petty vitu
peration and Mr. Hays’ inane partisanship? What
hope of far-visioned and harmonious action on
world issues would there be with the House and
Senate in a slough of silly Republican politics?
No one questions for a moment the wholehearted,
magnificent patriotism of the rank and file of Re
publican citizens. As the President himself de
clared in his appeal for the return of a Congress
that will support him, “1 have no thought of sug
gesting that any political party is paramount in
matters of patriotism; 1 feel too keenly the sacri
fices which have been made in this war by all our
citizens irrespective of party affiliation, to harbor
such an idea.” But the fact remains that Repub
lican leaders, with a little-mindedness unxvorthy of
the great rank and file they presume to represent,
are seeking to put their own partisan interests
above the interests of America.
Doubtless it is mere prejudice that leads them
on this unadmirable course, or mere inability to
think in terms of the nation rather than of a
party; or, perhaps, as in Colonel Roosevelt s case,
a sad habit of viewing even the greatest problems
and the greatest achievements through an atmos
phere of jealous egoism. Democracy is managing
the war too efficientcly to suit these sensitive par
tisans. The President’s diplomatic strokes, deliv
ered in skillful .conjunction xvith the giant blows
of Foch, are succeeding too well to please his en
vious detractors. Hence the jeremiads from Re
publican strategists. Hence the teeth-gnashing at
Oyster Bay. A sad and silly day it is for the hun
gry saints of the G. O. P.
The Austrian Barkis.
Was there ever so willing a Barkis as peace
wooing Austria seems to be? Less than a fort
night ago the Vienna government declared in a
note to President Wilson that it stood ready to
settle with America and the allies on a basis of
the fourteen conditions which he had laid down
in his address of January the eighth last, even
to the extent of granting the autonomy thitherto
so persistently denied the subject' peoples of the
Dual monarchy. The president a’nsxvered imme
diately that since his address of January the
eighth circumstances had changed so vitally as
to alter the attitude and responsibility of our
government. The Czecho-Slovaks, he pointed out,
had proclaimed their belligerency which the
United States as well as the Allies had fully
recognized, together with the nationalistic aspira
tions of the Jugo-Slavs. Therefore, he rightly
argued, “the president no longer is at liberty to
accept the mere ’autonomy' of these peoples as a
basis for peace, but is obliged to insist that they
and not he shall be the judges of what action on
the part of the Austro-Hungarian government
will satisfy their aspirations and their concep
tion of their rights and destiny as members of
the family of nations.”
That xvas enough to chill any but the most
ardent suitor. Did it chill the spokesmen at
Vienna? Rather, it seems to have fired their
eagerness, tor in a fresh appeal for ‘,‘an imme
diate armistice upon all Austro-Hungarian fronts,”
they avow total acquiescence in the president’s
views, revised as xveil as original, in regard to
the rights of the people of the empire, “ESPE
CIALLY THOSE OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAKS
AND THE JL’GO-SLAVS.” It Is not to be imag
ined that an armistice would be granted Austria-
Hungary on conditions other than those prescribed
for Germany; that is to say, the equivalent of
unconditional surrender. It will be for General
Diaz and the Italian Government, advising with
General Foch and the Allied Council, to deter
mine the military stipulations of the case. But
unless present indications are altogether decep
tive, those demands, no matter how drastic, will
be met with alacrity.
The armistice -peace situation is simple. Let the
armistice conditions provide for the taking over by
the allies of all Germany. The peace conference
could then determine just what portion should be
given back.
The Efficiency of France.
France can teach thrift and efficiency as well
as glory and art. In four years of war, up to last
August, sue raiseu at home nearly seventy-nine
billion francs, or approximately fifteen billion
►even hundred and fifty million dollars; to xvhich
should be added two years of ordinary tax receipts,
amounting to three billion six hundred million dol
lars. This from a country whose population in
even normal times is considerably less than half
that of the United States!
The richest part of industrial France fell into
the clutches of the Hun during the earlier stages of
the war, so that she was robbed of incalculable
sums of wealth along with priceless productive
power. Moreover, the vast majority of her able
bodied men and youths, virtually all of them, in
deed, have been drawn into the army or some
essential war service—hundreds of thousands to
heroic death. Yet with all their deprivations and
tragic losses the French people have raised nearly
sixteen billion dollars in defense of civilization
against kultur, spending a per capita of thirty
eight pcr cont more than the Huns.
Efficiency? The French are born with more of
true efficiency ‘than the guzzling braggarts across
the Rhine could acquire in a millennium of sweaty
labor.
The Former German Colonies.
Mr. Balfour’s recent pronouncement that the
colonies wrested from Germany should never be
returned, will evoke hearty approval wherever
principles of humane and constructive government
are cherished. On grounds of self-protection
alone, the British would have ample warrant for
their position. The Union of South Africa could
not afford for any consideration to permit a revival
of German intrigue along its borders and amongst
its natives, as undoubtedly there would be if Ger
man colonial rule in that region were restored.
Nor could the Commonwealth of Australia, after
all that it has contributed and sacrificed to the
winning of the war be expected to countenance a
renewal of the German perils which it has blotted
from its part of the globe. The people of the Brit
ish dominions, thoroughly self-governing as they
are. have the right to decide for themselves in this
matter, at least to the extent of safeguarding their
security and peace; the Empire would not pre
sume to gainsay them. And they have declared
emphatically that, they dare not and wiil not suffer
the territory which they have freed to pass back
to Hun control. On this same solid ground the
French. Portuguese and Belgians repulse any sug
gestion of Germany’s treacherous influence being
allowed again in their colonial neighborhood.
There are other and broader reasons for leav
ing these emancipated lands permanently free from
Geiman domination—reasons of humanity and of
<ivilization's common interests. It is hardly con
ceivable, indeed, that a council of nations, having
regard f*r the rights of mankind, could ever agree
to deliver the millions of defenseless natives in the
former German colonies back into their cruel op
pressor’s clutch. Wherever the Anglo-Saxon has
planted colonies, he has cultivated the interests of
humanity; has developed the resources of peoples
as well as of forests and mines and streams; has
xvrought with an eye to times unborn and a heart
for things uuseen. And. perhaps most important of
all, the Anglo-Saxon as a colonizer has shown a
wisdom xvhich even the ancient Roman, with all
his constructive genius, never attained the gener
ous wisdom of imparting and encouraging the doc
trine of self-government, which is the beginning
and end of freedom. But the Prussian has gone
into colonization as into all else with a view to
swelling his money bags and puffing his vainglory.
He has shown no sportsmanship, no imagination,
none of the glorious spirit that
Slew the beast and fell’d
The forest, letting in the sun and made
Broad pathways for the hunter and the
knight.
Is it not significant that Germany with her millions
of acres in Africa and the Pacific and with her
querulous complaint of a congested population at
home, sent forth only a few thousand sons to
the sturdy tasks of colonization? She sent spies
and propagandists a-plenty; she sent crafty traders,
and tyrannous governors. But she scarcely
broached the great work of clearing the wilderness
and advancing the frontiers of civilization. In
stead. she sent her immigrants, for the most part,
into lands already developed, instructing them to
profit by the enterprise of others, but always to
remember DEUTSCHLAND ÜBER ALLES.
Never worthy of colonial trusts, never qualified
by character or by spiritual outlook for colonial
responsibilties, Germany has forfeited all claim to
the overseas territory where her black flag once
waved. Whatever disposition may finally be made
of these lands, they should not be returned to Ger
man misrule.
The Prussian Way.
We have the word of Prince Lichnowsky,
formerly German ambassador in England, that the
’Potsdam militarists in casting about for a solution
ot the Serbian problem deliberately agreed upon
wholesale massacre.
Their aids and opportunities considered, it is
rather remarkable that these experts in murder
came no closer to a complete realization of their
design. They had as eager accomplices the Bul
gars, whose General Jekov declared: “Thanks to
our intervention, Serbia shall be annihilated.”
And for a long time they had the country under
their heels. Yet, out of a population of about
four million at the beginning of the invasion,
Serbia now has some three million survivors— 7 her
remnant of wonderful warriors, marching vic
toriously homeward after bitter exile; and her
women and children hailing their deliverers. The
Huns and Bulgars together succeeded in stamping
out a million of the brave kingdom’s people and
in faying waste its resources with whirlwinds of
hate.
That any survived is not due to a softening of
the Prussian heart. From the far beginning of her
war plot up to this hour of desperate scheming
for a negotiated peace, Germany’s purpose and
spirit have been utterly ruthless. In 1914 one of
her spokesmen wrote: “Must Kultur rear its
domes over mountains of corpses, oceani of tears
and the death rattle of the conquered? Yes, it
must. The might of the conqueror is the highest
law before xvhich the conquered must bow.” There
was nothing extraordinary, from the German
standpoint, in the Potsdam counselors deciding
upon massacre as a solution for “the Serbian
problem;” it was the approved Prussian way, re
peatedly adopted in Belgium as well as in the
Balkans.
The mission of America and of the Alliqs will
not be fulfilled, nor the future of civilization ren
dered secure, untk this coldly organized system of
brigandage and murder known as the German
monarchy is brought chained to the bar of unspar
ing justice.
TRAVELETTE—By Niksah
DOWNTOWN ST. LOUIS
There is a section of the business part of St.
Louis xvhich is as xvonderful as a scene from a fairy
tale. This is the district which consists of blocks
upon- blocks of wholesale houses. One whole block
may be occupied by a firm that sells nothing but
shoes. The passerby can look in through the big
plate glass windoxvs of the store and see counter
upon counter piled xvith tan, black, xvhite, gray—
shoes of all colors and descriptions. Across the
street xvill be another large, imposing brick build
ing xvith the name of the firm resplendent tn tall
gilt letters across its doorway, and through the
windoxvs is visible a veritable rainbow of ribbons.
There are wide ribbons, narrow ribbons, black,
blue, green, yellow, gold and silver ribbons. In
fact, there is nothing but ribbons. In the next big
square block of a building there is nothing but
dresses for sale, and the following store sells only
coats by the carload. Across the street there are
several xvholesale stores that have hundreds of
models of hats on display, and next to them is a
wholesale raincoat and rubber firm. All the mem
bers of all the families of a good-sized town could
be outfitted from top to toe in a few blocks of
this section of gigantic shops.
QUIPS AND QUIDDITIES
A gentleman had been celebrating his birthday
not wisely but too well, and at 2.30 in the morn
ing he found himself reclining at full length on the
pavement. After he had been dozing for a few
moments, however, a policeman came along, and,
tapping him on the shoulder, said:
‘‘Here, you must get along home; you can’t
sleep here. Where d’yer live?”
For a moment there xvas no reply, then very
slowly and indistinctly came:
“Watshe that you shay?”
“Where do you live —and what’s yer name?”
repeated the policeman. No reply. “Who are you?”
shouted the policeman.
The bibulous oqe eyed him sleepily. “Look
here, offisher.” he said, “you just go along to
No. and ask if Mr. Smith is in. If he's out.
that’sh me; but if he’s in, I don’t know who I am.”
HOW THE CROP WAS GATHERED—By Frederic J. Haskin
WASHINGTON, D. C., October 28. —The man
xvho lives in a town must admit that
if it hud not been for the really heroic
effortskof the farmers to increase production, there
xvouldn’t have neen enough food to go round this
xvinter. And the farmer must admit that if the
city feller hadn’t turned out and helped him get
the crops in, the result would have been the same.
For it is a fact that hundreds of thousands of pro
fessional men, society women, school boys, me
chanics, and others of the city ilk toiled in the
fields this summer and fall, and but for them the
farmers xvould have lost millions of dollars and
the nation millions of pounds of food.
Dr. E. V. Wilcox, who managed this mobiliza
tion of volunteer farm labor for the department
of agriculture, tells some interesting stories of how
the 1918 -crop was gathered. According to him,
many of those xvho worked in the fields did so at
a heavy sacrifice of • convenience and comfort.
Some men and some women went through the set
ting up exercises every day for a month in an ef
fort to harden their muscles so they could stand
the strain of labor in the hay field. And many a
man and woman, soft from years of sedentary liv
ing, stuck to the job doggedly, xvhile the sun burn
ed the skin off their faces and the hard handles of
rakes and hoes rubbed blisters on their palms.
An important phase of the matter is that this
demonstrated to the farmer that the city chap,
and even the city woman, could do a day’s work
in a pinch. Down in Kentucky all of the pro
fessors of the State Agricultural college turned
out and worked in the harvest fields, and the presi
dent reports that one thing they certainly har
vested was the confidence of the farmers. The la
bor shortage in Kentucky gave a big boost to co
operation between the scientist and the man on
the farm.
In some sections city folk saved crops that
would otherwise have been a total loss. Out at
Montain Park, New Mexico, for example, they are
just now picking the last of a very fine apple crop.
And the pickers are one hundred women nearly all
of them well off. many belonging to that vague
class known as “society women." They are pick
ing the apples because there was absolutely no
one else to do it. People are scarce in New Mexi
co, anyhow, and the men of that section have gone
to xvar in great numbers. The apples would have
rotted if a public spirited woman had not organ
ized a local chapter of the women’s land army, set
up camp in the orchard region, and put her or
ganization to work. Many of the women came
from the town of Las Grucas, which is the metro
polis of southern New Mexico, and some came from
as far away as El Paso, Tex.
The farmers in a certain section of Missouri
took the attitude which is bromidically associated
with that state. They didn’t believe the city folk
would be worth having as substitute hired men.
They needed to be shown.
STORY TELLING—By H. Addington Bruce
YOU appreciate the importance of story-tell
ing to little children. You are aware that
through stories mental development may be
promoted and profound moral lessons taught. But
you complain that you find it hard to get your
little daughter to listen to the stories you try to
tell her.
In that case I would say to you, that either
she is an unusual child, or, which is more likely,
you are not going about the business of story
telling the right way.
Perhaps you choose the wrong times to tell
stories to your daughter. Possibly you insist on
telling her stories at moments when, in the full
flush of physical vigor, her mood is one of active
doing rather than passive listening.
Or it may be that you xfait to tell her stories
until she is too tired from her play to keep her
attention fixed on your stories, no matter how in
teresting they may be.
Are you, for the matter of that, quite sure
that the stories you tell appeal to the mind of a
child?
When you read stories to are you al
ways most, interested, are you not, in stories with
clearly defined characters and rapidly moving ac
tion? Do the stories you tell your little girl pos
sess these particular qualities?
If you clutter them with long descriptions, if
you overload them with details, if you fail to give
IT is most curious how our eyesight limits it
self to the things we expect to see, and how
blind we are to a great many of the things our
eyes actually rest on. This is not a purely human
failing; the birds especially* are given to disre
garding anything which does not move, however
keen they are to catch the least small bug that
balances his little airship in the breeze.
I had this curiously brought home to me when
I went out this morning to pick up the hickory
nuts which the frost had brought to earth in the
front yard. I found’a big hangover from last
year’s crop scattered among them; this after run
ning a lawn mower across them all summer with
out dreaming of those morsels which would have
glorified hot drop cakes before berry season be
gan. They are better this time than the new crop,
such as worms and mould have spared, for they
filled out their kernels fatly in last season’s ralp,
while this year the drouth left the new nuts lit
tle more than shrivelled skins. Walnuts fared
better than hickories, perhaps because their finer,
woodier leaves are less easily robbed by the blaz
ing sun.
This afternoon the children demanded a nut
ting trip to the woods. There is no use trying to
argue with any one as single-minded and deter
mined as a child; therefore I gave in at once. I
led them promptly to what the squirrels seemed
to consider the best eating trees. Here I encoun
tered a new surprise. These little piles chickaree
leaves beneath a tree have very little to do with
its particular harvest. You will find in them
samples of every variety in the wood-lot, for he
forages far and wide, bringing home supplies to his
particularly favored perch. I expect he enjoys a
Among the’victims of the combined egomania
of Germany and the vindictive ferocity of Turkey is
Greece.
For many years the Greeks have been the civ
ilizing leaven in Asia Minor and other countries
where they have been scattered. They have nat
urally been hated and persecuted by the Turks,
for they have been thrifty, intelligent, and prog
ressive, the kind of people who constitute a dis
turbing element in any autocracy.
The hatred of the Turks, however, has been
spasmodic, manifesting itself in an occasional mas
sacre or other outburst of petty strife.
But when the Germans formed their unholy
alliance .with the Turks, that villainy which before
xvas sporadic became calculated, systematic, and
characterized by all the deadly efficiency of dev
iltry of xvhich the German mind is capable.
Before the Balkan wars there were about 800,-
000 Greeks living in Thrace and 2,300,000 in Asia
Minor. A little xvhile after the beginning of this
war there xvas a general campaign against the
Greek population, who dwelt in dense numbers
along the coast of the Sea of Marmora, the Hell
espont. and the Elapk Sea. Thousands of these
unoffending-citizens have been deported into the
interior of Bulgaria and Asia, with all the horror
that Turkish deportation implies Women and
children suffered martyrdom as great as ever in
the darkest periods of history. Driven from their
homes like cattle, these helpless creatures are now
hopelessly dying and being exterminated by cold,
sickness, exhaustive work, under-feeding, and plain
murder. Every refinement of hellish barbarism
has been theirs, long enforced marches, deliber-
SEEING THINGS—By John Breck
GREECE —By Dr. Frank Crane
These farmers cut their wheat crops and made
no 'arrangements for having it shocked, which, re
quires a great many hands. They thought tus<
usual influx of floating labor xvould happen. But
it didn’t. The xvas out and in a fairway
to rot, but the larmers refused to appeal to the
town people. Accordingly a local chamber of com
merce organized a “shock troop” of city men and
women. These went to the farms and shocked the
wheat, without so much as asking the farmers’
permission. The farmers went out and inspected
the job and found it good. Then they called up
their benefactors and offered thanks and remun
eration. The remuneration was accepted for the
Red Cross, but the farmers were told that thanks
xvere not in order. The corps had not been har
vested for the benefit of the farmers, but because
the nation needed the wheat.
This xvas not the usual attitude of the farmers
though. In general they received the city man as
a friend and were glad of his help. And the farm
er hasn’t as much to be glad about as is generally
supposed.' He is getting big prices for his stuff,
but he is also paying big prices for his tools, seed,
fertilizer and everything else he buys. A large
part of the profit which occurs between the farm
and the table still falls to various middlemen. If
the farmer was as dull and provincial as some peo
ple seem to think, he might well believe that towns
are inhabited largely by greedy middlemen and
long-winded reformers, who xvant to tell him how
to run his business and how to amuse himself.
These are the two types that he most often en
counters and hears from. Meantime, he works
hard for .small money. He is advised to get and
cultivate more land, and land is held so high that
if he buys it and cultivates it, he cannot make as
much interest on the investment as he could by
putting the money into a first mortgage. And all
the time he is aware that if it were not for him, the
country would starve. The war and the scarcity
of food have brought this fact home to him with
renewed force. He reflects that if he wanted to,
he might raise just enough to feed himself; then
maybe the country would wake up to his import
ance and see his viewpoint.
Kansas outdid all of the other states in helping
out its fanners, xvere eight million acres of
wheat in Kansas to be harvested. The movement
for recruiting labor to harvest this crop was start
ed at Kansas City. Mo., but wars essentially a Kan
sas project none the less. The Kansas City cham
ber of commerce got -up a state organization, and
assigned to each town a quota of men which it
must raise for the purpose of harvesting the wheat
crop. People were told that the wheat crop was
more important than anything else in Kansas, and
therefore any man was justified in leaving his busi
ness for a few days or a few weeks to help harvest
it. An army of ninety thousand workers was rais
ed in this way. It included all types.
reality and definiteness to the people or animals
or fairies of your stories, if you allow the action to
drag, it is not surprising that your daughter would
rather do something else than listen to stories.
HeP reaction to stories of this sort is just as
natural as your reaction to tedious novels written
by a bungler over-fond of words.
Or perhaps you make the serious mistake of
letting your stories acquire too “preachy” a flavor.
Any story worth telling to a child should be
a story with a moral. But the moral should never
be the story.
Consider the excellent animal stories by
ton W. Burgess, stories which have delighted hun
dreds of thousands of children, and will delight
hundreds of thousands more.
There is a lesson in every one of these tales
of the little folk of forest, field and stream* And
the lesson gets to the mind of the child none the
less surely for being taught indirectly.
If Mr. Burgess were not/ content with merely
“suggesting” his moral, if he made his stories ob
viously didactic, they would not merely become
less interesting. They would defeat their admirable
purpose.
In the light of the foregoing, survey the stories
which you make up yourself, or which you select
as being especially desirable to tell your child. You
may find that you have been overlooking some
fundamentals in effective story-telling for children.
nibble or two before he turns over into his leafy
Jjed for the night, and a bite of breakfast for which
he need not wet his feet In the Hew.
We caught him adding to his winter home.
From the way he wrestled with the windblown leaf
he carried, and scrambled about in the tree fork
already laden with his nest, he seemed far more
likely to tear down what he had built than to add
to it. He is building well this year. Many of his
kind froze to death last winter, and a felled oak
held the bodies of four of his gray cousins, the
fox squirrels, who had succumbed.
But open eyes found less obvious things than
these. A tiny yellow and black spider went to bed
early in the curl of a leaf. His long hind legs
were drawn in neatly by his sides, his forelegs
folded over his face like a sleeping puppy. And
eight varieties of mushrooms sprang to view from
the gay carpet of leaves; two red and gold boletus,
the rare sponge-mushroom, and a'tiny cluster of
leotia,. whose delicate jelly, overhanging a warm
creek-bed, beneath a leaf-covered log, had 'miracu
lously escaped the frost. Not to speak of a fine
covey of shaggy-manes; thank heaven there is no
closed season on these.
Even in the gloaming our eyes still kept their
cunning. We glimpsed the nuthatch settling down,
wrong side up, for the night. Then, most rare of
all, we picked a tiny spray of euonymous, the half
brother of the bittersweet, scarcely mentioned in
the botanies. Just above ground it grew’, xvith
pink spiny sepals where the bittersweet is orange,
and the same cluster of crimson fruit, flaunting
to passing quail its offer of sweetness.
It was surely a gift from the woodgeds, this
day of the seeing eye.
ate starvation, the violation of women and girls,
torturing old men to death, and tearing little chil
dren from the bosoms of their parents to force
them into Mohammedanism.
It was in the Leart of the young Turks to ex
terminate the Greeks, and this fell purpose was
aided by the Germans and their systematic, scien
tific barbarism.
There is as present in the United States a com
mittee of gentlemen, headed by Mr. N. G. Kyriaki
des, a Greek steamship agent and ship owner,
who xvish to inform American public sentiment of
the dreadful conditions. Mr. Kyriakides says;
“In spite of all the endless sufferings of tbe
Greeks, the enslaved nation has never despaired,
never been faint-hearted. Out of the 500,000 who
took refuge in Greece, about 60,000 are embodied
in the Greek army at the Balkan front and are
now heroically fighting side by side with the gal
lant armies of the allies. Forty thousand enslaved
Greeks are occupied in works in Macedonia con
nected with the defense of the allied armies. About
another 4 5,000 enslaved Greeks are in France
devoting themselves to works connected xvith this
struggle of liberation, and thousands of enslaved
Greeks are already fighting under the Stars and
Stripes against a common enemy for a common
cause, for the same ideals and for the prevalence
of democratic principles.”
It is dex'outly to be wished that this war xvill
not be concluded without rescuing .from the brut
ish hands of Turkey those populations she has so
long persecuted, and among them Greece, flrat
country which is associated in all ou minds with
the highest ideals of civilization.
(Copyright, 1918, by Frank Crane.)
