About Atlanta semi-weekly journal. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1898-1920 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 13, 1918)
THE SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL r- ■ ~ s ATLANTA, GA., 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of the Second Class. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE Twelve months $1.25 Six months • Three months *••• 35c The Semi-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday and Friday, and is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought b? special leased wires into our office. It has ? staff of distinguished con tributors, with strong departments of spe cial value to the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every postoffice Lib eral commission allowed. Outfit free. Write R R. BRADLEY, Circulation Man ager. The only traveling representatives we have are B. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle, Charles H. Woodliff. J. M. Patten. W H Reinhardt, M. H. Bevil and John Mac Jennings. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named traveling NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS Th* label u»*4 for adJrr»»inc your paper ahowa tbe time Mar aubacriptkm expire*. By renewing at least two weeks •fore tbe date on tbia label- yon Inanre regular service. IB order.eg paper changed, ae acre to mention your old y tell as your new address. If on ■ route, please rice th* Mte Bwnber. We easnot enter enbeertptions to beytn with back rom ers. Remittance* »h.*uld be sent by postal order or re*is autU Address all orders and notices for this Department to HE SEMI WEEK!.' JO! RNAL. Atlanta. Go. /.»»»>.*>***♦* B fe ■Ms BL? .. . she Journal’s Service Flag • In honor of the seventy-three Atlanta Jour lal men who have entered the service of their Huntry. The two white stars are in memory •f Captain Meredith Gray and Captain James L Moore, Jr., Journal men, who gave their Ivee for our country in France. Coals of Fire. If the people of Germany can appreciate he difference between heaping coals of fire n an enemy's head, in the Pauline sense of hat phrase, and applying the torch to de maeless homes, they can hardly fail to con test the conduct of the American and Allied Roops now in occupation of the Rhineland rith that of their own armies of invasion. In his proclamation issued at Treves Gen ral Pershing, after assuring the inhabitants the entire region that their private rights ould be in no wise disturbed as long as ley respected the necessary measures of helpline, admonished them “now to devote purselves to the orderly conduct of your rivate lives and affairs, the re-establishment f normal conditions in schools, churches, ospitals and charitable institutions, and the ssumption of your local civil life.” It is to e hoped that the German public will have ecasion to compare this edict with some of lose which Von Bissing posted in Belgium; i no other way could they see more plainly le difference between kultur and civilization. I The American, French, British and Bel ian forces are on German soil as victors, id in the case of tbe French and Belgians i victors whose own countries have suf ired unspeakable brutality at the hands of le now vanquished foe. Yet, there is no iggestion of reprisals upon the Rhineland, o hint of the frightfulness which the Huns iwed broadcast on their western march. In Allied countries this considerateness ►wards the enemy’s civilians and respect for rivate property is taken as a matter of Mine; but in Germany, we imagine, it can mreely be accepted as real. What few titles there are left in Europe fter the war will be bought up by new rich jnericans. New Millions to Feed. A condition of which we cannot be re linded too often was cogently stated by the resident of the National War Garden Com ilsslon when he said, in urging increased »d production tn the South. "There are ew millions of people, cut from under the eel of the Hun, whom we must feed.” The collapse of the Central Empires has tready changed the face of Europe and rill work still wider changes in the months bead. It has released from German domi atlon entire nationalities whom we hitherto oeely regarded as part and parcel of the russianized alliance but who at heart were eeply rebellious against that evil regime, hus vast numbers of Poles, Czechs, Slo aks and other non-German peoples have sen. or will be, released from their bitter indage. But having been within the iron ng which the Allies welded about the Cen •al Powers and having now no hope of re living food supplies save through Allied pace, these millions are in a peculiarly ap- Baling sense the charges of the human- Rarted and resourceful nations. In their Igions as in devastated Serbia and Belgium. long time will be required to restore nor al conditions. Meanwhile, it is to fertile and prosperous merica that the helpless look for succor, ur fields have been untouched by war, and nr strength undiminished. What we have iven has come from an abundance so broad lat the outgo was but as crumbs dropped ■om the table. It is the privilege no less lan the obligation of this favored country > bend its energies to serving the needs of u impoverished and hungry world. As a great agricultural section, the South as a special duty. The raising of food rops and food animals was always to the lAterial interest of Southern farmers, and I to their material interest now more than ver before. But the»e is today the addi onal Incentive of ,he human suffering hich they can believe by turning their pro active resources to full account. Those of us who stayed behind can tell the ys from France that we registered without Unworthy of a St. Helena. On Holland’s reported intention of offer ing to intern the ex-Kaiser for life on some island of the Dutch East or West Indies, the New York Tribune aptly remarks that in this case the precedent of the great exile to Elba and to St. Helena does not interest the Allies. For, “They do ndt regard William the Sec ond as a dangerous political prisoner. Napoleon was a poor statesman, but he was a military genius. William the Second has no talents either as a states man or a military leader. The Allied Powers do not want to see him immured as a matter of military precaution. They want tu see him recive his deserts as a CRIMINAL.” That is the nubbin of the issue. Having cold-bloodedly and repeatedly broken the law of nations, having instigated and sanc tioned the murder of thousands of inno cents, having placed himself beyond the paie of civilization and beyond the right of asy lum, William Hohenzollern ought to be brought to the bar of justice and duly pun ished. The Netherlands Government itself I has ample warrant for such a procedure on its own behalf, for under his rule and direc tion Dutch ships were ruthlessly sunk and : Dutch lives destroyed. There are few na- I ions, indecl, t v -* would not be specific lly justified in trying and punishing the ex- Kaiser, because in his reign of outlawry he spared neither neutral nor noncombatant, neither the most peaceable of neighbors nor the most disinterested of countries far acros the sea. For his crimes against the whole world, therefore, this once-sceptered pirate and brigand should receive, not the dignity of Elba or St. Helena, but such disposal as the law of all civilized lands provides for con victed felons. The Rhine Is now famous for something more than its scenery. Where is the ex-kaiser’s talk about “my shining sword?” Adventure and Service. Men who are being mustered out of military service but who are still eager for adventure that will be of use to their country as well as engaging to themselves will do well to consider the opportunities offered in the United States merchant marine. As a result of the prodigious shipbuild ing activities which have gone forward for the last eighteen months under Gov ernment direction, the American flag is going to be restored to the seas, restored by hundreds of trading vessels that will make their way to all ports that “the eye of heaven visits.” Upon the outbreak of the war more than ninety per cent of our foreign commerce was borne in ships of other nations. The Stars and Stripes were unknown to the ocean highways except through an occasional cruise of a naval contingent or through the wanderings of some rich American’s yacht. That unde sirable and truly precarious condition is to be ended —never, we trust, to return. The ships are being produced in plenty. The present problem is to get crews to man them. Here is an inviting, a really alluring op portunity for young men who have no binding responsibilities or ties and who are eager for a look at the wide world. They can see much, learn much and all the while be serving their country in a thor oughly substantial way. Only twelve more shopping days, and the war is over. Sheep Raising in Georgia. In view of the record that for twenty years or more the world’s supply of sheep has diminished while the demand for wool and mutton has increased, present efforts to introduce sheep raising in Georgia on an ex tensive scale appear most timely and profit able. Experts of the State College of Agri culture who recently have been experiment ing to this end in some of the southern counties are much encouraged. It is alto gether an erroneous idea, they say, that sheep will not thrive in a warm climate. The two essentials, they point out, are an abundance of grazing and an absence of va grant dogs. Few if any States so near the great mar ket centers as Georgia have her wealth of natural resources for sheep raising, and, In deed. for all branches of animal husbandry. With less than thirty-five per cent of the State’s farmable area in use, with tens of thousands of acres of pasture land available at low prices, and with all the requisites of climate and soil plentifully present, the op portunities for profitable sheep raising in this State should appeal to the most con servative judgment and enlist the most ear nest effort. ' The man who kicks on this weather didn’t have to buy coal last winter. German Bolsheviki. The inwardness of the German Bolsheviki is revealed in the Red Flag’s strident protest against what it terms international capital ism’s sending food into the empire. “This,” screams that organ of crafty anarchy, "is treachery against the revolution . . . and should be opposed as a capitalistic effort to beat the Bolsheviki aims.” No microscope is needed to discover the motive in this balder dash. The Bolshevik purpose Is primarily to keep discontent boiling that demagogues may fatten on the skimmings of the pot. Significantly enough these tyrants of the mob are generally in collusion with tyrants on the throne. Lenine and Trotzky were shameless hireling! of Potsdam, and if the truth were out it probably would betray a not unsympathetic relation between shag haired anarchists and smug Junkers in Ber lin. Certain it is that the Bolsheviki have proved hostile in every instance to those who fought and sacrificed for human freedom What they wish is not liberty; they care as little for that as the apostles of Prussianism itself. License and loot are what they really wish. THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GA. FRIDAY. DECEMBKK IS. IDIH. No German “Intellectualism" For American Universities. A characteristic bit of Potsdam propaganda in the United States was the so-called German University League of which Von Bernstorff wrote: “Founded since the war, it has done its best to take the place of the German Asso ciation. which has been of no use during the war, on account of its management. The League has published uder my collaboration an excellent collection of reports. The sup port which I have given the League (financial support, that is to say) is entered in the first quarter's account, item No. 205.” The New York Herald, recalling that the League was founded, with headquarters at 225 Fifth ave nue, by Herr Dernburg and Herr Professor von Mach, says that the organization first came into notice “when it endeavored to in duce American professors to support an ap peal in behalf of Germany issued by certain German professors.” While a few—a pitiable few—were caught, "being catchable, ’’ the re sponses from the majority “were so hot that the Herr Doktor and his League soon went out of business.” Never did the rank and file of American colleges and universities prove their mental soundness and moral keenness to better ef fect than In their emphatic rejection of Ger man propaganda. While Prussia’s soul less intellectualism, which Is but a counterpart of ruthless militarism, won a few “high brows,” whom Dr. Brander Matthews has hap pily defined as "persons educated beyond their intelligence,” most college communities in this country appear to have been decidedly pro-Ally from the beginning of the war, as well as wholeheartedly pro-American from April 6, 1917. This is the more significant and assuring because these centers of thought and training exercise a continually increasing influence on our national life. When you get blue, think about the war oeing over and the troubles you had last win ter with the coal problem. Town and Country. Deserved commendation is pouring in upon the Dublin Chamber of Commerce for its neighborly manifestations Interest in the farmers of the country about. Typical of many comments is that of the Savannah Press: "When the Laurens county farmer and his wife go to Dublin now, they have somewhere to go. The Chamber of Com merce is as much theirs as it is that of the Mayor or of the biggest merchant in Dublin. It is their town headquarters. They are made to feel that the town is glad to have them as a sort of stock holder in an enterprise which works, not alone for the county seat of Laurens, but for all of Laurens county. And the whole plan is for the good of the entire community.” The interests of town and country are at bottom so interdependent, particularly in an agricultural State like Georgia, that tbe won der is there has not been more of the sort of work the Dublin Chamber of Commerce is doing. The prosperity and growth of the town depend first and last upon the develop ment of the surrounding country; and, In turn, the country looks to the town for many services without which agricultural success would be sorely limited and farm life dis tressingly bleak. It is by working together for the entire county’s good that town and country folk can make the most of their com mon opportunities. As far as it goes, the armistice is a good thing to make the world safe for democracy. YOUR DAILY WORK By H. Addington Bruce DO you really enjoy your daily work? Are you indifferent to it? Do you perhaps engage in it only from a dis agreeable feeling of compulsion? If you do not really enjoy your work, the possibility is that it is not wholly suited to your aptitudes. Besides which, it may be set down as certain that you are looking at it from a wrong point of view. A man’s work should always mean more to him than a mere means of livelihood. He should draw from it happiness, content ment. peace of mind. This he can do only if he looks upon his work as contributing something worth while to the lives of his fellowmen. For men are so built that THE CON SCIOUSNESS OF RENDERING SERVICE IS AN INSTINCTIVE NEED OF THEIR BEING. Those who have not this con sciousness are certain to be unhappy, whether they do not work at all or work up to the limit of their powers and whether the monetary return from their work is small or great. The idler Is necessarily miserable, be cause all the while he is oppressed by the knowledge that he is breaking a basic nat ural law. The self-centered worker Is almost as miserable, because his self-centeredness blinds him to the deeper significance and higher purposes of work. Misery, likewise, besets the man who has chosen his work unwisely. He is unhappy for the reason that he knows that his blun dering choice of a vocation is keeping him from making the most of his talents for his own good and the good of society. Even so, if he will but cultivate a keener sense of the social value of whatever work he Is trying to do he may gain therefrom a stimulus enabling him to a surprising ex tent to overcome his vocational handicap, and at the same time giving him the peace of mind he has hitherto lacked. Os course, if it be not too late for him to make a new and wiser choice of work, let him do that by all means. But his second choice will not make him any happier than the first, unless he develop the right attitude toward his work. Look about you at the workers you know to b.e happy—people, many of them who, perhaps, are not making nearly so much money as you. Inquire closely and you will discover that they one and all are imbued with the ideal of service, and are appreciative of the op portunity their work gives them to realize that ideal. Shift your point of view as regards your work to bring it more into accord with their point of view. Think less of your work with regard to its significance to you. and more with regard to its significance to society. Soon you will find yourself becoming more interes ed in your work than you ever have been before, you will bend your ener gies more actively to doing it well, and you will know happiness more surely. (Copyright, 1918, by the Associated News papers) SEAMY SIDES OF SOLITUDES By John Breck L 3 thoroughly do I appreciate the charms of my solitude that I feel privileged to detail, for once, its seamy side. The most chafing elemnt for the first two weeks came in such chilly dawns as found me without firewood. True, I should have chop ped it the night before; but if I hadn’t, there was nothing for it but to sally forth slipper ed and sweatered, into the chill, and wield the axe, while my breath visualized the frosty air in vapory puffs with every lusty blow. Then slowly it dawned on me that wash day was inevitably coining to hand. My own hand, at that. For the only woman I might possibly wile into such service is herding goats. She would do anything in the world for me if I were really sick, but while I have my heath —well she merely sniffed and said I had time to learn, which is what comes of living in a state where women have the vote! So much for her cruelty! I started out to attain the experience. Now the burning question was, the wash to the well or the water to the house? I chose the first. It made me tired just to think of carrying that much water up the weary hill. But the icy spring refused to lather my soap. Whereupon 1 built me a stove to heat it on. I scooped out a hole in the bank, set up a section of riddled stovepipe, rescued from the rubbish heap, flattened a kerosene tin for a top. braced by the rod from the tail of the wagon, and the deed was done. "But that’s not the way!” the .horus of Old-Timers will cut in. "You should of — ’ Yes I know, bu., that was the way I did. And it really worked —enough to burn my fingers on the edges of the tub. By this time I had an audience fully as critical as the Old-Timers. Two ground squirrels were sunning their dappled coats on the rock above, and combing out their tails, and every little bird that hangs around my door was attending the performance. They understood about the water perfectly well, for they like theirs warm, sunwarm in a still, sandy-bottomed pool. But they had one point of skepticism. “You know, my dear,” said a lady-like towee in a big voice as quiet as her coat, “that big things can never flutter properly in that much water.” “I didn’t think they ever troubled to bathe,’’ said the rosy-headed finch who lives by the brook and dips a dozen times a day. Well, I went on with my scrubbing, while they grew more and more curious, until at last the jay came along and swung on the wild lilac to jeer at us. Then I ventured the information that I took my feathers off so I could see whether I got them clean. Os • course, they didn’t believe me. But the tit, who lives just over my head, insisted it was so. He seemed embarrassed to own that he had peeked at the privacies of my toilet, yet not a little puffed up over his superior knowl edge. “What color is it, then?” scoffed the jay. "Pink.” “Like me,” said the finch, who thinks his is the most desirable color in the world. "No, lighter, like —like the manzanita flowers, 1 mean,” insisted the tit. "Yah," screamed the jay. “Who ever heard of a pink animal? I say. redtop, give me f. snifter our of that private bott’e of yours. I always wanted to see a blue squat teroo —maybe it’s strong enough to show me one.” And he screamed with laughter. Whereat I forgot what I was about and burnt the rest of my fingers on the tub. I was almost mad enough tc take off the remainder of my clothes —all those I hadn’t in the tub — and show that jay. But there was the lady like towee; I knew it would never do. And when you come to think of it, a pink animal certainly does sound queer and out of tune with the scheme of natural things. But wash day is enough to set any one won dering whether man is really so superior after all. GOD MEANS BUSINESS By Dr. Frank Crane What does it all mean, this war. these times, this general upsetting and reconstruc tion? Every thinker unconsciously tries to get a world viewpoint to understand what Destiny is up to, to see the meaning of God. His whole trend of opinion depends upon his viewpoint of the universe. Does Destiny have in store for us Socialism, or some other Utopian ideal? Does Destiny intend that some dictator or some one mighty nation should arise and dominate the earth? One opinion is as good as another, perhaps, and mine is that God means business. Business is the best and latest development of humanity. It means the arrangement of the social units upon a basis of mutual service. Business is Democracy expressed in its most practical terms. Os course, we are done with kings and dynasties. And we are done with slavery. Society can never again be arranged on terms of master and servant, of lord and vassal, of king and subject. It is too soon yet for it to be arranged on terms of beautiful idealistic altruism. That is not due yet. It is several stations ahead. But the world can be arranged on terms of business. Nations ought to be business corporations, instead of racial units. Every state should be a section of the great business concern of the world, engaged in promoting the prosperity of its population. Race units are hotbeds of hate and preju dice. They have always fought since the beginning of history. Business units would not fight. They would trade. In good business every transaction benefits both parties. The world, as a business or ganization, would come nearer meaning equal ity than in any other way. Curses have been hurled at the wage sys tem, but. after all, the best and most just way to get work done is to pay for it Americans have been sneered at as wor shipping the almighty dollar, but the dollar is the best mark of equality between man and man. We are all frankly after the dollar, but we want to give for it a quid pro quo. Nations that profess to despise the dollar have their privileged classes, their lan led proprietors, their huge endowments and other devices by which they make the whole social struggle unfair and uneven. The business world is founded upon hones ty and service. The world, as a business or ganization, would do away with wars and the vast productions of destructive machinery. Its whole energy would be devoted to work, and work is the most wholesome thing for mankind, and provides the best soil in which art and idealism can grow. There can be no eventual Democracy woven from the faded and moth-eaten tatters of royal pride and national chauvinism. The world can never be made safe for Democracy except as a business organization. It can never be a world of fair play and ultimate justice until Its motto shall become “To every man his penny.” (Copyright, 1918, by Frank Crane.) Even if the Germans really tried to be de cent, they would be accused of spreading propaganda. Thus is sin punished. Some guilty consciences need something more strenuous than an accuser. More than one editor can recall the fore cast he made that Germany would fall. THE AMERICAN DEAD—By Frederic J. Haskin WASHINGTON, D. C., December 9.—Shall the American dead in France be dis interred and brought back to America, or shall their bones be allowed to remain* permanently in the soil of the country where they fell? This question, which is supposed to have been settled some months ago by an official order of the secretary of war, remains in fact a subject involving some difference of opinion and a great deal of practical difficulty. The order of the secretary of war, issued last July, states that “the remains of all of-} ficers, enlisted men and civilian employes of! the army, navy and marine corps, who have died or may hereafter die in France, shall be buried in France until the end of the war. when the remains shall be brought back to the United States for final interment.” This order suggests in itself that it must have been issued without a careful prelimi nary consideration of what it might involve. It is known to have been issued in response to a popular demand for the return of the remains of the slain to this country. This demand was evidenced by letters to the war department. Many of them were from wealthy persons who desired to go in person and bring back the bodies of their dead from France. It was found impossible to grant these requests because of the shortage of transportation, and it was further considered unjust to allow the wealthy to bring back their dead, while the poor were unable to do so. It was concluded that the only just and satisfactory arrangement wouid be for all the dead to be brought back ac govern ment expense. Since the issuance of the order, however, a strong sentiment has sprung up in favor of leaving the fallen Americans where they are. Qolonel Roosevelt’s letter to the secre tary of war, expressing the earnest wish that the remains of his son Quentin be not dis turbed, has been widely published in the newspapers. The feeling expressed by Colonel Roosevelt is known to be widely shared and to have been communicated to the war de partment by many other fathers of fallen sons. While the government presumably stands pledged to bring back the remains o f the American soldiers to this country, it can safely be stated that for various reasons the growth of this sentiment is a thing to be desired. For one thing, there are great practical difficulties in the way of bringing back the remains of the slain. For another, they are not buried here and there in France in scat tered and untended graves, as many persons seem to imagine. The Grave Registration Service of the American Expeditionary Force is a special service which has been organized for the pur pose of gathering the American dead and interring them in cemeteries set aside by the French government for the purpose. Those temporarily buried on or near the field of tat tle are disinterred and removed to these cemeteries later. The cemeteries may be con sidered as American soil, since they have been given by France to the United States for the purpose which they serve. Some American soldiers have been buried in French and British military cemeteries. Nor?, except those listed as missing, are interred outside of military cemeteries, and few of these could be identified for return to this country in any case. Photographs of these military cemeteries have reached this country. They show long rows of carefully tended graves, with flowers THE NEED FOR A LEAGUE OF NATIONS | (By Ex-President William H. Taft in Phila delphia Public Ledger) Senator Knox’s resolution, introduced in the senate, proposes that the Versailles con ference with reference to the treaty should be divided into its work; that it should first make the treaty of peace, so that may be pro claimed promptly, and then that there should be a second conference to form a league of nations in a second treaty, in which there would be more time and opportunity for de liberation. The wisdom of bringing about a formal peace at as early a date as possible is manifest; but the slightest analysis of the task before the conferees makes clear that the web and woof of the treaty must include a league of nations for half of the world at least. The armistice was signed on condition that the treaty should cover subject matters and general results outlined in the president’s message of January 8, as modified by the al lies prior to the armistice. We have a right, therefore, to expect, as all the parties to the conference have, that the treaty will set up from eight to one dozen independent republics and carve them out of the old dominions of the five empires of Germany, Austria, Russia, Bulgaria and Turkey. The peoples thus con stituting self-governing communities have never had any experience in the responsibil ity of popular sovereignty. They have not been trained in that self-restraint which is in dispensable to the success of self-government. They will need the same kind of assistance that we gave to Cuba in the early days of her independence, and they will need a very close watch by the league of nations now making and controlling this eace, otherwise the necessary friction between them and the do minions out of which they are carved, with the jealousies, ambitions and suspicions en gendered by the change, will make a perma nent state of war rather than a permanent state of peace. SHADOW HUNS AND OTHERS The German propaganda, instituted by Dr. Bernhard Dernburg and secretly directed by an American ex-clergyman in the pay of the kaiser, aimed to achieve certain specific re sults. The purpose was to deflect the blame of starting the great war from Germany by ascribing the causes to certain historic wrongs—the isolation of Germany by Rus sia, France and Great Britain and efforts to hinder the economic development of the Fatherland, chiefly by Great Britain; to pre vent the shipment of arms and ammunition to the allies, to the military advantage of Germany; to prevent America from going to war with Germany over the U-boat issue. Once war had been declared, Germany’s chief concern was to render our part negligi ble by creation of anti-war sentiment, by pro moting resistance to the draft, by social and labor unrest with fomenting strikes in mines, munition plants and other war industries. In this the Socialist party, the I. W. W. and mushroom pacifist organizations were utilized. As the war continued and German pros pects of victory waned, Germany’s chief hope of obtaining a satisfactory peace lay in creating, if possible, disunity among the al lies. Nothing would have better served Ger many’s sinister purposes than the destruc tion of international morale, of full co-opera tion and mutual confidence between the gov ernment of the United States and the gov ernments. Os course, in such pro-German propaganda no loyal Americans could have taken part. In propaganda designed to de stroy amity between us and the nations as sociated with us in the war few level-headed Americans could have been deceived. Any effort to create suspicion of the allies, to sow seeds cf distrust, to impose the belief that the allied governments were in the hands of hypocrites, liars and intriguers would have seemed patent shadow-Hun propaganda. But were not some Americans deceived into be- growing about them, and each marked by a wooden board or cross. Those graces which are left undisturbed in France will be marked by the United States government with stones. Following the issuance of the secretary’s order last summer, the Grave Registration Service of the quartermaster’s corps was or ganized. A unit of this service includes about fifty men, three of whom are skilled undertakers and embalmers, and seven of whom are undertakers’ apprentices. There are fifteen such units with the Expeditionary Force. , As is shown by the above account of it" work, this service has been most successful in identifying the American dead, and in ob- ‘ taining proper interment. Each man in the Expeditionary Force wears upon his person identification tags, giving his name, rank, company and regiment. If the individual desires, this tag is further stamped H, C or P, the letters standing respectively for He brew, Catholic and Protestant. A Hebrew, if he has thus declared himself one, is never buried under a cross. It was pretty plainly tne original Intention of the war department that this Grave Reg istration Service should embalm the bodies of the dead, and bury them in caskets. The inclusion of the undertakers in the personnel indicates this. It is also known that several thousand caskets were shipped to France for this purpose. It was evidently intended that each fallen soldier should be embalmed and buried in a casket so that his disinterment and removal would be an easy matter. It was soon found that both embalming. f and the use of caskets were impracticable. ’ Caskets and coffins could not be shipped to France because there was not enough ship ping to bear the soldiers and the food which were needed to win the war. Neither was embalming practicable. Not only did limita tions of time often make this impossible, but the condition of the bodies, some of which were badly mangled and some of which were not discovered for days after death, added to the difficulty. All attempt either to em balm the American dead or to bury them in caskets was presently abandoned, except in the case of a few who died in hospitals where ample facilities for interment happened to be at hand. Most of the American dead were buried as soldiers have long been buried—wrapped in their blankets and tents. It is estimated that the total number of Americans who were killed or died of wounds in France is In the neighborhood of 75,000. The task which the government would face then, if it brought all of the dead back to American soil, would be the disinterment of this number of bodies, buried without Y embalming or caskets; their placement in hermetically sealed caskets; transportation across the ocean, and distribution to all parts of the United States. The cost of the metal lined, hermetically-sealed caskets, which are required by our Interstate Commerce laws, alone would be an enormous item. With all precautions, the task would be an in sanitary and gruesome one. It would cause an unnecessary recrudescence of all of the most bitter feelings connected with the war. Its total cost has been estimated at not less than $50,000,000. All of these facts have been advanced as reasons why the relatives of American sol diers who fell in France should be content to allow their remains to stay in the soil of the country foi which, as well as for their own, they died. A treaty of peace, therefore, cannot be signed and be counted on as a treaty of peace unless it contains the machinery for main taining peace with the new governments created in central and eastern Europe and in Asia Minor. A court must be created to in terpret the provisions of the treaty and apply them to detailed conditions that could not be anticipated in the making of the treaty and could not be specifically provided for. There must be a commission of conciliation to set tle questions of policy as between these coun tries which could not be determined on the basis of law and equity. The allies as a league of nations must main tain a combined military and naval force as a police force, to restrain these children in self-government from violence and to protect them from possible bullying by the suc cessors of the old imperial governments. They must maintain a police force to stamp out that enemy of mankind, Bolshevism, which now runs rampant in Russia and is a sad commentary on the policy pursued by this government and the allies in sending a boy for a man’s job. The conference in dealing with new situa tions is bound to lay down and elaborate prin ciples of International law never before defi nitely agreed upon. In other words the treaty of course itself must have a league of nations to enforce peace for half the world, with a court, a council of conciliation, a po lice force and a quasi legislative body to enact international law. • 1 These are the principles of the league to enforce peace proejeted for the world. If they must be applied to half the world, why not to all? Why not to the allies who make this treaty inter se, as well as to the many nations for whose peace they now become responsible, in view of the ambitious plans for settlement which they have announced and to which by the terms of the armistice they have committed themselves? lieving this? Were not certain highly in tellectual "molders of public opinion” some how inveigled into becoming instruments of this very propaganda? With victory achieved and German mili tarism crushed, what interpretation shall be put upon the efforts of men of supposedly su perior minds to bring about a peace of nego tiation and compromise, upon endeavors cal culated to estrange America from the allied nations on part of men representing them selves as speaking for those high In the gov ernment? What explanation is there for any systematic campaign designed to cast doubt upon the motives and ideals of the na tions which for four years spent their blood and substance in resisting Germany?—Na tional Civic Federation. QUIPS AND QUIDDITIES "Does the war make much difference to you?” asked the new servant. "The missus says we’ve got to conomize, so we’re to ’ave margarine with meals in the kitchen," replied the old cook. “Doesn’t she have it, then?” "Not her! She says as ’ow It doesn’t suit her digestion. But there ain’t nothin’ wrong with her digestion. We know that, for we often sends ’er up margarine and Jave butter ourselves.” An enthusiastic fisherman, who was at the same time a stanch teetotaler, engaged an experienced boatman to take him fishing. Although he had a good stretch of water to fish in, night after night he came back with an empty creel, and at last departed in dis gust. After he had gone some one asked the boatman how it was that a fairly expert fish erman had such a run of ill luck. "Awell,” was the reply, "he had nae w’huskie, and I took him where there was nae fish.” . _, .
