Newspaper Page Text
EDITED BV TIIO’IAS Il AYNES. ESQ.
VOL. 811. NO. 21.
of
y :e> :/>. aw b cwsd fj,
Publisher (By Authority,) of the Lau s
of the I nited States :
OUlcc on Greene Street, nearly oppo
site the Market.
Issued evei y T uesday morning, at $3 per annum.
No subscription taken for less than a year,
and no paper discontinued, but at the option of
the publisher, until all arrearages are paid.
Advertisemests conspicuously inserted at the
asual rates —those not limited when handed in.
wjl bo inserted ’till forbid, and charged accord
ingly.
luiM, Vtuwcratu itcpublic an
Ticket.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
RICHARD M. JOHNSON.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
THOM AS F. HENDERSON, of Franklin.
WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham.
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison.
THOM AS H AYNES, of Baldwin.
REUBEN JORD \N. of Jones.
WILSON LUMYKIN, of Walton.
WILLI AM PENTICOST, of Jackson.
THOM AS SPALDING, of Mclntosh.
JAMES C. \\ ATSON, of Muscogee.
WM. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
THOM AS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
SPEECH OF MR. TOWNS,
Or Georgia.
In the House of Representatives Wednes
day, May 11th, 1836— 1 n Committee of
the Whole on the state of the Union on the
fortification bill."
Mr. Chairman : I rise under the most
fainful sense of duty, with emotions such as
have seldom felt—with apprehensions
not easily described. If, sir, under any
circumstances, I could hope to engage the
attention of the committee, I could scarcely
expect, after the protracted discusion al
ready had, to do so at this time. My pur
pose w ill be, to submit the opinions I enter
tain on some of the important questions
suggested by gentlemen in the course ofi
this debate; and if I should be so fortunate ■
as to deserve the credit of not exhausting I
the patience of the committee, I shall feel
in some degree rewarded for my labor I i
will take this occasion to remark, that while ;
I reserve to myself the rights to defend o
pinions I entertain, and the principles of
the party to w hich I am attached, it will be
my first object, as it would be my greatest
pleasure, to avoid inflicting the slightest
would upon the feelings of any gentleman,
whose argument 1 shall attempt to answer.
With the motives of gentlemen on this floor,
I have nothing to do—motives lie buried
too deep in the human heart for me to search
after, and they will be treated by ine as be
yond the range of appropriate inquiry—
sacred to the individual, sacred to the char
acter of this body, and no*, to be questioned, ■
only at the expense ( of harmony.
Sir, we have been assured by gentlemen
of high standing in this House, in the pro
gress of this debate, that there was peculiar
fitness, both in the time and usages of the
Government, to enter not only into the ex
amination of the principles of the present
administration, but to scan, with a search
ingeye, the political opinions and pratice of
the distinguished statesmen, whose names
are now before the American people for
the first office in their gift. Since, sir, it
has been the pleasure of gentlemen oppo
sed to this administration to urge an investi
gation into its principles and practices as a
paramout obligation upon this House, with '
no other apparent object than to connect
whatever in their judgement may appear
odious with one of the candidates before the
people for the chief majgistracy of the U
nion, it shall be my business to raise mv ;
humble voice in defence of principles and
practices not of recent origin, but whose
existence can be traced to the peresl days of
our republican institutions. And to show,
sir, when these principles have been assailed,
the blow has fallen either from open enemies
or pretended friends to the principles of
the republican party of this country, as foun
ded on the administration of Mr. Jefferson,
and fully acted out by that of Gen. Jackson.
Sir, I will once for all assure this committee,
that while I cherish the kindest personal
feelings to every gentleman in this House,
with whom 1 have had the honor of cultivat
ing an acquaintance, I must be permitted to
differ with many of them in the views they
Jiave submitted in the progress of this dis
flaiqi uo more nor less latitude in debate
jhaii they themselves have enjoyed. If in
the exercise of this right, feelings of an un
pleasant character arc produced, a recol
lection of by-gone times revived, past oc
currences reviewed, and the history of some
your statesmen, who are now seen at
tempting to control the destinies of their
.country, and who have but too often ap
prehended as perturbed spirits in the impor
tant events in our history for the last twen
ty years, the fault will not have been mine ;
but the consequences must rest with honor
able gentlemen, whose range in debate lias
rendered such a course not one of choice
,with me, but of painful necessity. ,
Mr.Ghairman, I shall not consume much
of the lime of (the committee in attempting to
answer any portion of the argument of the
honorable gentleman from Virginia, (Mr.
McComas) who preceded me. Not, sir,
because of any want of merit in that argu
ment, but because much of what the gen
tlemen said was in support of the power of
Congress to distribute the proceeds of pub
lic lands, by an act such as the Senate lias
fecently passed, and sent to this House for
pur adoption. Nor will I complain, sir, at
(he infinite joy that honorable gentlemen
spemed to derive front the conviction upon
of Sob®
his mina, ti at iie h; d established, quite be
yond the reach of future disputation, that
the opinion he entertained on the subject of
the distribution of'the public lands, was in
! strict accordance with the opinions of Presi
dent Jackson, as expressed in his commu
nication of 1826. 11 tie the honorable gen
! tleman had devoted more of his time ami
rescasch into the true condition of the pub
lic treasury, and the future prospect ,of a
, rapid decrease of our revenue, connected
with a comprehensive view of the actual
posture ol atlairs upon our own continent,
lie would probably have arrived at the con
clusion that it would be quite time to devise
means to disgorge your Treasury, when
the just demands of the government and
the best interests of the people had been
provided for. And surely, sir, the Presi
dent of the United States cannot be under
stood as recommending a divisit nos the
revenue, so long as the public service, and
public safety requited its application of those
purposes.
The President’s views upon this, as upon
every other subject, have, in the course of
this discussion, been strangely misappre
hended, or otherwise be has had the miserable
misfortune of misunderstanding himself.
When the President recommended to Con
gress “ that it seemed to him that the most
safe, just, and federal disposition which
I could be made of the surpulus revenue,
' would be its apportionment among the sevet
| al States according to their ratio of repre
j sentation, and should this measure not be
I found warranted by the constitution, that it
would be expedient to propose to the States
an amendment authorizing it,” he did not,
he could not mean, that at the end of any
single year, should there remain an unex
pended balance, either unappropriated or
undisbursed, it should at once be distributed
in this way. But he meant, as his language
clearly implies, that there should be accu
mulated in the Treasury, over and above
the wants of the Government a permanent
fund, not likely to be affected by and sud
den decrease of revenue; not likely to be
required by any sudden change or disorder
in our commerce or foreign relations, re
quiring large expenditure for the maritime
frontier, or in various means of necessary
and proper public defence. No, sir, the
President never said in his message, or else
where, that the public treasure of this nation
should be divided, when the greatest inter
est of the entire mass of the people of these
States directed, without the possibility of a
mistake, to what national ends their money
should be applied. And, before the honora
ble gentlemen from Virginia can claim to
act in conformity with the opinion of Presi
dent Jackson on this subject, he must first
show an actual, a permanent and fixed sur
plus, and not the mere possibility of an un
expended balance in the Treasury, at the
end of a single quarter, which may be re
quired, not only for purposes of general de- i
fence, but to save your frontier from all the '
horrors of Indian barbarity, before the next
quarter. The honorable gentleman has
also informed us, that while he does not be
lieve in the various charges that have been
made against the President, giving the lead
ing measures of his administration his cordi
al support, with the exception of Ins course
on the removal of the public deposited, he
nevertheless, stands wholly uncommitted
upon the subject of his successor.
The honorable gentleman has given the
further assurance to the comrnitte, thatwhne
the period shall arrive for him to exercise]
the elective franchise, he will inarch to the '
polls, with the fearless spirit of a true Vir- '
giniati, and thereby his voteass ert his pre- !
ferente for that man he should think best
entitled to the public confidence. Sir, 1
would not discourage this manly bearing in
the honorable member. 1 would not have
him fall one jot or tittle from that bold and
independant stand that he has chosen to oc
cupy. I would barely remind him, that if
the current scandal of the day is to be ac- I
credited, he will, in pursuing the course he '
has intimated, subject himself to the imputa
tion of being the follower of that individ
ual so often denounced as the non-commit- '
tai candidate. But, sir, a consciousness of j
tile injustice of this charge against that dis- ]
tinguisbed individual, has doubtless had its
influence upon the course of the honorable
member, and therefore he is prepared to
' avow for himself, as worthy of a Virginia
Representative, the very principle, if indeed
it can be called a principle, which, so far as
the V ice President is concerned, rests only
upon vague charge, unsupported by proof,
or grounded upon fact.
I will now, Mr. Chairman, having brief
ly noticed some of the arguments of the
gentleman from Virginia (.Mr. McComas,)
proceed to the consideration of the princi
ples involved in the amendment offered by
the honorable chairman of the Committee
of Ways and Means, (Mr. Cambreleng,)
to the bill on your table, and submit some
reasons that will influence me in opposing
the mode of distribution of the public reve
nue, provided lor in ti e bill proposed from
the Senate. The great question now pre
sented for the consideration of the Ameri
can statesman, is whether a system of de
fence consistent with the genius and charac
ter of otir institutions shall be adopted, and
become the settled policy of the Gt vern
ment, until that system shall be completed ;
or whether we shall adhere to that policy
heretofore pursued, restrained ns it has been
for the want of funds, and so contracted in
its scale as to afford a very insecure protec
tion to the numerous exposed points of our
widely extended territory. In determining
wisely a question that addresses itself to the
pride, the patriotism and the judgment of
every American citizen, we should take a
comprehensive view', not only of our pre
sent actual condition, but should also extend
our reflection to a period of time far beyond
the present. VVe legislate now, not only
for the time being, but to protect the inter
est, and ensure the prosperity and the hap
piness of those who are to come after
us.
tiKOKOIA, TUESDAY MORAIAQ, JUA>f2B,’lß3«.
Sir, that statesman who does not look to
the future as well as to the present interest
of his country, who does not look to its fu
t ire wants, necessities, and condition, falls
infinitely short, in my opinion, of disci ar
ging ins first duty to himself and to future
generations. W hat subject, let me ask you,
could address itself more favorably to our
consideration than the subject of our na
tional defence' If, sir, there be any thing
in the recollection of past danger/ if one
page of our country’s history affords more
joy than another, is it not that page which
tells the story of the gallant and brave resis
tance of your countrymen fighting from
within the wallsol your fortifications, repel
ling a proud and experienced enemy far ex
ceeding themselves in number, and possess
ed of the munitions ofwar many times more
than equal to their own ? Sir’ it is not up
on the slender basis of imaginary advantage
that I would advocate the bill upon your ta
ble. The principles of that bill are sanc
tioned by the experience of all ages and all
countries. Go to any nation, look to the
condition of any people who feel themselves
happy and believe themselve safe, you will
find that their great interest is protected by
that system of defence which is best adap
ted to their condition. Our Government is
not one of force, but of voluntary legal
restraint; and the people that yield obedi
ence to that Government can expect nothing
less than protection from it. How are von
to protect them, if the defenceless state of
your raaratime coast invites rather than de
ters foreign invasion ? Let any man look
to the immenseproperty, private and pub
lic, spread upon our maratime fron
t er, from Gaiiada to Fexasj and decive
himself with the belief that it is not neces
sary to throw between that property, and
the approach of the invader, the most am
ple defence. Sr, the man who has studied
the human character, with the belief that,
with either individuals or nations, the great
est security is to be found in the greatest de
gree of weakness and dependence, has trim
med his midnight lamp to little profit. And
the American statesman who believes that
our greatest security in doing nothing for
national defenct, does but invite the cupid
ity, the avarice, the ambition, and, in short,
the worst passions of bold, daring, and am
bitious invaders to commit lawless outrages
on the rights ofothers-—to invade our shores
and destroy the property of our citizens. '
You have beenadmonished by the Father 1
of bis Country that “ in peace prepare for '
] war,” and this maxim delivered by one
whose memory, so cherished by all, lias
been uniformlyimpiessed upon the atten
i tion of Congress through every administra
: tion, so far as my researches extend, except
that of Mr. Jeierson, and is now recom
mended and enforced by a recurrence to our
'situation by the present Executive, of whom
it may be said, that there lives not the man
on this continent w hose experience and pen
etration on this subject entitle his opinion
to more respect and attention. Sir, iie has
in his last message called the attention of
Congress to die subject of our defence. In
adverting to the fact, that the gathering
storm, which lad for the preceding twelve
months been lowering over us, had passed
away, leaving our horizon clear,'unclouded,
and serene, with ample means and abund
ance of materials and leisure to carry on a
system of defetce, he lias indulged the hope
that he might jress the subject without the
danger of beiig misunderstood, and from
considerations of patriotism alone. There
have been stitcled and labored efforts made
by honorable gmtlemen to make this sys
tem of defence as recommended by the
present adminktration, unpopular, on the
ground that t was establishing a large
standing army in time of peace, dangerous
to our liberties fatal to our prosperity, and
in utter disregard of that plain system of
republican simulicity, so much the admira
tion, either actial or professed, of all par- |
lies. Sir, misiepresentation on this point,
both as to moti e and effect, were litt e less 1
than any man, vho has observed the course
of debate duriig the present session, could
expect. Yet Icould but feel some little
astonishment wlen the honorable gentleman
from Tennessei (Mr. Beall) assumed the
broad ground tiat the course of policy, as
containec in tie appropriation bills of the
present Congress, was, in principle, identi
cal with die poicy of the odious part of the
administration of the elder Adams. Sir,
my valued frietd from Virginia (Mr. Gar
land) answered the argument of the gentle
man from Temessee (Mr. Beall) so con
clusively on ths point, that I will, at this
time, forbear further notice of that charge,
but reserve for mother part of mv remarks
an answer to some of the many errors in
: which I ipprehend the honorable gentle
i man (Mr B.) lias fallen. For one, 1 am
! willing t< admit there is a secret joy, a feel
ing truly national that springs up in my bo
som, at iie contemplation of that period
when these United States, as one family,
I protected in our domestic and federal rela
tions, by preserving unimpaired the guar
lees of tie constitution, will be able to look
to her on ire frontier, and be prepared, by
her meats of defence, to stand upon herown
border aid bid defiance to all the powers
of the e;rtli that would dare pollute our sa
cred soilwith invasion. Now, sir, does it
necessarily follow, for the purpose to which
1 have alluded, that you are to plant your
forts at every harbor and inlet on your At
lantic an I jyilf frontier ? No, sir, so far as
that par icular arm of the national defence
is concerned, I would only propose thatyour
large commercial cities, and the inlets to
those harbors where your navy can ride in
safety, should be protected by forts that
would prevent the possibility of surprise by
a superior naval force. But, sir, it is not
forts alone, judiciously arranged and pla
ced at commanding points, that. I desire to
see. 11 is the increase of your navy; so
that the commerce of the country may be
safe in every sea and in every clime ; that
the product of the husbandman, when sent
to seek a foreign market, is not to be ren-
titer (’oitneieMce-—Otir Count rtf—Our (Party.
dered valueless because of the danger of|
seeking that market. No, sir, let every
branch of industry receive equal protec
tion ; let the great interest of your planter
be secured by the protection which your na
vy ought to afford ; for it is in rain to speak
ol commerce, it is iti vain to tell me that
the producer of the staple articles of this
country is not deeply and vitaly interested
in strengthening the naval annof yourdc
fence, so that the dangers of commerce
which tend to lessen the value of the article
ii» the home market, should not be dimin
ished by the want of that protection which
can alone be extended by a wise applica
tion of your public treasure, to place your
navy in a position of strength that will
command the respect of the world. Sir,
it is folly to have a navy unless you, by
means oi fortifications, so protect your har
bors that that navy will lie safe from the at
tack of a superior force. And yet a sys
tem, so moderate in itself, aiming at no’o
ther end than to give greater security to
every interest of every citizen of these U
nited States, has been denounced as a sys
tem intended to enslave them, and entail
upon them the evils of heavy taxation. Sir,
I will not further trouble the committee on
this point ; I should feel humblel, I should
feel as if I had betrayed the interest of my
constituents, were 1 to return home and
tell them that, under the most favorable cir
cumstances, and with an overflowing Trea
sury, 1 had failed to support the only meas
ure that would make them pnsperous in
peace and safe in war. 1 have endeavored
to offer some reasons to the committee to
show that it is our first duty tc place the
country in a proper state of lefence. I
have treated that branch of the question as
a whole, without attempting to discrimin
ate between the points necessary and pro
per for the defence on the one land, or the
equality or inequality in the pubic disburse
ments, in a geographical point of view, on
the other. These are consideiations that
never can operate upon my mild in deter
mining upon a system of publb works, in
order to receive general approbation, must
be established upon principles «f equal jus
tice.
1 will now*, Mr. Chairman, proceed to ;
show that while the public trersure is quite ]
sufficient for all the purposes cf a wise sys- !
tem of national defence, that ao mistake is !
greater, none that has receiveda wider range !
of circulation, than that we shall have a
surplus of from 30 to 50 millions on the Ist
of January, 1837. 1 have no such fears
as many gentlemen have expressed, either
as to the amount of the stirpits, or the dan- i
ger to which our institutions are to be expo-1
sed from the supposed corrupting influence ]
of any accumulation of money that may I
be in our Treasury. Sir, rmy apprehen
sions are of a very different character.
There is something to dread from that rest
less anxiety created by continued excite
ment on almost every subject. There may
be, hereafter, abundant cause for sympathy
for those gentlemen who have again and a
gain announced to the American people,
that their money had accumulated, and was
accumulating, m the public Treasury, to
the amount of fifty millions above tire wants
of the Government. It may be, sir, that
there may arise in the bosom of tt.at people
who are thus informed, a curiosity to in
quire, and a spirit to know, by wbat means,
and by whose system of public policy it was,
that this money lias been thus unnecessari
ly taken from their pockets. It may hap
pen, sir, that the spirit of inquiry, honest,
indignant inquiry, may still go farther. It
may occur to our constituents, in such an
investigation, that the very party, nay,
more, the combination of parties, that are
now proclaiming the existence cl millions
oi surplus revenue in the Treasuiy, are the
very men, the very party, yes, sir, the com
bination of parties, that originated, cher
ished and sustained the system, by the ope
ration oi which alone this surplus of the
people’s money, which they now propose to
return back by the way of distribution a
niong the several States of the Union, has
been produced. Sir, let no man here or
elsewhere deceive himself by attempting to
mislead others. The American people will
ask the question : common sense dictates,
common justice requires, and common hon
esty would give a plain answer to it—From
whence arose this enormous surplus ? Did
it come out ol the pockets of the people ?
It it did, why did you exact'of us more
than you wanted for the use of the Govern
ment ? \\ hy demand in advance our sub
stance, our money, and the proceeds of our
industry ? Let the politicians who say there
are countless millions now to divide, and
enrich the people, march up to these ques
tions, and give them a plain answer. Sir,
the people are not to be deceived by those
professions of iriendshipand kindness. We
have heard much about the people’s rights
being violated, disregarded and tr-uiqded
under foot, by withholding from them this
surplus revenue. But gentlemen should
remember that by those profession's, they
virtually plead guilty to the charge of un
justly exacting from the people any amount
they now propose to return. It is in vain
for gentlemen to shift ground and charge
the state of things they have to sa
sumeas true, upon any regular operation of
our sy stem of Government. Such a charge,
no matter from what quarter made, would
receive the prompt refutation of every can
did and patriotic bosom.
But, Mr. Chairman, let us consult the
best sources of information, not only to as
certain the probable amount of revenue we
may liaveon Ist January, 1837, but thecau
ses that have led to the increase of that rev
enue for the last two years, and examine
with fairness and candor the probable ope
ration of events upon the sources of revenue.
It is well known that our revenue is princi
pally derived from the sales of our public
lands, and from duties imposed upon foreign
merchandise ; and if it can be shown that
there has been an unusual importation of
dutiable goods, and un unexampled sale of
1 the public lands within the two last years,
I it will follow that no prudent financier will
take the revenue of those two years as the
basis of bis calculation for any period lere
after, unless it can be shown that the same
causes that produced the increase for the
last two years, will continue to exist, and
have the same effect for the lime to cone.
Sir, the amount of goods paying ditties
imported in they< ar 1834 was $47,000, 00,
and the amount for 1835 was $66,00Qj00,
making a difference of $19,000,000 of du
tiable goods between the year 1834 and
1835. What is the fact exhibited bj the
sales of the public lands ? In 1834, your
sales amounted to $4,887,600, and ini 835,
swelled to the enormous sum ofs 14,757,600, ,
showing a difference of nearly ten nillionsJ
in the amount of the sales of public lands!
alone in tiie two last years. In 1833, tbe'j
actual receipts in the Treasury fioin a®
sources wore s33‘,'9WJ,aOi>-; during the
year 1834, the actual receipts from all sour
ces were $21,791,935. In 1835, ti e actu
al amount of revenue from all sources was
$34,913,755. 1 have presented these facts
with the view, Mr. Chairman; of showing
the rapid changes that take place in the a
mouut of dutiable goods imported within
the last two years, to show the difference of
revenue for those years, and to give some
reason in explanation oThe sudden increase
of the last year. I slxiuld not make the
slightest allusion to e fact so well under
stood by this committee, but for the purpose
of establishing a proposition which I had
promised to maintain.
The character of the American merchant
is as well established for promptness of ac
tion as for quickness of conception, and no
sooner did the relations between this Gov
ernment and France assume a doubtful as
pect, than the importing merchants, both of
this country and of Europe, perilled some
thing in anticipation of a rupture between
the two countries ; and hence the chief, if
not the only cause, of the difference ofnine
teen millions in the imports of 1835 and
1834. Would it then be fair to infer
that this rapid increase was necessary to
meet the increased demand for consumption ?
Or is it to be attributed to that spirit of
speculation that so well defines the charac
ter of the merchant ? Sir, every candid
man, be be of wlrat party he may, must as
cribe this sudden increase of imports to the
mistaken calculations of merchants ; and if
it was necessary to adduce proof in support
of a proposition so clear, it is net found in
the fact, that at this time, al the very points,
in the Very cities, where the largest impor
tations were made, there is now the heavi
est pressure in the money market ? Sir, 1
would not undertake to establish before this
committee what every gentleman must ad
mit to be true : that embarrassments are ne
ver lighter, or the money market less pres
sed, than when the amount of imports does
not exceed the demands of consumption.
Nor will it be a difficult point to establish,
that if the embarrassment now felt in some
of our Atlantic cities lias proceeded from
excessive importation- beyond the wants of
consumption, we may look with absolute cer
tainty for a sudden diminution of revenue
from that source. This extravagant trade
of over importation has had the effect to
abstract from circulation the precise amount
which has been invested in that trade, and
remains in the bauds of the importer, for
the want of purchasers; for tn vain does
the foreign article seek a market, when the
wants of the consumer have been supplied.
The amount that remains in tiie hands of
the merchant is dead capital, a.id its place
must be supplied, or money raised to an e
qua! amount, by an overdraw upon the usu
al demand upon the money market. This
state of things, which is the unavoidable
consequence of overtrading, has been used
by the enemies of the administration to
show the wretched state of the currency, a
rising, as they allege, from excessive issues
of bank paper from State institutions. The
operation of this excessive trade is perfectly
clear. The motley dealers, wtiose business
it is to watch over and profit by the folly,
miscalculation, and overtrading of the mer
chant, no sooner perceive their condition,
than they add an increased charge upon the
uSeof their money. The merchant is com
pelled to pay it, until the wants of the con
sumer w-ili afford him an opportunity of re
alizing cash upon that portion of his stock
which had remained upon his hands as dead I
capital, driving the'merchant to all the ex- I
pense and additional charge of raising mo- ]
ney at an increased rate of interest, an ope
ration well calculated, and often leading to,
his utter failure and ruin. It is worthy of
remark, that no sooner had the opponents of
the administration perceived that the last
year had been signalized for excessive tra
ding, than they instantly predicted, what
they well knew was inevitable, a pressure
in tiie money market and tlieincrease of do
mestic exchange, charging the whole to what
they are pleased to call the “ gold humbug.”
AH this Iras been done to arrest an experi
ment that promises fair to succeed, but
which, if overthrown, must raise another
national bank. But, sir, I ask, can any
man look into the present condition of trade,
and believe that our revenue from imposts
will equal that of last year ? Uan any man
| believe that the enormous stun of nearly fif
teen millions is again to be received from
the proceedsof land sales in any one year?
No, sir, the lime is not far distant when the
revenue from that source must fall to less
than two millions.
Having exhibited some reasons in support
of the opinion I set out with, in order to
place this question of surplus revenue be
yond all doubt 1 am willing to take, as the
probabla amount of revenue from all sour
ces, the amount of revenue to the year 18-
33 ; which is - - $33,960,203 80
To this add the surplus on the
Ist ofjanuary 1836, - 16,850,914 00
$50,811,117 80
So that if the amount of revenue from all
i souses lor J 836 should-equal that for 1833,
then ne shall have the above amount of
*■•'0,811,117,80; provided to appropria
tion on the Ist Janury 1836,1 show that the
balance in the Treasury subject was 16,850,
915 00. We will now take the revenue
from ail sources for the year 1834, which
was - - - - $21,791,935 55
Add to this the balance on the
Ist ofjanuary 1836, - 16,850,91400
S3B 612,84.) 55
But take the prosperous year 1835, with
an increase of revenue from land sales, over
and above any other year, nearly ten mill
ions.
I rom all sources the revenue of
I 1835 was - $34,913,755 14
P*o this add tiie amount in
Treasury Ist Jan. 1835, 16,850 914 00
$51,7’64,66914
Now' I would appeal to the sober re
flection of every gentleman if we can be
lieve the revenue of 1836 is to equal that
of 1835? But admitting it did, which I
cannot believe, we shall have only a little
above fifty-one and a half millions ; out ol
which we -are to provide, not only for the u
sual and customary expeditures of the Gov
ernment, but also for the payment of large
sums for Indian treaties, if they can be so
called. We are to provide for a Florida war
with the Seminoles, we are to provide for
arming a force to protect our western fron
tiers and for what other hostilities we can
not tell but hee>? n lituresofwh ch wecan
not doubt. 1 suumit tiie following as a pro
bable safe calculatkin of appropriations for
1836 :
For the ordinary aad extra
ordinary appropria ions for
1836, - - - $24,000,000 00
For Seminole war, « 2,120 000 00
For three per cent to States on
sales of lands, - - 500.000 00
For indian treaties, - - 8.767,325 00
35,387,325 00
To this every prudent man would
add at least, for prosecuting the
Florida and other Indian wars
that may arise, the sum of- 5,000,000 00
$40,387,325 00
Dedcut this sum from the amount that is
supposed will be hi the Treasury in 1836,
placing that amount upon the largest esti
mate, and you will have $11,377,344 14. To
this add bank stock, and you will then have
less than $20,000,000 on the Ist of Janu
ary, 1837.
But, sir take the receipts of 1833 from
all sources as the basis of your calculation
which strikes me'as by far tire safest, re
membering as we do that there is one tenth
of reduction under the tariff, and the Trea
sury then, so far from having a surplus to
divide wi.l be deficient $ 1,744,475 45, except
the bank stock. But, take the Treasurer's
own report, and though 1 will admit that it
is the fashion for every gentleman so to
make his table as to .prove his proposition,
still I believe that none is entitled to more
respect than the Secretary of the Treasu
ry*
From the Secretary of the Treasure’s an
nual report of this Congress, it appears that
the receipts in the Treasury from all scour
ces during the year 1836,
are estimated at - - $19,750,000
To w hich add the balance of the
available funds hi the Treasury
estimated al 18 047,598
And tliey make together
the sum ol $37,79*7,598
Should the appropriations then amoun
to the Sum 1 have supposed,your Treasury
will be minus $2,589,727, not including the
bank stock. But if the land bill should pass
too will then have distributed $20,000,000
tor, 1833, 18*'4, and 1835 and every dollar
that may be received from 'that? source for
the present year, which, would independent
of the recepts of the.present.year leave your
Treasury in debt upwards of twenty mill
ions. How is it to be -supplied? The
answer is plian—-increase your tariff, so well
understood by most of the advocates lor dis
tribution.
Mr. Chairman-, to my mind there is but
one course to pursue ; Ist, put w hatever
surpl: s you may have in circulation, guar
ding its safety by efficient legislation ; 2d
provide for its prompt return into your :
Treasury whenever the public service shall
r. quire it. This we should do, and not in
dulge in dreams about the countless mill
ions that are to flow into your Treasury.
Sir consider fully the operation of the tariff
on your revenue, before you devise plans to
distributes. Avoid any and every act that
may lead to interruption of the comprom
ise act as it is. Let it alone for the present
for fear of a worsts
But, Air. Chairman, should 1 be deceived
in the results to which my investigations
have led me on the subject of the surplus
revenue and that in point of fact we
should have a permanent surplus for
the next two years which it seems to nie
no man who investigates the subject can
possibly believe, then sir, I shall maintain
before this committee and the country that
■ the public treasure should not be divided
I among the States, in the way proposed by
! the Senate, but should be reserved, to be
! applied to purposes dear to every American
! bosom, the protection ol onr own citizens on
our western frontier, and within the limits
of the States and Territories of the south,
from the cruel butcheries that await them
from a merciless foe as well as to complete
our defences on the mari time frontier and
on the ocean. 1 call upon those
who are urging upon us this novel plan oi
divesting the Government of the means of
protecting her citizens to look well to the
! condition of your western and soutewestern
! frontier. I ask the writer members on this
PUBLISHED BY S*. L. BlCil'. JRM. S
r%'o.
floor, what prudent man, what dis
creet statesman, would advocate a meas
ure of this character, when dangers so a
larming are inuiiipßirig daily in thatquar
ter \\ e already know that the savage
yell, the war whoop of (be fiercest .barbar
ians that inhabit the continent, has been
heard in your western pararies. The work
ol death may have commenced before this.
Ol one fact, sir, we cannoi plead i>";oran< e
that the savages that have for ye rs past
roamed wit i n the the lim ts of the St. t *
numbering in all niany thousands, have
been mostly removed to their allottedbomes in
the west, many carrying with implacable
hatred for the white man, and ready under
the slighest pretext, er the least encourage
ment, to plunge deep the battle axe and
scalping knife in tiie bosoms of our unpro
tected citizens.
Nor is it from the Indian race alone that
n mueb to apprt hetitk There has of
late appeared in that quarter a monster,
who wears the form of man, and bears the
the name of Christian ; whose treaclivrv in
war, butchery in cold blood, and lawless
despostism, give him the first, the highest
claim to tiie execration of all Jnankind.-
Y es, sir, let the blood-stained,flag of that
more than barbarian Santa Anna once float
on our wti t< rn borders', and you had. as
well attempt to prevent the Mississippi from
pouring her waters in the bosom of the
ocean, as to restain the freemen of this
country from rushing te> the rescue—yes,
sir, and the revenge vs their suffering coun
trymen 1 Sir, our citizens are aroused ;
the spirit of liberty is kindling at'oUTid the
household altarsv The prayers of the good &.
the spirits of the brave will in due season
be heard, be felt, be acknowledged ; and
for one I say, let that spirit, that voice, and
sympathy in behalf of liberty, religious and
political rights go forth. I will not check
its aspirations, but bid it ascend and minirle
with like kindred spirits, that in the hour of
our darkest colonial bondage gave us aid.
It is not to Le said of the North Americans
that they can stand by and see a struggle
on their own continent, within sight of their
own boundary, between lawless tyranny and
despotismo n the one hand, characterized
by acts of perfidy and cruelty utterly un
worthy the spirit of the age, and a portion
of the Anglo-Saxo« race on the other. Sir
1 am tao advocate, however strong our sym
pathise, to violate the treaty made between
this Government and Mexico. I would not
consent to any proposition in violation of
that Irigh and lofty stand this Government
i has taken and anitot'mly observed in her in
tercourse with foreign Governments. No
sir, I would not have that character for
justice and good faith in her relations to
oilier powers with which she set -out in lit r
infancy, mid always nobly maintained in
her greatest extremity now tranislied at this
late day. But still 1 would have this Gov
ernment .plant herself upon a hig and une
quivocal ground, ready to assert every right
. arisng under internal law , or growing out
of the treaties with Mexico ; anti, sir, I
would have no more ; 1 would increase the
military arm in that quarter w ith the strength
that would command the respect due by
Santa Anna to the compacts between this
Government ami his own, or, on his fidlure
to do so, crush at once the tyrant, whose
cruelty in war has thrown him beyond the
sympathy of Christain world. Yes, sir, I
would be prepared not only to prevent, the
massacre of ow n citizens in that quarter, but
promptley to revenge any indignity, any
violation of faith any treachery that might
be attempted by this usurper. And am 1
ito be told that we are to divide the revenue
among the States so as to prevent this
Government from taking a position demand
ed by every principle of justice, sound
policy, and love of country ? No sir, I
think 1 know the character of the people of
this Union, their enale love of lil erty and
constitutional government, too well to be
, lieve that they would hesitate, under the
i present state of affairs, between a proposi-
• tion tn divide the money on the one baud, or
■ to husband it up with care to be applied by
i : the Government to purposes of defence, to
■ preseve our honor and enforce the laws of
• humanity.
. Sir, 1 heard on this floor, a few days since,
| sentiments from an honorable member from
Ohio, (Mr. Mason,) in relation to the motives,
of that baud of patriots who are now struegluig;
for liberty in Texas, that excited in my bosona
any other than pleasant emotions. Does it be-.
come a freeman, an American statesman, iir
the face of the world, to brand a band ofbr-utli-.
ers,few in numbers,weak in resources, contend
i ing against fearful odds, for the rights ofi reli-
I gion, and equal Government, as a band.of mer
cenary speculators ? No, sir, I will raise n>y
voice, and maintain here, and in the face of
the world, that no such base, sordid,,and selfishi
. motives have influenced a portion «fitlm gallant
men, who have been seen foremost in the strug
gle for liberty, that is now going on in, Texas»
Many of them ,sir, were citizens of iny own-.
■ State. I knew them personally,, and knew
. well, and the spot on earth cannot be pointed
I out, that has given birth to braver,, more daunu
| j less spirits, who would peril more for equality,,
I liberty, and constitutional Government. But
! they have fallen—ihey live aww but in the
' memory of their fliends. The- treachery of a
despot, a heartless tyrant, has. sunk them low iu
death ; but there lives a spirit in th.i bosom of
“ every patriot in this Union ready to do homage
i to that holy love of liberty, that induced them to,
abandon homo, quiet mid enjoyment, te aid
t i their suffering friends in a struggle against op
| pression.
Os one of those gallant men whose fata is in
, volved in so much mystery, I would spefk
particularly ; 1 mean Col. Fannin. Sir, lie
1 was my companion at school, and mp-
I posedin political course in our nativqStjfte,
' (Georgia,) let my charitable office thus olijbUtly,
, whether he be living or dead, hour
i : to bis moral courage, bis manly bearings arid el
»i rvated feeling in his intercourse with alii That
i“ he was faultless, non can doubt; that) he was
t | generous, all can attest who knew hiim ; and
■■ that he has fought for liberty and coiiscicnce,
. and not for plunder, let the history of
for tiie last five years decide. Sir, I w|ll say na
1; ' more. My object was not to eulogize jnrn, but
I I to defend their gallant acts from theimbutaiions
s j thrown upon their motives by gentlemen