Newspaper Page Text
whatsoever, of any lands within this pro-!
vince, « hieh hereafter shall be had, made,'
obtained, gotten, or procured, front anv !
Indian or Indians, by any person or persons
whatsoever, without the I.cense, approba
tion, or allowance, oi the General Assem
bly ol tins province, (or the same, shall be
judged in the lav, to be null,void, ami ot no
effect, to ad intents an I purposes, a* though
they had never been made.” South Car
olina exercised jurisdiction over the whole
Indian country within her limits, as ctrlv
as the year I 739, by enacting that no pur
chase ol lanus irom the Indians should he
made, batt by lite King of Great Britain, er;
the colonial Government, on the pain of for
feiture.
In 1786, that jurisdiction was enforced
to var.ls the C het okee-, by assigning the:; ,
temporarily, a tract oi’ country for their oc
cupancy ; an I in ISOS, entire sovereignty
was exercised by that State over the Ca
tawba Indians.
Thus stood the jurisdiction of the colo
nies which have been mentioned, in refer
ence to the Indians within their several lim
its, at the commencement of the American
Rc volution. This subject has not been
passed in review before the House in an un
friendly spirit, or for the purpose of recriini
nating any one of the States to the early
legi»l..t>,>t> ~i'«.(>;..(> 1 have thought it neces
sary to advert, but to show, from the most
unanswerable evidence, that the same ju
risdiction, ami in some instances more, than
is exercised by Georgia, was exercised and
enforced by the early legislation of a large
number of the origi.al colonies. Ido not
know, il the proper means had been with
in my reach, that I might not have discov
ered similar evidence in the history of ali.
It cannot matter in what manner entire sov
ereignty and jurisdiction may have been ex
ercised by any one ofthe States in her co
lonial or present condition ; the (act of its
exercise is ad that is wanting to justify
Georgia in exercising her rightful jurisdic
diction by their example. It thus then
appears that the American Revolution
found the Colonies in unrestrained exercise
©(’jurisdiction over the Indians w ithin their
respective limit-. I will now proceed to
show tiiat such jurisdiction has not been
limited or restrained in any manner, either
by the articles of confederation or the pre s
ent constitution, except in the single parti
cular of regulating commerce with the In
dian tribes; and that if the claim to exclu
sive legislation over them is set up under
that grant of power, it may with equal pro
priety be cet up as against the Stales of this
Union; and ii it can be supported against
them, this is indeed a Government w ithout
limitation of powers.
It might be sufficient lor my argument to
show that, although Indians have remaimd
Unbodied in most of the original thirteen
Slates ever since the declaration of inde
pendence, no authority has been claimed
tor the General Government, either under
the articles of confederation or the present
constitutioa, even for the exercise ol’ the
commercial power over them, much less the
odious usurpation of exclusive legislation,
as attempted to he set tip against tin? State
ot Georgia, It has been already shown,
that many of the colonies exercised, under
the authority ot their charters, entire pow
ers of legislation over the whole extent of
rheir limits, Jong before tiie Declaration of
Independence; that they derived these
powers over the countries included in their
charters from the British crown, and it is
fearlessly asserted, that the jurisdic lion of
Georgia, turner her charter, was unlimited
as the re.-t. To show this, it is only neces
sary to refer to the proclamation ofthe king
ot Great Britain in 1733, wherein the coun
tries in possession o> Great Britain, within
her colonies, and occupied by Indians, were
reserved under “her sovereignty, protect
ion, and dominion.” It is true, that the
“sover dgnty, protection, and dominion,”
clai ne.l by the king ©f Britain, was said to
be for the bane.it of the Indians ; but it is
not the mode of its assertion and exercise
that i-at i-sue between Georgia and her
enemies, but the sovereignty actually asser
ted and exert i-ed by Great Britain through
out tire wnole extent of her American Col
onies, and which passed to each respective
ly, fully and completely, upon the establish
ment of their independence, and its acknow
ledge nent by Great Britain, saving and ex
cepting as it had been curtailed and abrid
ged by the articles of confederation, and
subsequently by the constitution.
Hut how have the original powers of the
respective Suites been affected by the va
rious acts which, for all external and many ■
intern ti purposes, have made us one poo
pie < -I'be firtt a'ct of union was the Dec
laration of Independence, and as its ac- ■
k now lodgement by Great Britain operates
restrwspvctively, it will be proper to inquire
whether the Declaration of Independence
modified in any m inner the power or autho
rity of the sever d Colonies within their lim
it-. It bound the colonies to a common
ami the holiest cause, the vindication oftheir
libertie agamsttbe odious oppression ofthe
mot i country. B it, except tfiis pledge '
to fight out the battle <kf liberty to the last,
it is not perceived that the Declaration of
Independence modified in the slightest de
gree the internal jurisdiction of the several
States, nor do 1 believe that the contrary
opinion cm be sustained for a moment.
T. hen, agree inly to what has already been
shown, t r? power and jurisdiction of the
several Stat s at the acknowledgement of |
their independence by Great Britain was!
precisely wh it had been asserted and <-xer- ■
vised by Ij.t authority within their limits,
except so far as they had been limited and j
restyai ied by the articles ol confederation. ■
1 will now endeavor to show how far the!
cn'fre s >vereignty, compicred for the sever
al States from Great Britain, has beenaffec- •
ted by tne articles of confed ration, or the
constitution which bis been uib-aitiited lor [
it. But as the subject under consideration
belongs exclusively to the jurisdiction right
fully belofig’mg n> the State mid Federal
Government with respect to Indian-, I shall
confine my inquiries and illustrations to
that subject, adverting to other portions of i
our organic law only so far sts it may serve
to throw lightupon this.
In illustration of my subject, I shall re
mind this House, that by the second arti-!
cle of confederation, “each State retains i
its sovereignly, freedom ami independence, [
and every power, jmi-dictiou and right!
which is not by this confederation expressly I
dedegated to the United Stab's in Congres - j
,i s-<*n>- u. <* f,. ,i,„ ,t*|rib'itiou of p<»W"rs I
conferred by that instrument upon the U. S. |
it is further provided in the fourth par- |
agrmih ofthe ninth article, that “the United I
States in Congress assembled, shall also!
have the sole ami exclusive right and pow- [
er of regulating the trade and managing |
ail ufi'.iii s with the Indian- not members of
any of the States : Provided, that the le
gislative right of any State within its own
limits be not infringed or violated.” Thus j
in point of principle, vas the power of’the !
confederation over the Indian tribes, with
respect to their govern nent w ithin the I
States, left precise y as the panics found it. '
Great Britain claimed, ami tor every pur
pose of her interest or convenience, exer
cised emire sovereignty over Indians with
in the limits other colonies ; and most of
the colonies with or without reference to
her sovereignty, exercised unlimited control
over them, and the declaration of indepen
dence and its ackmnvled.ptraetit by Great
Bi'iiam, placed the respective Statesiu pos
session ot all the power ever claimed and
asked by her. That power was entire sov
ereignty ami legislation over the Indians,
which, within the Slates, was not impaired
, or diminished by the articles of eonfedera
i lion, but is expressly saved by the provi
so to the power conferred on the Union in
respect to the Indians. The best exposition
of a law is to Lie found in the uuit’otm ami
long continued mode of its enforcement.
Applying this rule, there is no difficulty in
determining that the several States under
stood the articles of confederation in the
[ -case w hich 1 have given to it, as they con
[ tinned to exercise the same jurisdiction
over Indians which they had exercised in
[ their colonial state, and that was complete
I and entire sovereignly. In addition to the
; numerous examples of colonial legislation
’ already brought to the notice of the House,
■it may be further established by reference
I to the legislation of Virginia in her consti
pation of L77G ; an act of the Legislature
iof 1777 for establishing a general court;
; by the constitution ofNew York in 1777
pier act for Indian affairs, passed in 1783,
panl her more tecent legislation on the
subject in 1813 a.id 1832, as well as her
Judicial decisions by the Legislature of
tiliode Lland in 1733; ol .North Carolina
in 1778 and 1783 ; am of Georgia in 1789
: mid 1 100, as well as more recently. It is
obvious, from these Illustrations, drawn
I from the colonial and State legislation prior
to the establishment ofthe federal constitu
| lion, that the several colonies and slates
j claimed and exercised entire jurisdiction
! over indian affairs. Nor is it believed that
j any attempt has ever been made to inter
fere with either of the old thirteen states on
I this subject, so as io control her municipal
regulations, but the State of Georgia.
Desiring to despatch this subject, which
' can be but ol little interest to this House,
compared to what I feel in it as a Georgian,
1 will now pass to a very brief inquiry into
! the powers conferred by tin? States in the
j federal constitution, for the regulation of
' Indian affairs, and the manner in w hich
! those powers have been executed. It will
j be recollected, that whatever power or jn
' risefiction may have been claimed by the
i Government of the confederation on one
j side, or the respective States on the otliei,
! in regard to Indians, the subject is now en
i tirely regulated by the constitution.
i l:i examining the present constitution, it
is found that it contains a single grant of
power over Indians to the Federal Govern
ment, and a single restriction upon the
States. The grant of power is to be found
in the third clause of the Sth section of the
| first article ofthe constitution—“To regu
j late commerce with foreign nations, among
[the several States, and with ike Indian
1 tribes.” It is of the last importance, in
considering this clause, of the constitution,
■ to hear in mind that the commercial power
I in its three several branches, is conferred in
I the s ime terms,-o far as regards their im
[ port, and that the power is commercial only.
llt is also of the greatest importance to re
member, that as it embraces r.’/l foreign tri
llions with which we may desire or must
carry on commercial intercourse, so it em
jbrac.es «// the States of this Union, and all
[the Indian tribes within the whole range of
I the United States, in the further investi
jgation ofthe subject, it should be recollec
ted that the same uniform course has been
i pursued in the establishment and mainten
ance of commercial intercourse with foreign
nations ; they have been treated as equal
and independent communities, and trade
and commerce with them regulated by trea
ty stipulations. A similar principle has
been acted upon towards the States of this
Union : they have been treated as a com
munity of equals, ami the commercial in
tercourse between them regulated by the
principles ofthe constitution. Nothing else
has been mixed up withit; because mista
ken or vicious politicians did not find it ne
cessary to derive from it a pretext for inter
meddling with their internal jurisdiction
over their own people. Nor Ims the en
forcement, or attempted enforcement, of
the commercial power over the Indian tribes
in its general operation upon the original
Slates of this Union, within which such
tribes are, or have been situated, been car
ried beyond the letter or spirit of tiie con-1
stitution. Indeed, in al! of them, except
the states of North Carolina and Georgia,
there has never been anv attempt to exer
cise even the naked power to regulatecom
merce with an Indian tribe within their lim
its, much less any attempt to derive from
this commercial grant tiie power of exclu
sive legislation over them. From the ex
amples shown ofthe mode of enforcing the !
commercial power by the Federal Govern
ment toward foreign nations, mid among
the Stales, it is obvious that noatten pt has
ever been made io derive, by any implica
tion whatsoever, any oilier power from
that grant.
It is, therefore, inconceivable, how smh
an attempt should ever have been made to
extract Irom the grant ol the naked power
“to regulate commerce with the Indian
tribes,” the power of exclusive legislation
over the persons and territory of any one of
these States, especially when the commer
cial power itself has never been attempted to
be exercised, but by at least one actol' Con
gress ; and that the act by wdiic.h the vari
ous acts of usurpation towards Georgia
have been attempted to be justified, has been [
expressly reserved from exercise in all the i
old St.ii.es containing Indian tribes, but
North Carolina and Georgia; I mean the '
intercourse law of 1802. if the power to !
rctnikite commerce with the Indian tribes,!
coiil'crs on Congress exclusive legishition o
ver persons ami things in the countries oc
ctq ied by them, it confers equally exclusive
powers within the respective States ol this
Union; as exclusive power over white men
nt Milledgeville, or over red men til New
Echota or eisew here, in the Cherokee na
tion. The power in each case is conferred
in the same clause ol me conslitutmn, ami
in terms eqmdiy conqqieheusive and unlim
ited. How, then, eaii it be pretended that
Congress possesses it, in every thing re ti
ling to Indians ami the territory occupied by
them within 4 a State, without carrying along
with it the claim to exclusive jurisdiction ot
the citizens of the several Slates? The claim
is as monstrous and absurd in the one case
us the other. 1 know il may be said, as it
has been, that the older States have actpi’n
ed jurisdiction over the Indians within ilieir
limits nt an early period, by their voluntary
consent; and therefore may have rightfully
exercised it, forasmuch as such tribes were
not contcmploted at the formation of the ar
ticles of confederation, or afterwards, w hen
the present constitution was framed. 1 de
i'V this; for the grant of power in reference
to Indians in both instruments is general
■and unrestricted as it respects the States;
; audit’ sued voluntary surrender had been
' previously made by the Indians, by these
■grants ci commercial powers, the respective
States delegated so much of the Indian ju
risdiction to the Union. Either it was the
duty ot’ the Federal Government to have
exercised the jurisdiction heretofore claim
ed lowards Georgia over the Indians in ev
ery State of this Union, or a gross usurpa
tion has been attempted towards Georgia in
the efforts heretofore made to enforce such
power upon her. It may be said that the
exercise of the commercial power towards
the States is restrained and limited by the
guaranty of a republican government to
each ofthe States t.f ibis Union, and by that
! amendment which declares “that the pow
ers not granted by the constitution to the
: United Stales, nor prohibited by it to the
i States, are reserved to the States lespective
!v, or to the people.” If this be so, and it
is admitted, the same provisions of the con
stitution afford equal protection to the Stales
against the exercise by the Federal Gov
ernment of the exclusive jurisdiction over
Indians within tiieir limits. But there are
. other provisions of tiie constitution, which
i hear with peculiar force upon this subject.
It is declared that “no new Stale shall be
. formed or erected within the jurisdiction of
' any other State.” Yet, according to the
i honorable gentleman, Congress had the
1 right tc erect the Cherokee State within the
jurisdiction of Georgia, without her consent,
[and against her most solemn declarations to
! the contrary. But 1 may, before I con
■ elude, show another and not less glaring at
! tempt to trample upon the rights of Georgia,
j by an ancestor ofthe honorable gentleman,
! when he filled a High place in this Govt rn
! ment. To return to the subject immecliate
|lv before me. As the power conferred up
! on Congress to regulate commerce among
j the States has been justly so interpreted as
! to include nothing else, and to leave them
I in the possession mid exercise of all pow ers
‘ not granted to the Federal Government, nor
1 prohibited by the constitution over their
i white citizens, it is eqmdiy clear, that it in
| chides nothing else in reference to Indians,
! and that they are as fair and constitutional
I objects ofthe legislation ofthe States for ev
! erv thing else, as any other description of
persons within their limits. I w ill now turn
lor a moment to the only direct restriction
which the constitution imposes upon the
Slates, with regard to Indians having dis
posed of the indirect restriction growing out
of the power conferred on Congress to reg
ulate commerce vxith the Indian tribes, it
is this, that in making up their respective
[ numbers, the several Stales shall not include
i “ Indians not taxed.”
| If the States o; ly possessed such powers
ias had been conferred upon them by the
I constitution, it would be an irresistible iiifer
! once, from the terms of this restriction, that
[ the States may include, in ti eir representa
! live numbers, Indians who are taxed ; and
' of cousequence that they may tax them for
dial purpose. But the ru eof interpreting
I the constitution is this, and it is emphatical
|iy established by the tenth amendment:
[ •• That the respective States retain every
(power which they have neither delegated to
I the Federal Government, nor prohibited to
I themselves.” They have not done the one
I or the other with regard to the government
jof the Indians; they have conferred the
•' same commercial power, and no more, in the
one case as tiie other ; they have the right
to tax white men, and they hare an equal
right to tax Indians; end the constitution
places taxed white men and taxed Indians
on the same looting oi federal enumeration.
[ Will the honorable gentleman from Massa
chusetts, or any other gentleman, inform
i this House whether, at the formation of tiie
federal constitution, there was one taxed In
dian in the United States? i have not yet
learned that '.here was one; and if not, it
goes most strongly to support mv argu
ment on the subject. So tar as 1 know or
believe, the first serious attempt that was
persevered in, which has ever been made to
interfere with the territorial rights or juris
diction of Georgia with respect to Indians
within her limits, was macle bv the immedi
ate successor of General Washington—for
what cause, 1 know not, unless it was that
she gave her electoral vote, in 1796, to
Thomas Jefferson; and attemps of a similar
character were revived and attempted to be
enforced upon her in 1825, by the then
President ol the United States. Georgia
then stood in a similar attitude, having giv
en her Presidential vote in 1824, and her
vote in this House in 1825, in favor of an
other individual, one of her own distinguish
ed sons. 1 have shown, by reference to the
legislative and other historical memorials of
this country, that die several States in no
wise impaired or restricted their jurisdiction
over Indians by the adoption of the federal
constitution, than they impaired and restric
ted their jui isdiction over any cither des
cription of persons within their several lim
its; and (hat a large number of’them, so
large as to establish the rule under the con
stitution, have continued to exercise unlim
ited and undisturbed .-.nthority over them,
while attempts have been made, for what
purpose i shall not here inquire, to make
Georgia an cjccplion to that rule.
Notwithstanding the attempts which have
been made from time to time to interfere
with the jurisdiction of Georgia over die
Indians w ithin her limits, she liar not teas-
THE STANDARD OF UNION.
ed to claim, until finally she has been per
mitted, without further molestation, to ex
ercise lier unqiiestiomible right.
In 1796, it is well known, that the United
States, by commissioners,entered into what
was called the treaty of Colerain, with the
Creek Indians; but it may not be equally
well known that tiie Stale of Georgia ap
propriated money to defray the expenses of
that treaty, ami for carrying its provisions
into effect, (as w ill be seen by the act of her
Legislature passed in the year 1796,) to an
amount exceeding thirtv-five thousand dol
lars.
it may not be generally known, that the
commissioners who negotiated that treaty,
entered into stipulations with the Indians
which were derogatory to the territorial
rights and jurisdiction of’ Georgia; that the
Legislature of Georgia protested most sol
emnly against those stipulations, ami that
upon its ratification, the Senate ofthe Uni-
Jed States expressly excepted and reserved
to Georgia her claim of territorial right and
I jurisdiction; yet such w ere the facts.
■ From the date ofthe treaty ol'Colerain,
j and the protest of Georgia, and the recog
i iijlion of the principles of that protest by the
. Senate, no new occasion is believed to have
I occurred to produce collision between Geor
| gin and this Government, until the year
1825. l>ul as formerly hinted, very soon
after the first President of the United States
closed his second term of office, bis succes
sor turned h.s eye to the w ild lands of Geor
[gia; and although the southern boundary
I of the United States had been settled bv the
[ treaty of San Lorenzo El Real, according
to the southern boundary of Georgia, ns de
fined in the proclamation of George the
third, in 1763, a.id re-affirmed in the prelim
inary articles of peace with Great Britain in
1782, and finally by the definitive treaty
with that power in 1783, within a short pe
riod after the conclusion ofthe treaty with
Spain by which the question had been thus
settled, the then President of the United
States, recommended, and Congress passed
acts, creating a Territorial Government
within the limits of Georgia. That Presi-
; dent was a distinguished citizen of Massa-
■ chusetts, and not unknown to the member
; who now arraigns the conduct of Georgia,
l in termsoi such unmeasured condemnation.
> W Ity did not the same President recommend
j the establishment of a Territoiial Govern
, ment upon the wild lands of Massachusetts
j now within the State of Maine? The south
[ ern boundary of the Union was settled ac
; cording to the chartered limits of Georgia,
I and the northern and north-eastern bounda
j rv, in conformity with the original charters
I of the Colonies there situatea, now members
■of the Union. What better right could ex
! ist for usurping ami tyranizing over Geor
’ gia than the rest, it cannot be possible for
the human mind to conceive. This outra
geous and unjust oppression of Georgia,
was finally settled and disposed of by her
compact with the United Statesiu 1892. 1
will here, sir, once for all, before going
further with any other branch of my inqui
ry, show the ground upon which that com-
I act placed the relations of the United
States and Georgia. By it Georgia yield
ed no right previously asserted or exercise
ed by her, but she acquired from the United
States the obligation on their part, on cer
tain conditions, to remove the Indiansfrom,
witinn her limits. It is worthy of remark,
that the subject of that compact was the
transfer by Georgia of a large portion of
hern souther Territory to the United States.
It should be further observed, that the in
tercourse law, as it has been generally ter
med, which in its provisions exempted the
Indians in all the Slates which had claimed
or exerciscdjurisdiction over them, from its
operation, except in North Carolina and
Georgia, was passed on the 30th ofMarcb,
1892, and that the compact with Georgia
was entered into on the 24th of April, 1802
—twenty-five days afterwards. Why the
intercourse law should, bv its provision,
have exempted the Indians, in a large num
ber ot States, from its operation, without
giving to the two States mentioned the same
exemption, it is not necessary to inquire,
nor can it be explained upon anv just prin
ciple. This is tlieact by w inch most or ali
the attempts to deprive the State of Geor
gia of her rightful jurisdiction over all the
soil and all the people within her limits,
have been juslitled.
The compact between the United States
and Georgia was entered into after the pas
sage of the act regulating trade and inter
tercourse wi.h the Indian tribes, as 1 have
already shown, and if it contains any thing
incompatible with that compact, leaving
any con-titu.’mnal question outofview, it
must so far repeal that act.
By the compact, as has been already sta
ted, Georgiaceded tothe United States “ ali
the right, title, and claim, which the said
Slate has to the jurisdiction and soil ofthe
land situated,” &tc. describing the land
thus ceded to the United States. “ The
United States accept tiie cession above men
tioned, and on the conditions therein ex
pressed; and they ceded t > the State of
Georgia whatever claim, right, or title, they
may have to the jurisdiction or sod of any
lauds,” £cc. describing the lands which
Georgia reserved to herself. Can plain,
practical common sense discern the slightest
difference between the respective stipula
tions of the parties ? It w ould be impossi
ble. How, then, does it happen, when the
United States, from the day this compact
was ratified bv the Legislature of Geor
gia in June, 1602, have been in undi-tui b
ed possession and enjoyment of “ soil and
jurisdiction,” as ceded by Georgia, and have
actually erected two States thereon, and
Georgia shall not have andexercise the “ soil
ami jurisdiction” ceded to her, particularly
as the terms of the cession from the United
States are so broad, and the designation of
the country so general in its terms, as to
embrace the whole territory of Georgia?
Frohi the period just mentioned, I donl now
remember that Georgia had any difficulty
w ith the Indians, or their white champions,
until the year 1805, except their hostility
during the late war with Great Britain.
('To he Continued)
Political Anecdote. — Two friends wore
speaking tiie other day upon the approaching
Presidential Election. One of them remarked
that the greatest difference which lie could see
between Gen. Ilariison and Mr. Van Buren was
this;—Gen. Harrison in peace and in war was
supported I y his country —Mr. Van Buren in
peace and in war supported his country.
[Logcm.ywri Tel. j
■■
. . ■!■'
1 1 . . 'H. i /'.• .'■<«• -J. g,.;./* /
I;”"'
"The friends of the Union are our its
enemies, our enemi(S. u
A l ./. 1 ..- 1 , <1 1 1. ; ’ U’-z ; i J/ LhJbJ’M
August t>3.
l&Mioii, Tifinioerfitte icnn£ii!i»eslti
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FO R VICE- PRES I DENT,
RICHARD M. JOHNSON.
EXTRACT FROM
MARTIN VAN RUBEN’S LETT ER
Accepting the nomination of the Conven
tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit
tee.
“ I content nujstdf on this occasion with
sajiing, that I consider myself the honored
instrument selected by thefriendsof the Ad
ministration to carry out its principles and
policy, and as well from inclination as from
duty, 1 shall, if honored with the choice of
the American People, endeavour to tread
generally in the footsteps of President Jack
son, happy if ! shall be able to per- i
feet the work wnieh he has so gloriously be
gun."
“ For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 votes A-
gainst it, 18. The Cliair voting in tiie AFFIR
AIA lie E, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and
read a third time.”
Martin fan Buren, on the Bill to prohibitthe cit
wlatioti of tncendinry publications th rough the mails.
E LECT©KAE TEESJET.
THOMAS F. AN DEItSOA, of Franklin.
Vv M. B. B L LLOCH, of Chatham.
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison.
THOMAS HAN NES, of Baldwin.
WILSON LUMPKIN', of Walton.
WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson.
TIIOM AS SP A LDIN G, of Mclntosh.
REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper.
WM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
UniGsi Congrcssioaial Ticket.
JO HN COFFEE, of Telfair.
JESSE F. CLEVEL IND, of De Kalb.
THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond.
SEA i’ON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock.
HOPKINS 11. IIOLSEY, ofliarris.
JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark.
GEORGE V.. OW E'NS, of Habersham.
GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, of Talbot.
NEW COTTON.
We learn from the Savannah Georgian, that
three Bales of New Cotton reached Savannah
on the 17th inst. and were sold at 20,1 cents per
lb. Wc li! Well! New Cotton going at 20. J
cents. —Surely General Jackson has ruinated
the country.
Cant wc have a new “ panic" about the high
price of cotton.
We learn that WILKINS HUNT, Esq. rc- !
signed, a few days since, the appointment of
Principal Keeper of the Penitentiary, and
JOHN MILLER, Esq. Book Keeper of the In
stitution, has been appointed by the Inspectors, j
to conduct it,until a successor shall be appointed. !
L |
TO CORRESPOND ENTS.
The Communication of “ llEtinv,” and the '
proceedings, toasts, &cc. of the dinner given to [
the Baldwin Huzzars, by the citizens of Mil- ,
ledgeville, has been unavoidably laid over un- '
til our next number.
LIGHTNING.
During a severe thunder shower on Tuesday j
evening last, a large wooden building in this
place, on Hancock street, occupied as a Ware-
House by Messis. Nichols and Deming, was
struck with lightning—the shaft of tiie chimney
thrown down, the house set on fire, and a val
uable horse belonging to Mr. Nichols, standing i
near tin? chimney was killed.
Several persons in the vicinity were severe- [
ly shocked, and particles of the electric fluid :
came in contact with several others, but not in [
sufficient force to produce serious injury. (
The fire which communicated to the House, [
was fortunately extinguished before it had
made much progress.
“ Where arc ye ganging to Samicyl"
Bock a gen!"
The Nuliifiers after puffing and praising Gen
eral Glascock, for several months, until they re
ally seemed as jf they had forgotten their own
ticket, and until people, who did not know them,
would almost have sworn tiiat every mother’s
son of them, wore going to vote for him at all
events, are now making, as Lord Wellington
said, “ a motion in the rear.”
But General Glascock knew bettor, and we
knew better, and every body knew better, who
knew the Nuliifiers. We said* to many of our
friends, it is all a humbug—not a man of them
will vote for him. We knew the whole aim
and object of their course was, if possible, to |
excite jealousies among our members of Con- !
gross and their friends, and thereby to weaken [
our ticket. But wc said they Would fail; they I
have signally failed ; and seeing our whole tick- |
et marching shoulder to shoulder, backed by !
the confidence and energy ofthe whole Union
party, and finding tiiere is nothing to be made
by poaching upon our manor, like Sawney,
“ they are ganging bock agen.”
This is the consistency of Nullification —to
praise men for their talents—exalt them for their 1
patriotism, and bold them up as deserving the l
highest confidence. To toast and puff them at i
dinners mid festivals, as the guardians of the I
peoples rights and the public interests, and to I
turn around in the next breath, and call upon the
country to vote against them. This is a trait in
the character of Nullification, peculiar to itself.
They need not trouble themselves about [
General Glascock’s election.—They need not j
warn their party against voting for him. They [
never intended to do it; but we can tell the
Nuliifiers who will support him, and who will
elect him and the whole Union ticket, it will
be tiie Union Party— the same men who sent
the same delegation to Congress, and who will
neither flatter the Nuliifiers or vote for them.
Union men, go tdiead ! Take counsel from
the past. —Remember, the nuliifiers, while they
are rallying every man in their ranks, to their
own ticket, are setting dead fails and man traps
to catch Union votes. Then let us start fair,
hug the polls, and lay whip, for we have bottom
and speed—and just as far as John Bascombe
beat vXrgyle, so far shall wc beat the Nsillies at
the great October race,
Athens, 3rd August, 1836.
lion. John C. ( alhouu—
Sir.— As the organ of’the citizens of Athens
' ami its vicinity, it has been made our pleasing
duty to assure you that your a isit among them
is a source of high gratifleadon, and besides the
wish to offer you the civilities due to a stranger
they are anxious to afford you a testimony of the
very great regard in which your distinguished
public services, especially as relates to the ques
tion ol Abolition and tiie distribution of the sur
plus revenue, are held by them «fc to this end beg
totenderyoua public dinner atsuchtime as will
best suit your convienence. We earnestly re
quest that you will not refuse this of so favorable
an opportunity of gratifying the wishes of a por
tion ol yarn* fcllow-Citizens, who have not only
greatly admired your political course but who
•entertain for you personally the highest consid
eration.
Very Respectfully,
Your Ob’t Servt’s.
A.S. CLAYTON,
C. DOUGHERTY,
S. J. MAYS,
GEO. R.YOUNG,
ASBURY HULL,
GEO. K. CLAYTON,
HINES HOLT,
HONOR TO IIIS GRACE THE DUKE OF
PENDLETON, alias, JOHN C.
CALHOUN.
[ 4he above letter of invitation to this distin-
[ guished rullifier, during the late commencenent
: at Athens, affords a most striking and palptble
I example, of political inconsistency.
I John C. Calhoun invited to a public dinner,
!by the old political associates and personal
■ friends of William 11. Crawford !
Who that witnessed tiie scenes of 1822-3 and
[4, could have believed that such a thing was
I possible ? Who that remembers the slanders
■ which John C. Calhoun has been instrumental
iin propagating against the character of Mr.
Crawford, can read this letter without emotions
of mortification and astonishment ? None.
But strange as tho invitation must appear,
! the expression of approbation in regard to Mr.
Calhoun’s political course, is still more remark
able. They say,
“ We earnestly request that you will not re
fuse this, so favorable an opportunity of gratify -
i ing the wishes of a portion of your fellow citi
zens, who have not only greatly admired your\
political course, out who entertain for you per
sonally, the. highest consideration."
Here, then, is the most sweeping and unqual
ified admiration and approval of the “ political
course” oi Mi’. Cid'nauis, by men. the. most, or
ali of whom, have been the devoted friends of
Mr. Crawford, and who, for a long time, con
| sidered Mr. Calhoun, one of the most heterodox
land dangerous politicians in the United States.
“Greatly admired your political course!”
Let us now take a brief glance at the “ political
' course” of Mr. Calhoun, that the country may
know, from the history of his own actions, jwho
it is, that has excited the political admiration of
the Athens Committee, as well as “ personally,
■.. . . 1
tneir highest consideration,”
In 1816, Mr. Calhoun was a decided tariff
man, and voted for the strongest measures ofthe
tariff partyt Is he admired for this?
At tiie same session he made a speech upon
the same subject, in favor of duties so high, that
the manufacturing establishments of this coun
try, should be placed “ beyond all contingen
cies.” Is their admiration founded upon this
act of oppression and injustice to the south ?
In 1817, as Secretary of War, he abrogated
a treaty with the Cherokees, for all, or nearly
all the lands, which they occupied in Georgia,
concluded upon the most reasonable terms; set- !
tied down the Indians upon us, as far as he
could, by attempts to civilize and make them
the permanent occupants of our soil; and yet
his course is “ greatly admired.”
He has uniformly voted in Congress for the
expenditure of tnc peoples money, in works of
Internal improvement, by the General Govern
ment. and while Secretary of War, recommen
ded the most extravagant and splendid system
to Congress; and y«t, he is the subject of groat
admiration.
Be was the enemy of George M. Troup, in !
his contest with the General Government, in j
1825, and took sides with John Q. Adams.— |
Who admites him for that ? [
He was “art and part” with Ninian Ed- j
wards in the infamous A, B. conspiracy, which, [
for moral and political turpitude, has no paral- ■
lei in the history of our political contests—but
still Mr. Calhoun is “greatly admired for his
political course,”
When Mr. Crawford was a candidate for the !
presidency, Mr. Calhoun established a press al i
Washington City, and hired an English black- ■
guard to slander and vituperate his character, j
Bow much admiration was excited by this par- [
titular act?
lie has voted to re-charter the Bank ofthe [
United States, and supported tiiat corrupt insti- !
tution, through thick and thin. But ho is ■
greatly admired.”
He has uniformly opposed the interests of|
Georgia, for twenty years, and to make it mere
apparent, and to leave no ground for doubt or
cavil, did no longci ago than June last,
RECORD IHS YOTE LN THE SEN
ATE OF THE UNITED STATES, A
GAINST THE TREATY WITH THE
CHEROKEE INDIANS.—A treaty, involv
ing, not only the interests of our Slate Gov
ernment, but thousands and tens of thousands of
her good citizens,-—And this is the man who
enjoys the political applause, and consideration
of Georgians!
There was a time when “consistency” was ■
considered a “jewel;” but alas! the commod- 1
ity is rapidly going mil of use.
The following account of a gallant affair
in which our fellow citizens of Lowndes County,
proved themselves good soldiers, did not reach
the Executive Department until it was too late
! for our last paper.
Wc take great pleasure in presenting it to the
public, as an act of Justice to those engaged in
tiie contest, and as reflecting credit upon the
manly spirit and good conduct of our fellow
citizens.
Lowndes, Countv Ga. |
July 13, 1836. f
To His Utcellency William Schley :
Dear Sir:-—f haste to inform you of a defeat
[met bv the hostile Creek Indians, in trying .to
[ pass through our county. On the 19th of this
I instant a party of Indians about fifteen, were
discovered near Aaron Mattoxc’s, in the tenth
district of t iis county, by two of his sous, and
were traveling an east course, and on the same
dav about eight miles from where they were
seen bv Mattox, and in the direction they were
travellimr, three were seen by Airs. Boyett and
daughter ; on the next day Monday a number
of us, sav 40, repaired to where they were dis
covered by Mattoxc’s sons, and took their trail;
they travelled very near east to the Allappaha
swamp, about twelve miles, and passing them
were discovered by Mrs. Boyett, about one mile
south. Night setting in we were compelled to
I take tin camp on the swamp of the Allappaha,
! ami about dark, and in a few minutes after we
had encamped, two runners came to us, stating
that the Indians at two hours before sun set,
were at Win. Parker’s, four miles above, plun
dering his house ; in the morning, Tuesday*
we divided our force, which had increased in
the day time to near eighty men, and sent all
but 35 men over the river, to rendezvous
where they were expected to cross ; we then re
paired to Win. Parker’s, found that they had
robbed his house of every thing of value in it*
had among otherthings taken 25 lbs. of powder
30 bars of lead, and 140 weight of shot, also
S3OB in money. We took their trail through a
most desperate swamp. Through lakes and
creeks, several of them up to our arm-pits, and
bushes and bi iers almost impenetrable by any
human other than a savage, for two miles, when
we came to their camp, on a large lake near
the river bank, here the trail bore up the river*
a north course to Gaskin’s ferry, eight miles of’
Parkes; here we despatched a runner to our
; force, which had crossed the river, to recross,
and come up to us, as the trail continued up tlio
river, and now a little north west ; cur men
pressed forward with-a zeal and fierceness that
’ would surmount any difficulty ; by night we
were so near them, that we knew where the
camp was—about ten miles above Gaskins fer
ry, an open bluff opposite Air. Mitchell’s was
examined by a party of our men after sunset,
and found the Indians had not passed, and the
trail continuing up within two miles. Night
now setting in, our enforcement coming up we
encamped at Mr. Alitchell’s ; in the morning
at day break our company again divided, 38
men were posted at the bluff, their left resting
on the river bank, and their right extending
about two hundred yards right out from the ri
ver, who were silently to await the approach
of the enemy ; Jesse Carter was chosen to
command on the left, Win. A. Knight in the
center, and Wm. Peters on the right, the bal
i ance, 33 repaired down to where we could
again find the trail, and bearing up until we
i came in sight of our men tiiat was posted at the
I liluff where we saw them charging down toward
I us, and bearing into a point of bushes, in a small
| bend ofthe river, a tremenduous fire ensued,
[ our trailers dashed off at the top oftheir speed,
i and Air. Peter’s company who were in the lead
I dashed up almost among the enemy, who had
I selected their position in a clump of pines and
[ bushes, at river bunk,fired at our men who were
coming up with great bravery ; Air. Peters was
! badly wounded in the right breast, and the left
[side ofthe abdomen : he fell, but cried out to
‘ bis men to charge on the whole foice, now bear
ing in from above and below, and but few had
discharged their gems, reserving their fire to see
an object to shoot at, and charging at the top of
their speed, the Indians dropped every thing,
throwing their guns in the river, and plunged
[ in, for life ; our men ran to the bank and shot
| them while swimming ; only six made their es
cape to the other bank, and from their trail two
or three of them were wounded; there were
about from 20 to 25, one squaw, was shot in the
back with four buck shot, as we ascertained by
the dress which s!ie dropped at the edge of the
water, and was perforated with holes, she was
heard to make a noise until she arrived to the
middle ofthe stream, when all was, silent as
i the warriors never yelled after they dropped
i their guns, fifteen of their packs were found,
[ and ten of their guns was got out ofthe river by
I our best swimmers, two of the Indians that was
nearest the bank was got out and left a prey to
the buzzards and wild beasts on the bank. Par
kers property was nearly all obtained, and his
money was found in one of the shot bags found
in the river in his own pocket book, his name
I being wrote in several places. One of the num
ber of these marauders was from every appear
ance a white man, from his dress and complex
ion, it was in the shot bag carried by him, that
tho money was found, lie was never seen to
climb up the opposite bank, so lie lias paid for
treachery ; the six that got across the rix*er
reached the bank naked, except their flaps ; ws
trust this rebuke will be a caution to the next
part}’ that may try to pass through our county,
I have the honor to bo your excellencies most
obedient and humble servant,
LEVI J. KNIGHT,
N, B, —V/e had but two commissioned offi
cers among us, and they both Captains, who
only filled the place of privates, as the compa
ny claimed the rightofchoosing their leaders ; I
forgot to state, that myselt was chosen to lead
the trailers, Ivy Simmons to second, and YVm.
C. Knieht third or in the roar. L. J. K,
P.S.—Their guns and amunition and proper
ty ot every kind was sold on the spot, and the
proceeds given to Wm. Peters, as he was tho
only sufferer—their property amounted to $l7O
they had some valuable guns.
FOR THE STANDARD OF UNION.
THE CENTRAL DANK.
This institution and its President seem to
have become a fruitful topic for declamation ;
and if we were to judge of them by the mercu
rial effusions of certain wi iters in the Federal
Union, the one should be abolished, and the
oilier annihilated. But fortunately for the one,
ami the other, their existence does not depend
upon the verdict of so partial a judicatory. The
people if Georgia constitute the only legitimate
tribunal that can pass a just and righteous seq-_
tecce upon the nicrits m demerits of either; and.
they are too intelligent to be led aside from tljp’
true points at issue, or to mistake the ravings of
malice, for the denunciations of excited paßjj?
otism.
After reading all that lias been
heard ali that has been said, in justification of
the unmeasured abust? heaped, by a. few individ
uals, upon the President of the Central Bank,
what appears to be the sum total of his offence?
That he voted for Air. Porter, his, relative and
a member ofthe state rights party, to be Cash
ier of that institution. This “is the head and
front of his eflendiug.” And for this, he has
been vindictively reviled, and assailed with the
opprobrious epithets of “ traitor,” “ monster,‘K
and others equally gentle, and equally expres
sive, of the ibeUngs whence they originated.
Let us pause a single, moment, reader, to. enquire
i into the nature? of this, act, that has been chacg-
