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whatsoever, of any lands within this pro-! vince, « hieh hereafter shall be had, made,' obtained, gotten, or procured, front anv ! Indian or Indians, by any person or persons whatsoever, without the I.cense, approba tion, or allowance, oi the General Assem bly ol tins province, (or the same, shall be judged in the lav, to be null,void, ami ot no effect, to ad intents an I purposes, a* though they had never been made.” South Car olina exercised jurisdiction over the whole Indian country within her limits, as ctrlv as the year I 739, by enacting that no pur chase ol lanus irom the Indians should he made, batt by lite King of Great Britain, er; the colonial Government, on the pain of for feiture. In 1786, that jurisdiction was enforced to var.ls the C het okee-, by assigning the:; , temporarily, a tract oi’ country for their oc cupancy ; an I in ISOS, entire sovereignty was exercised by that State over the Ca tawba Indians. Thus stood the jurisdiction of the colo nies which have been mentioned, in refer ence to the Indians within their several lim its, at the commencement of the American Rc volution. This subject has not been passed in review before the House in an un friendly spirit, or for the purpose of recriini nating any one of the States to the early legi»l..t>,>t> ~i'«.(>;..(> 1 have thought it neces sary to advert, but to show, from the most unanswerable evidence, that the same ju risdiction, ami in some instances more, than is exercised by Georgia, was exercised and enforced by the early legislation of a large number of the origi.al colonies. Ido not know, il the proper means had been with in my reach, that I might not have discov ered similar evidence in the history of ali. It cannot matter in what manner entire sov ereignty and jurisdiction may have been ex ercised by any one ofthe States in her co lonial or present condition ; the (act of its exercise is ad that is wanting to justify Georgia in exercising her rightful jurisdic diction by their example. It thus then appears that the American Revolution found the Colonies in unrestrained exercise ©(’jurisdiction over the Indians w ithin their respective limit-. I will now proceed to show tiiat such jurisdiction has not been limited or restrained in any manner, either by the articles of confederation or the pre s ent constitution, except in the single parti cular of regulating commerce with the In dian tribes; and that if the claim to exclu sive legislation over them is set up under that grant of power, it may with equal pro priety be cet up as against the Stales of this Union; and ii it can be supported against them, this is indeed a Government w ithout limitation of powers. It might be sufficient lor my argument to show that, although Indians have remaimd Unbodied in most of the original thirteen Slates ever since the declaration of inde pendence, no authority has been claimed tor the General Government, either under the articles of confederation or the present constitutioa, even for the exercise ol’ the commercial power over them, much less the odious usurpation of exclusive legislation, as attempted to he set tip against tin? State ot Georgia, It has been already shown, that many of the colonies exercised, under the authority ot their charters, entire pow ers of legislation over the whole extent of rheir limits, Jong before tiie Declaration of Independence; that they derived these powers over the countries included in their charters from the British crown, and it is fearlessly asserted, that the jurisdic lion of Georgia, turner her charter, was unlimited as the re.-t. To show this, it is only neces sary to refer to the proclamation ofthe king ot Great Britain in 1733, wherein the coun tries in possession o> Great Britain, within her colonies, and occupied by Indians, were reserved under “her sovereignty, protect ion, and dominion.” It is true, that the “sover dgnty, protection, and dominion,” clai ne.l by the king ©f Britain, was said to be for the bane.it of the Indians ; but it is not the mode of its assertion and exercise that i-at i-sue between Georgia and her enemies, but the sovereignty actually asser ted and exert i-ed by Great Britain through out tire wnole extent of her American Col onies, and which passed to each respective ly, fully and completely, upon the establish ment of their independence, and its acknow ledge nent by Great Britain, saving and ex cepting as it had been curtailed and abrid ged by the articles of confederation, and subsequently by the constitution. Hut how have the original powers of the respective Suites been affected by the va rious acts which, for all external and many ■ intern ti purposes, have made us one poo pie < -I'be firtt a'ct of union was the Dec laration of Independence, and as its ac- ■ k now lodgement by Great Britain operates restrwspvctively, it will be proper to inquire whether the Declaration of Independence modified in any m inner the power or autho rity of the sever d Colonies within their lim it-. It bound the colonies to a common ami the holiest cause, the vindication oftheir libertie agamsttbe odious oppression ofthe mot i country. B it, except tfiis pledge ' to fight out the battle <kf liberty to the last, it is not perceived that the Declaration of Independence modified in the slightest de gree the internal jurisdiction of the several States, nor do 1 believe that the contrary opinion cm be sustained for a moment. T. hen, agree inly to what has already been shown, t r? power and jurisdiction of the several Stat s at the acknowledgement of | their independence by Great Britain was! precisely wh it had been asserted and <-xer- ■ vised by Ij.t authority within their limits, except so far as they had been limited and j restyai ied by the articles ol confederation. ■ 1 will now endeavor to show how far the! cn'fre s >vereignty, compicred for the sever al States from Great Britain, has beenaffec- • ted by tne articles of confed ration, or the constitution which bis been uib-aitiited lor [ it. But as the subject under consideration belongs exclusively to the jurisdiction right fully belofig’mg n> the State mid Federal Government with respect to Indian-, I shall confine my inquiries and illustrations to that subject, adverting to other portions of i our organic law only so far sts it may serve to throw lightupon this. In illustration of my subject, I shall re mind this House, that by the second arti-! cle of confederation, “each State retains i its sovereignly, freedom ami independence, [ and every power, jmi-dictiou and right! which is not by this confederation expressly I dedegated to the United Stab's in Congres - j ,i s-<*n>- u. <* f,. ,i,„ ,t*|rib'itiou of p<»W"rs I conferred by that instrument upon the U. S. | it is further provided in the fourth par- | agrmih ofthe ninth article, that “the United I States in Congress assembled, shall also! have the sole ami exclusive right and pow- [ er of regulating the trade and managing | ail ufi'.iii s with the Indian- not members of any of the States : Provided, that the le gislative right of any State within its own limits be not infringed or violated.” Thus j in point of principle, vas the power of’the ! confederation over the Indian tribes, with respect to their govern nent w ithin the I States, left precise y as the panics found it. ' Great Britain claimed, ami tor every pur pose of her interest or convenience, exer cised emire sovereignty over Indians with in the limits other colonies ; and most of the colonies with or without reference to her sovereignty, exercised unlimited control over them, and the declaration of indepen dence and its ackmnvled.ptraetit by Great Bi'iiam, placed the respective Statesiu pos session ot all the power ever claimed and asked by her. That power was entire sov ereignty ami legislation over the Indians, which, within the Slates, was not impaired , or diminished by the articles of eonfedera i lion, but is expressly saved by the provi so to the power conferred on the Union in respect to the Indians. The best exposition of a law is to Lie found in the uuit’otm ami long continued mode of its enforcement. Applying this rule, there is no difficulty in determining that the several States under stood the articles of confederation in the [ -case w hich 1 have given to it, as they con [ tinned to exercise the same jurisdiction over Indians which they had exercised in [ their colonial state, and that was complete I and entire sovereignly. In addition to the ; numerous examples of colonial legislation ’ already brought to the notice of the House, ■it may be further established by reference I to the legislation of Virginia in her consti pation of L77G ; an act of the Legislature iof 1777 for establishing a general court; ; by the constitution ofNew York in 1777 pier act for Indian affairs, passed in 1783, panl her more tecent legislation on the subject in 1813 a.id 1832, as well as her Judicial decisions by the Legislature of tiliode Lland in 1733; ol .North Carolina in 1778 and 1783 ; am of Georgia in 1789 : mid 1 100, as well as more recently. It is obvious, from these Illustrations, drawn I from the colonial and State legislation prior to the establishment ofthe federal constitu | lion, that the several colonies and slates j claimed and exercised entire jurisdiction ! over indian affairs. Nor is it believed that j any attempt has ever been made to inter fere with either of the old thirteen states on I this subject, so as io control her municipal regulations, but the State of Georgia. Desiring to despatch this subject, which ' can be but ol little interest to this House, compared to what I feel in it as a Georgian, 1 will now pass to a very brief inquiry into ! the powers conferred by tin? States in the j federal constitution, for the regulation of ' Indian affairs, and the manner in w hich ! those powers have been executed. It will j be recollected, that whatever power or jn ' risefiction may have been claimed by the i Government of the confederation on one j side, or the respective States on the otliei, ! in regard to Indians, the subject is now en i tirely regulated by the constitution. i l:i examining the present constitution, it is found that it contains a single grant of power over Indians to the Federal Govern ment, and a single restriction upon the States. The grant of power is to be found in the third clause of the Sth section of the | first article ofthe constitution—“To regu j late commerce with foreign nations, among [the several States, and with ike Indian 1 tribes.” It is of the last importance, in considering this clause, of the constitution, ■ to hear in mind that the commercial power I in its three several branches, is conferred in I the s ime terms,-o far as regards their im [ port, and that the power is commercial only. llt is also of the greatest importance to re member, that as it embraces r.’/l foreign tri llions with which we may desire or must carry on commercial intercourse, so it em jbrac.es «// the States of this Union, and all [the Indian tribes within the whole range of I the United States, in the further investi jgation ofthe subject, it should be recollec ted that the same uniform course has been i pursued in the establishment and mainten ance of commercial intercourse with foreign nations ; they have been treated as equal and independent communities, and trade and commerce with them regulated by trea ty stipulations. A similar principle has been acted upon towards the States of this Union : they have been treated as a com munity of equals, ami the commercial in tercourse between them regulated by the principles ofthe constitution. Nothing else has been mixed up withit; because mista ken or vicious politicians did not find it ne cessary to derive from it a pretext for inter meddling with their internal jurisdiction over their own people. Nor Ims the en forcement, or attempted enforcement, of the commercial power over the Indian tribes in its general operation upon the original Slates of this Union, within which such tribes are, or have been situated, been car ried beyond the letter or spirit of tiie con-1 stitution. Indeed, in al! of them, except the states of North Carolina and Georgia, there has never been anv attempt to exer cise even the naked power to regulatecom merce with an Indian tribe within their lim its, much less any attempt to derive from this commercial grant tiie power of exclu sive legislation over them. From the ex amples shown ofthe mode of enforcing the ! commercial power by the Federal Govern ment toward foreign nations, mid among the Stales, it is obvious that noatten pt has ever been made io derive, by any implica tion whatsoever, any oilier power from that grant. It is, therefore, inconceivable, how smh an attempt should ever have been made to extract Irom the grant ol the naked power “to regulate commerce with the Indian tribes,” the power of exclusive legislation over the persons and territory of any one of these States, especially when the commer cial power itself has never been attempted to be exercised, but by at least one actol' Con gress ; and that the act by wdiic.h the vari ous acts of usurpation towards Georgia have been attempted to be justified, has been [ expressly reserved from exercise in all the i old St.ii.es containing Indian tribes, but North Carolina and Georgia; I mean the ' intercourse law of 1802. if the power to ! rctnikite commerce with the Indian tribes,! coiil'crs on Congress exclusive legishition o ver persons ami things in the countries oc ctq ied by them, it confers equally exclusive powers within the respective States ol this Union; as exclusive power over white men nt Milledgeville, or over red men til New Echota or eisew here, in the Cherokee na tion. The power in each case is conferred in the same clause ol me conslitutmn, ami in terms eqmdiy conqqieheusive and unlim ited. How, then, eaii it be pretended that Congress possesses it, in every thing re ti ling to Indians ami the territory occupied by them within 4 a State, without carrying along with it the claim to exclusive jurisdiction ot the citizens of the several Slates? The claim is as monstrous and absurd in the one case us the other. 1 know il may be said, as it has been, that the older States have actpi’n ed jurisdiction over the Indians within ilieir limits nt an early period, by their voluntary consent; and therefore may have rightfully exercised it, forasmuch as such tribes were not contcmploted at the formation of the ar ticles of confederation, or afterwards, w hen the present constitution was framed. 1 de i'V this; for the grant of power in reference to Indians in both instruments is general ■and unrestricted as it respects the States; ; audit’ sued voluntary surrender had been ' previously made by the Indians, by these ■grants ci commercial powers, the respective States delegated so much of the Indian ju risdiction to the Union. Either it was the duty ot’ the Federal Government to have exercised the jurisdiction heretofore claim ed lowards Georgia over the Indians in ev ery State of this Union, or a gross usurpa tion has been attempted towards Georgia in the efforts heretofore made to enforce such power upon her. It may be said that the exercise of the commercial power towards the States is restrained and limited by the guaranty of a republican government to each ofthe States t.f ibis Union, and by that ! amendment which declares “that the pow ers not granted by the constitution to the : United Stales, nor prohibited by it to the i States, are reserved to the States lespective !v, or to the people.” If this be so, and it is admitted, the same provisions of the con stitution afford equal protection to the Stales against the exercise by the Federal Gov ernment of the exclusive jurisdiction over Indians within tiieir limits. But there are . other provisions of tiie constitution, which i hear with peculiar force upon this subject. It is declared that “no new Stale shall be . formed or erected within the jurisdiction of ' any other State.” Yet, according to the i honorable gentleman, Congress had the 1 right tc erect the Cherokee State within the jurisdiction of Georgia, without her consent, [and against her most solemn declarations to ! the contrary. But 1 may, before I con ■ elude, show another and not less glaring at ! tempt to trample upon the rights of Georgia, j by an ancestor ofthe honorable gentleman, ! when he filled a High place in this Govt rn ! ment. To return to the subject immecliate |lv before me. As the power conferred up ! on Congress to regulate commerce among j the States has been justly so interpreted as ! to include nothing else, and to leave them I in the possession mid exercise of all pow ers ‘ not granted to the Federal Government, nor 1 prohibited by the constitution over their i white citizens, it is eqmdiy clear, that it in | chides nothing else in reference to Indians, ! and that they are as fair and constitutional I objects ofthe legislation ofthe States for ev ! erv thing else, as any other description of persons within their limits. I w ill now turn lor a moment to the only direct restriction which the constitution imposes upon the Slates, with regard to Indians having dis posed of the indirect restriction growing out of the power conferred on Congress to reg ulate commerce vxith the Indian tribes, it is this, that in making up their respective [ numbers, the several Stales shall not include i “ Indians not taxed.” | If the States o; ly possessed such powers ias had been conferred upon them by the I constitution, it would be an irresistible iiifer ! once, from the terms of this restriction, that [ the States may include, in ti eir representa ! live numbers, Indians who are taxed ; and ' of cousequence that they may tax them for dial purpose. But the ru eof interpreting I the constitution is this, and it is emphatical |iy established by the tenth amendment: [ •• That the respective States retain every (power which they have neither delegated to I the Federal Government, nor prohibited to I themselves.” They have not done the one I or the other with regard to the government jof the Indians; they have conferred the •' same commercial power, and no more, in the one case as tiie other ; they have the right to tax white men, and they hare an equal right to tax Indians; end the constitution places taxed white men and taxed Indians on the same looting oi federal enumeration. [ Will the honorable gentleman from Massa chusetts, or any other gentleman, inform i this House whether, at the formation of tiie federal constitution, there was one taxed In dian in the United States? i have not yet learned that '.here was one; and if not, it goes most strongly to support mv argu ment on the subject. So tar as 1 know or believe, the first serious attempt that was persevered in, which has ever been made to interfere with the territorial rights or juris diction of Georgia with respect to Indians within her limits, was macle bv the immedi ate successor of General Washington—for what cause, 1 know not, unless it was that she gave her electoral vote, in 1796, to Thomas Jefferson; and attemps of a similar character were revived and attempted to be enforced upon her in 1825, by the then President ol the United States. Georgia then stood in a similar attitude, having giv en her Presidential vote in 1824, and her vote in this House in 1825, in favor of an other individual, one of her own distinguish ed sons. 1 have shown, by reference to the legislative and other historical memorials of this country, that die several States in no wise impaired or restricted their jurisdiction over Indians by the adoption of the federal constitution, than they impaired and restric ted their jui isdiction over any cither des cription of persons within their several lim its; and (hat a large number of’them, so large as to establish the rule under the con stitution, have continued to exercise unlim ited and undisturbed .-.nthority over them, while attempts have been made, for what purpose i shall not here inquire, to make Georgia an cjccplion to that rule. Notwithstanding the attempts which have been made from time to time to interfere with the jurisdiction of Georgia over die Indians w ithin her limits, she liar not teas- THE STANDARD OF UNION. ed to claim, until finally she has been per mitted, without further molestation, to ex ercise lier unqiiestiomible right. In 1796, it is well known, that the United States, by commissioners,entered into what was called the treaty of Colerain, with the Creek Indians; but it may not be equally well known that tiie Stale of Georgia ap propriated money to defray the expenses of that treaty, ami for carrying its provisions into effect, (as w ill be seen by the act of her Legislature passed in the year 1796,) to an amount exceeding thirtv-five thousand dol lars. it may not be generally known, that the commissioners who negotiated that treaty, entered into stipulations with the Indians which were derogatory to the territorial rights and jurisdiction of’ Georgia; that the Legislature of Georgia protested most sol emnly against those stipulations, ami that upon its ratification, the Senate ofthe Uni- Jed States expressly excepted and reserved to Georgia her claim of territorial right and I jurisdiction; yet such w ere the facts. ■ From the date ofthe treaty ol'Colerain, j and the protest of Georgia, and the recog i iijlion of the principles of that protest by the . Senate, no new occasion is believed to have I occurred to produce collision between Geor | gin and this Government, until the year 1825. l>ul as formerly hinted, very soon after the first President of the United States closed his second term of office, bis succes sor turned h.s eye to the w ild lands of Geor [gia; and although the southern boundary I of the United States had been settled bv the [ treaty of San Lorenzo El Real, according to the southern boundary of Georgia, ns de fined in the proclamation of George the third, in 1763, a.id re-affirmed in the prelim inary articles of peace with Great Britain in 1782, and finally by the definitive treaty with that power in 1783, within a short pe riod after the conclusion ofthe treaty with Spain by which the question had been thus settled, the then President of the United States, recommended, and Congress passed acts, creating a Territorial Government within the limits of Georgia. That Presi- ; dent was a distinguished citizen of Massa- ■ chusetts, and not unknown to the member ; who now arraigns the conduct of Georgia, l in termsoi such unmeasured condemnation. > W Ity did not the same President recommend j the establishment of a Territoiial Govern , ment upon the wild lands of Massachusetts j now within the State of Maine? The south [ ern boundary of the Union was settled ac ; cording to the chartered limits of Georgia, I and the northern and north-eastern bounda j rv, in conformity with the original charters I of the Colonies there situatea, now members ■of the Union. What better right could ex ! ist for usurping ami tyranizing over Geor ’ gia than the rest, it cannot be possible for the human mind to conceive. This outra geous and unjust oppression of Georgia, was finally settled and disposed of by her compact with the United Statesiu 1892. 1 will here, sir, once for all, before going further with any other branch of my inqui ry, show the ground upon which that com- I act placed the relations of the United States and Georgia. By it Georgia yield ed no right previously asserted or exercise ed by her, but she acquired from the United States the obligation on their part, on cer tain conditions, to remove the Indiansfrom, witinn her limits. It is worthy of remark, that the subject of that compact was the transfer by Georgia of a large portion of hern souther Territory to the United States. It should be further observed, that the in tercourse law, as it has been generally ter med, which in its provisions exempted the Indians in all the Slates which had claimed or exerciscdjurisdiction over them, from its operation, except in North Carolina and Georgia, was passed on the 30th ofMarcb, 1892, and that the compact with Georgia was entered into on the 24th of April, 1802 —twenty-five days afterwards. Why the intercourse law should, bv its provision, have exempted the Indians, in a large num ber ot States, from its operation, without giving to the two States mentioned the same exemption, it is not necessary to inquire, nor can it be explained upon anv just prin ciple. This is tlieact by w inch most or ali the attempts to deprive the State of Geor gia of her rightful jurisdiction over all the soil and all the people within her limits, have been juslitled. The compact between the United States and Georgia was entered into after the pas sage of the act regulating trade and inter tercourse wi.h the Indian tribes, as 1 have already shown, and if it contains any thing incompatible with that compact, leaving any con-titu.’mnal question outofview, it must so far repeal that act. By the compact, as has been already sta ted, Georgiaceded tothe United States “ ali the right, title, and claim, which the said Slate has to the jurisdiction and soil ofthe land situated,” &tc. describing the land thus ceded to the United States. “ The United States accept tiie cession above men tioned, and on the conditions therein ex pressed; and they ceded t > the State of Georgia whatever claim, right, or title, they may have to the jurisdiction or sod of any lauds,” £cc. describing the lands which Georgia reserved to herself. Can plain, practical common sense discern the slightest difference between the respective stipula tions of the parties ? It w ould be impossi ble. How, then, does it happen, when the United States, from the day this compact was ratified bv the Legislature of Geor gia in June, 1602, have been in undi-tui b ed possession and enjoyment of “ soil and jurisdiction,” as ceded by Georgia, and have actually erected two States thereon, and Georgia shall not have andexercise the “ soil ami jurisdiction” ceded to her, particularly as the terms of the cession from the United States are so broad, and the designation of the country so general in its terms, as to embrace the whole territory of Georgia? Frohi the period just mentioned, I donl now remember that Georgia had any difficulty w ith the Indians, or their white champions, until the year 1805, except their hostility during the late war with Great Britain. ('To he Continued) Political Anecdote. — Two friends wore speaking tiie other day upon the approaching Presidential Election. One of them remarked that the greatest difference which lie could see between Gen. Ilariison and Mr. Van Buren was this;—Gen. Harrison in peace and in war was supported I y his country —Mr. Van Buren in peace and in war supported his country. [Logcm.ywri Tel. j ■■ . . ■!■' 1 1 . . 'H. i /'.• .'■<«• -J. g,.;./* / I;”"' "The friends of the Union are our its enemies, our enemi(S. u A l ./. 1 ..- 1 , <1 1 1. ; ’ U’-z ; i J/ LhJbJ’M August t>3. l&Mioii, Tifinioerfitte icnn£ii!i»eslti FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FO R VICE- PRES I DENT, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. EXTRACT FROM MARTIN VAN RUBEN’S LETT ER Accepting the nomination of the Conven tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit tee. “ I content nujstdf on this occasion with sajiing, that I consider myself the honored instrument selected by thefriendsof the Ad ministration to carry out its principles and policy, and as well from inclination as from duty, 1 shall, if honored with the choice of the American People, endeavour to tread generally in the footsteps of President Jack son, happy if ! shall be able to per- i feet the work wnieh he has so gloriously be gun." “ For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 votes A- gainst it, 18. The Cliair voting in tiie AFFIR AIA lie E, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and read a third time.” Martin fan Buren, on the Bill to prohibitthe cit wlatioti of tncendinry publications th rough the mails. E LECT©KAE TEESJET. THOMAS F. AN DEItSOA, of Franklin. Vv M. B. B L LLOCH, of Chatham. SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison. THOMAS HAN NES, of Baldwin. WILSON LUMPKIN', of Walton. WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson. TIIOM AS SP A LDIN G, of Mclntosh. REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper. WM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham. THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. UniGsi Congrcssioaial Ticket. JO HN COFFEE, of Telfair. JESSE F. CLEVEL IND, of De Kalb. THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond. SEA i’ON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock. HOPKINS 11. IIOLSEY, ofliarris. JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark. GEORGE V.. OW E'NS, of Habersham. GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, of Talbot. NEW COTTON. We learn from the Savannah Georgian, that three Bales of New Cotton reached Savannah on the 17th inst. and were sold at 20,1 cents per lb. Wc li! Well! New Cotton going at 20. J cents. —Surely General Jackson has ruinated the country. Cant wc have a new “ panic" about the high price of cotton. We learn that WILKINS HUNT, Esq. rc- ! signed, a few days since, the appointment of Principal Keeper of the Penitentiary, and JOHN MILLER, Esq. Book Keeper of the In stitution, has been appointed by the Inspectors, j to conduct it,until a successor shall be appointed. ! L | TO CORRESPOND ENTS. The Communication of “ llEtinv,” and the ' proceedings, toasts, &cc. of the dinner given to [ the Baldwin Huzzars, by the citizens of Mil- , ledgeville, has been unavoidably laid over un- ' til our next number. LIGHTNING. During a severe thunder shower on Tuesday j evening last, a large wooden building in this place, on Hancock street, occupied as a Ware- House by Messis. Nichols and Deming, was struck with lightning—the shaft of tiie chimney thrown down, the house set on fire, and a val uable horse belonging to Mr. Nichols, standing i near tin? chimney was killed. Several persons in the vicinity were severe- [ ly shocked, and particles of the electric fluid : came in contact with several others, but not in [ sufficient force to produce serious injury. ( The fire which communicated to the House, [ was fortunately extinguished before it had made much progress. “ Where arc ye ganging to Samicyl" Bock a gen!" The Nuliifiers after puffing and praising Gen eral Glascock, for several months, until they re ally seemed as jf they had forgotten their own ticket, and until people, who did not know them, would almost have sworn tiiat every mother’s son of them, wore going to vote for him at all events, are now making, as Lord Wellington said, “ a motion in the rear.” But General Glascock knew bettor, and we knew better, and every body knew better, who knew the Nuliifiers. We said* to many of our friends, it is all a humbug—not a man of them will vote for him. We knew the whole aim and object of their course was, if possible, to | excite jealousies among our members of Con- ! gross and their friends, and thereby to weaken [ our ticket. But wc said they Would fail; they I have signally failed ; and seeing our whole tick- | et marching shoulder to shoulder, backed by ! the confidence and energy ofthe whole Union party, and finding tiiere is nothing to be made by poaching upon our manor, like Sawney, “ they are ganging bock agen.” This is the consistency of Nullification —to praise men for their talents—exalt them for their 1 patriotism, and bold them up as deserving the l highest confidence. To toast and puff them at i dinners mid festivals, as the guardians of the I peoples rights and the public interests, and to I turn around in the next breath, and call upon the country to vote against them. This is a trait in the character of Nullification, peculiar to itself. They need not trouble themselves about [ General Glascock’s election.—They need not j warn their party against voting for him. They [ never intended to do it; but we can tell the Nuliifiers who will support him, and who will elect him and the whole Union ticket, it will be tiie Union Party— the same men who sent the same delegation to Congress, and who will neither flatter the Nuliifiers or vote for them. Union men, go tdiead ! Take counsel from the past. —Remember, the nuliifiers, while they are rallying every man in their ranks, to their own ticket, are setting dead fails and man traps to catch Union votes. Then let us start fair, hug the polls, and lay whip, for we have bottom and speed—and just as far as John Bascombe beat vXrgyle, so far shall wc beat the Nsillies at the great October race, Athens, 3rd August, 1836. lion. John C. ( alhouu— Sir.— As the organ of’the citizens of Athens ' ami its vicinity, it has been made our pleasing duty to assure you that your a isit among them is a source of high gratifleadon, and besides the wish to offer you the civilities due to a stranger they are anxious to afford you a testimony of the very great regard in which your distinguished public services, especially as relates to the ques tion ol Abolition and tiie distribution of the sur plus revenue, are held by them «fc to this end beg totenderyoua public dinner atsuchtime as will best suit your convienence. We earnestly re quest that you will not refuse this of so favorable an opportunity of gratifying the wishes of a por tion ol yarn* fcllow-Citizens, who have not only greatly admired your political course but who •entertain for you personally the highest consid eration. Very Respectfully, Your Ob’t Servt’s. A.S. CLAYTON, C. DOUGHERTY, S. J. MAYS, GEO. R.YOUNG, ASBURY HULL, GEO. K. CLAYTON, HINES HOLT, HONOR TO IIIS GRACE THE DUKE OF PENDLETON, alias, JOHN C. CALHOUN. [ 4he above letter of invitation to this distin- [ guished rullifier, during the late commencenent : at Athens, affords a most striking and palptble I example, of political inconsistency. I John C. Calhoun invited to a public dinner, !by the old political associates and personal ■ friends of William 11. Crawford ! Who that witnessed tiie scenes of 1822-3 and [4, could have believed that such a thing was I possible ? Who that remembers the slanders ■ which John C. Calhoun has been instrumental iin propagating against the character of Mr. Crawford, can read this letter without emotions of mortification and astonishment ? None. But strange as tho invitation must appear, ! the expression of approbation in regard to Mr. Calhoun’s political course, is still more remark able. They say, “ We earnestly request that you will not re fuse this, so favorable an opportunity of gratify - i ing the wishes of a portion of your fellow citi zens, who have not only greatly admired your\ political course, out who entertain for you per sonally, the. highest consideration." Here, then, is the most sweeping and unqual ified admiration and approval of the “ political course” oi Mi’. Cid'nauis, by men. the. most, or ali of whom, have been the devoted friends of Mr. Crawford, and who, for a long time, con | sidered Mr. Calhoun, one of the most heterodox land dangerous politicians in the United States. “Greatly admired your political course!” Let us now take a brief glance at the “ political ' course” of Mr. Calhoun, that the country may know, from the history of his own actions, jwho it is, that has excited the political admiration of the Athens Committee, as well as “ personally, ■.. . . 1 tneir highest consideration,” In 1816, Mr. Calhoun was a decided tariff man, and voted for the strongest measures ofthe tariff partyt Is he admired for this? At tiie same session he made a speech upon the same subject, in favor of duties so high, that the manufacturing establishments of this coun try, should be placed “ beyond all contingen cies.” Is their admiration founded upon this act of oppression and injustice to the south ? In 1817, as Secretary of War, he abrogated a treaty with the Cherokees, for all, or nearly all the lands, which they occupied in Georgia, concluded upon the most reasonable terms; set- ! tied down the Indians upon us, as far as he could, by attempts to civilize and make them the permanent occupants of our soil; and yet his course is “ greatly admired.” He has uniformly voted in Congress for the expenditure of tnc peoples money, in works of Internal improvement, by the General Govern ment. and while Secretary of War, recommen ded the most extravagant and splendid system to Congress; and y«t, he is the subject of groat admiration. Be was the enemy of George M. Troup, in ! his contest with the General Government, in j 1825, and took sides with John Q. Adams.— | Who admites him for that ? [ He was “art and part” with Ninian Ed- j wards in the infamous A, B. conspiracy, which, [ for moral and political turpitude, has no paral- ■ lei in the history of our political contests—but still Mr. Calhoun is “greatly admired for his political course,” When Mr. Crawford was a candidate for the ! presidency, Mr. Calhoun established a press al i Washington City, and hired an English black- ■ guard to slander and vituperate his character, j Bow much admiration was excited by this par- [ titular act? lie has voted to re-charter the Bank ofthe [ United States, and supported tiiat corrupt insti- ! tution, through thick and thin. But ho is ■ greatly admired.” He has uniformly opposed the interests of| Georgia, for twenty years, and to make it mere apparent, and to leave no ground for doubt or cavil, did no longci ago than June last, RECORD IHS YOTE LN THE SEN ATE OF THE UNITED STATES, A GAINST THE TREATY WITH THE CHEROKEE INDIANS.—A treaty, involv ing, not only the interests of our Slate Gov ernment, but thousands and tens of thousands of her good citizens,-—And this is the man who enjoys the political applause, and consideration of Georgians! There was a time when “consistency” was ■ considered a “jewel;” but alas! the commod- 1 ity is rapidly going mil of use. The following account of a gallant affair in which our fellow citizens of Lowndes County, proved themselves good soldiers, did not reach the Executive Department until it was too late ! for our last paper. Wc take great pleasure in presenting it to the public, as an act of Justice to those engaged in tiie contest, and as reflecting credit upon the manly spirit and good conduct of our fellow citizens. Lowndes, Countv Ga. | July 13, 1836. f To His Utcellency William Schley : Dear Sir:-—f haste to inform you of a defeat [met bv the hostile Creek Indians, in trying .to [ pass through our county. On the 19th of this I instant a party of Indians about fifteen, were discovered near Aaron Mattoxc’s, in the tenth district of t iis county, by two of his sous, and were traveling an east course, and on the same dav about eight miles from where they were seen bv Mattox, and in the direction they were travellimr, three were seen by Airs. Boyett and daughter ; on the next day Monday a number of us, sav 40, repaired to where they were dis covered by Mattoxc’s sons, and took their trail; they travelled very near east to the Allappaha swamp, about twelve miles, and passing them were discovered by Mrs. Boyett, about one mile south. Night setting in we were compelled to I take tin camp on the swamp of the Allappaha, ! ami about dark, and in a few minutes after we had encamped, two runners came to us, stating that the Indians at two hours before sun set, were at Win. Parker’s, four miles above, plun dering his house ; in the morning, Tuesday* we divided our force, which had increased in the day time to near eighty men, and sent all but 35 men over the river, to rendezvous where they were expected to cross ; we then re paired to Win. Parker’s, found that they had robbed his house of every thing of value in it* had among otherthings taken 25 lbs. of powder 30 bars of lead, and 140 weight of shot, also S3OB in money. We took their trail through a most desperate swamp. Through lakes and creeks, several of them up to our arm-pits, and bushes and bi iers almost impenetrable by any human other than a savage, for two miles, when we came to their camp, on a large lake near the river bank, here the trail bore up the river* a north course to Gaskin’s ferry, eight miles of’ Parkes; here we despatched a runner to our ; force, which had crossed the river, to recross, and come up to us, as the trail continued up tlio river, and now a little north west ; cur men pressed forward with-a zeal and fierceness that ’ would surmount any difficulty ; by night we were so near them, that we knew where the camp was—about ten miles above Gaskins fer ry, an open bluff opposite Air. Mitchell’s was examined by a party of our men after sunset, and found the Indians had not passed, and the trail continuing up within two miles. Night now setting in, our enforcement coming up we encamped at Mr. Alitchell’s ; in the morning at day break our company again divided, 38 men were posted at the bluff, their left resting on the river bank, and their right extending about two hundred yards right out from the ri ver, who were silently to await the approach of the enemy ; Jesse Carter was chosen to command on the left, Win. A. Knight in the center, and Wm. Peters on the right, the bal i ance, 33 repaired down to where we could again find the trail, and bearing up until we i came in sight of our men tiiat was posted at the I liluff where we saw them charging down toward I us, and bearing into a point of bushes, in a small | bend ofthe river, a tremenduous fire ensued, [ our trailers dashed off at the top oftheir speed, i and Air. Peter’s company who were in the lead I dashed up almost among the enemy, who had I selected their position in a clump of pines and [ bushes, at river bunk,fired at our men who were coming up with great bravery ; Air. Peters was ! badly wounded in the right breast, and the left [side ofthe abdomen : he fell, but cried out to ‘ bis men to charge on the whole foice, now bear ing in from above and below, and but few had discharged their gems, reserving their fire to see an object to shoot at, and charging at the top of their speed, the Indians dropped every thing, throwing their guns in the river, and plunged [ in, for life ; our men ran to the bank and shot | them while swimming ; only six made their es cape to the other bank, and from their trail two or three of them were wounded; there were about from 20 to 25, one squaw, was shot in the back with four buck shot, as we ascertained by the dress which s!ie dropped at the edge of the water, and was perforated with holes, she was heard to make a noise until she arrived to the middle ofthe stream, when all was, silent as i the warriors never yelled after they dropped i their guns, fifteen of their packs were found, [ and ten of their guns was got out ofthe river by I our best swimmers, two of the Indians that was nearest the bank was got out and left a prey to the buzzards and wild beasts on the bank. Par kers property was nearly all obtained, and his money was found in one of the shot bags found in the river in his own pocket book, his name I being wrote in several places. One of the num ber of these marauders was from every appear ance a white man, from his dress and complex ion, it was in the shot bag carried by him, that tho money was found, lie was never seen to climb up the opposite bank, so lie lias paid for treachery ; the six that got across the rix*er reached the bank naked, except their flaps ; ws trust this rebuke will be a caution to the next part}’ that may try to pass through our county, I have the honor to bo your excellencies most obedient and humble servant, LEVI J. KNIGHT, N, B, —V/e had but two commissioned offi cers among us, and they both Captains, who only filled the place of privates, as the compa ny claimed the rightofchoosing their leaders ; I forgot to state, that myselt was chosen to lead the trailers, Ivy Simmons to second, and YVm. C. Knieht third or in the roar. L. J. K, P.S.—Their guns and amunition and proper ty ot every kind was sold on the spot, and the proceeds given to Wm. Peters, as he was tho only sufferer—their property amounted to $l7O they had some valuable guns. FOR THE STANDARD OF UNION. THE CENTRAL DANK. This institution and its President seem to have become a fruitful topic for declamation ; and if we were to judge of them by the mercu rial effusions of certain wi iters in the Federal Union, the one should be abolished, and the oilier annihilated. But fortunately for the one, ami the other, their existence does not depend upon the verdict of so partial a judicatory. The people if Georgia constitute the only legitimate tribunal that can pass a just and righteous seq-_ tecce upon the nicrits m demerits of either; and. they are too intelligent to be led aside from tljp’ true points at issue, or to mistake the ravings of malice, for the denunciations of excited paßjj? otism. After reading all that lias been heard ali that has been said, in justification of the unmeasured abust? heaped, by a. few individ uals, upon the President of the Central Bank, what appears to be the sum total of his offence? That he voted for Air. Porter, his, relative and a member ofthe state rights party, to be Cash ier of that institution. This “is the head and front of his eflendiug.” And for this, he has been vindictively reviled, and assailed with the opprobrious epithets of “ traitor,” “ monster,‘K and others equally gentle, and equally expres sive, of the ibeUngs whence they originated. Let us pause a single, moment, reader, to. enquire i into the nature? of this, act, that has been chacg-