Standard of union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 183?-18??, September 13, 1836, Image 2

Standard of union., September 13, 1836, Image 2

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Newspaper Page TextFrom the Washington Gloln. •Gentlemen: The accompanying note? of s visit to Mr. Madison, were written lor preservation, not publication. But his ’ death suggests not only the propriety, but, perhaps, the utility of giving to the public bit opinions on many subjects. And, be ing tinder that conviction. I know of no medium, for their extensive and salutary dis semination, so good as the Globe, in w hich 1 hope you may think lit to insert them. August 6, 1836. VISIT TO MB. MADISON. I had long promised myself a visit to Mr. Madison, whom 1 had rot seen for twenty odd years: nnd on Monday, the 2d of Mat, 1836, after sleeping the' night before at the village of Orange Court house, six, miles from Montpelier, we got there before break fast, and were most hospitably received The riile is rough, the road not good, nor the country much cultivated. But after we left home, without any spring, it had •uddenly burst forth, even there ftom sev eral hot days; and, in the more southern climate of V irginia, the woods were in fol the whitehorn and redbud-trees in greater number than I had ever seen them, giving a pleasant coloring to vital was oth erwise rather a wild, poor, and uninterest ing region. Nearer Mr. Madison’s the country is more improved, and the moun tain scenery is very agreeable. You enter liis outer gate from the woods, and nt once get into something like a park, with his well-looking bouse about half a mile oil: the whole cleared and improved, with trees in dumps, and other signs of ornamental agriculture. The house is a tw o story brick mansion, with wings and colonades front and back, in good design, but decayed and in need of inconsiderable repairs, which, nt a trifling expense, would make a great dif ference in favor of the first impression ot his residence. The house was built by his father, the w mgs and colonnade by himself. The rooms tire good; furnished w ith French carpets, large windows, a good many utiint ings, and some statuary—altogether w ithout any fashionable or very elegant equipment, yet in a'gcutleinnn like style ofrttia! propri ety. The table not only abundantly, but handsomely provided; good soups, tlcsh, fish, and vegitables, well cooked—desert and excellent wines of various kinds : and when Mrs. Madison was prevailing on me j to eat hot bread at breakfast, she said, ; ••You city people think it unwholesome, but i 'we eat heartily, like the French, and tie- j ver find ourselves worse for it. She looks j just as she did twenty years ago, and dress es in the same manner, with her turban and 1 cravat; rises early, is very active, but sei- i dom leaves the house, as her devotion to Mr. Madison is incessant, and he needs till her constant attention. The view from ' 'the front of the house is very picturesqe, I bounded by the blue ridge, which begins about eighteen miles oli, seeming to he close by: and though the thermometer marked 83 degrees in the colonade, vet the mountain air kept the house cool enough. The estate consists of near two thousand acres ot good land—the red soil, John ■ Randolph said, in which Presidents grow —with about one hundred si .vjs, i o ’oneol whom, I was told by Air. Payne Tod, bad treeji flogged for several years. They raise about a thousand bushels of I corn; but the principal crop for sale is lobar- ! co, productive of income for the time be ing, though injurious to the ground. There were some horned cattle of the superior breeds; the horses, equipages, and sodding, however, the w hole equestrian department, in a useful state, but by no means elegant. Air. Madison told me, that ever since his Presidency he has been obliged to live be-I yond his means, selling off some of his cap-' ital continually, and that be is now in debt. ■ He spoke often and anxiously of slave prop ty as the worst possible for profit, unless j employed in manufactures, as he is sure it will be to advantage: and w hen 1 mention ed Mr. Rush’s productive farm of ten acres, near Philadelphia, he said he had no doubt it was more profitable than his with two thousand. .Among the deplorable effects! of the abolition excitement, he considers, ■ first, that in teaching southern people to itn- ! agitie that slavery is right and usefid, a . change of opinion suddenly arises, and he : referred to Governor McDuffie’s message' in proof of it; secondly, deteriorating the ’ condition of the poor states, whose bondage I is embittered by laws and measures intend ed to counteract the ill-timed and ill directed efforts to put an end to it. Sustaining Governor McDuffie’s message, he also men tioned Professor Dew’s discourse; ofw nich, as ofGovernor McDuffie’s talents, he spoke at the same time, with approbation, respect ing their slave doctrines. Mr. Madison said he always told the southern people that the tariff was not their chief grievance, when they complained most of i’; but that, while he asserted the constitutional power, and denied the policy of high duties, deeming it a power best used moderately, yet in his apprehension the inexhau.table new hinds of the south west, brought into competition with the v. orn soils of Virginia and the Carolinas, were the principal cause of their sufferings. Nearly two-thirds of his slaves are too young or too old to work much, while the support us so many is very expensive. It lakes nearly all he makes to feed, clothe, and preserve them; and when a handsome column or other ornamental part of bis man sion fills into decay, he wants the means of conveniently repairing it, without en croaching on necessary expenditures—be sides, the difficulty of getting adequa e ar tists at such a distance from their common resorts. In this connexion he spoke of the productions, the resources, the currency, mid the economy of the country al large; the substance of all he said, on these topics, was, I think, to deprecate the paper momw system, without appearing to have confi dence in the establishment of hard money instead of it. “J here will be troubles and explosions, I predict,” said he, •‘though it is perilous to be a prophet,” ami it seemed to me that he did not believe that the cotton plantations would continue to be very pro ductive, any more than those of rice or grain. There was a considerable failure ol the wheat crop last year, (he said,) and In spoke with uneasiness of its prospects this fear. Soon after our arrival, .Mr-. M idi on look us into the room he occupies during the day, and from that time, I passed the rrot’-r p u t ofthfee d iys at his side, !i - tening to his conversation, lie is very in firm—eighty-five years old last March— | never was strong, and now is extremely j emaciated and feeble. Longacre’s picture gives a perfect likeness of his whole ap pearance; much better, I should say, than Stew art’s ever did, which is the best por i trait ot him as he was formerly, lie can- I not sit up, except a little while, now and j then, to rest from reclining on a sofa ; and lat first, when 1 saw him, he wore gloves i which were laid aside, however, as the wea ; titer became warm. We found him more | unwell than usual, anti with a difficulty of breathing, which affects his speech so, that Mrs. .Madison told me I must talk, ami not j let him. But as I wanted to listen, an dhe i appeared to grow better every day, our ! conversation became animated w ithout fa tigueing him. *1 hough nothing would have induced me to injure him, vet 1 found 1 him so free <>f communication, that 1 heard a great deal more than now, a fortnight since it happened, 1 shall p,crimps be able to recollect precisely. But it is deeply fixed in a memory tenacious from strong impression of its interest, ami 1 will try to 1 he accurate in the memorandum of it before the impression fades. Mr. Madison is a man of medium, the middle way —avoiding all extremes, and perhaps fond of checks and balances ; but he is in grain a genuine republican. You : perceive directly that Mr. Jefferson is the j | god of’ his idolatry ; nnd while he acknow-I . ledges the talents, services, and merits ofj | his first great antagonist, Alexander Hani | illon.yet when 1 told him that Prince Tal- • leyrand, in eulogizing Al. Thiers to an ) American gentleman, characterized him as ; the Hamilton of France; “yes” said Mr. M. ‘•Talleyrand was a greit dabbler in stocks.” Not that he dispa-ages Generalj j Hamilton, to whose abilitiesfie does justice; ; and, indeed, he speaks ill o’no one, being j i fastidiously measured in liis language and ! j from personalilies: but he rnd no idea that I Hamilton, the author of tie fi tiding sy s tem, is to be classed with tinse country gen i tiemen, like VV a.-hington Jefferson, and j himself, whose foundatiom were in the nio- • ther earth, and who held socks, scrip, and j such ephemeral and di-dnsive things, in! i great disestcem. Mr. Jeierson’s portraits, by Stewart, by Kosciuscc, and others, his ! j relics and his recollections, are all about I ; Air. Madison’s apartments. When he I ! mentioned Mr. Monroe, lb called him Mon j roe, as was natural, Mr. Monroe having I j served under him; but vhen he spoke ofj j Mr. Jefferson, he called lint Air. Jefferson I i ns one he looked op to. He spoke also, with j 1 obviously natural respect and affection, efi Bashington. 1 asked bin if’it was true, as I l 1 had heard, that General Washington bad i i offered him the English Mission about the j time of Jay’s treaty ! He said no, lie be-1 I lieved not at that time ; but lie supposed I there was nothing tiiat General Washing ton would not have given him if he chose it, as they were very wed together; and I lie gave the French missions to Monroe, j you know', said lie. 1 forgot whither I | a-ked him, as 1 had heard, that Genual i j B asliington, long passive on the coiistitu- i tiomdity of the bunk charter, had desired I him to sketch the argument of a veto t and I ' 1 suppose 1 did notask him, as otherwise 1 should most likely’ recollect his answer. But some question 1 pulled him to say, j in more detail than 1 can repeat, that Gen eral Washington was a very remarkable man, and singularly endowed, not only j w ith the powers of judgment, hut of sus pending his judgment till he had heard all that could be said pro and co/?, and then in- j j flexibly determining. I told him that Col. | j Pickering said Col. Hamilton denied that! I Washington was a great man, or any thing ! more than one well fitted for the part he j had to perform, which sentiment Col. P.' ' said would be found in Hamilton’s letter re- i signing the Treasury, as it appears in Mar i shali’s Life of Washington. Mr. Madison j said that was itself to characterize Washing- j ton asa great man. He said too, (which' | 1 had never heard,) that he was a veryelo- I quent man, and that some one he mentioned, j i(1 forgot his mime,) who was a member, j w ith Washington, of a Church Vestry, used j tosay that in a discussion on the affairs of I the church, in which Vvashiugton took an 1 activeftart, he never heard more eloquent ‘ .-.peaking than from him. .Mr. Madison ■ added, that he considered Col. Pickering a I man undervalued; for though some one ; had said that General Washington spoiled a good Postmaster General to make a bad Secretary of State, when be appointed Pickering, yet his despatches, (said Mr. M.) always beginning with abuse of the | French and the democrats, after that pre i face, go on with well composed and well j considered views of our own affairs. 1 mentioned the letters of and to Wash { ington, as now publishing by Mr. Sparks j and he inquired if there were any of liis j about the period I spoke of; a question I could not answer fully. He told me he had I just seen the first volume of General Arm- j strong’s Memoirs, saying that his style is good, though rather too epigramutic ; but I (that it is an easy matteron paper to criticise j jin the closest, the conduct of an officer in ; the field as General Armstr<««:g does Gen-i I eral Harrison’s. I asked w hether he ap- j ( peared in the work, he said not yet but he i j supposed he would in the next volume. I l | told him I thought Colonel Monroe would ! ! not be spared in that. No (said he,) nor I I I either. He mentioned in this connection i I that in the worst stage of the war, just as- I ‘ter the capture of Washington, while the I British frigates were lying before Alexan dria, and an attack on Georgetown was cottfitmally apprehended be had received ! four persons remarkable for their bitter op position to his administration, he particular ised Mr. Hanson then editor of the Federal | ! Republican newspaper, afterwards Senator, j confidential caution against designs said jto lie in agitation against Air. Madison’s ! person. He also stated that Air. Cyrus ; K ing, one of the members of the House of j Representatives from that part of Alassa j chnsetts, which is now Alain, a most ttnas j pairing antagonist, who never even ended ; on Mr. Madison during the war, afterwards j called to pay liis respects. Air Madison in vited him to one of bis Presidential dinners j which Air King declined, but in anole full !of personal kindness and respect, lie was j half brother to Rufus King, am! a vio ent opponent of the war and Mr. Madison.— One so constitutionally and philosophically tolerant as lie, could bear great abuse with I great severity. I have heard Governor poles say, who was his Secretary, when be |vas every day called •yrant, murderer, despot, &.C., that lie was never known to ■•peak harshly ofthose who vilified him.—— lis patience and forbearance were iaex taustible. I spoke to him of Judge Peters nd of his son’s regret that in a late publi ation of Mr. Jay’s life there is a letter of, •edge Peters’ containing a reflection on Hr Madison, which the Judge must have Witten thoughtlessly, as he was, I know nueb attached to him. He spoke with fgard of Judge Peters; repeated several o Lis witty sayings, laughing heartily; sid he had no idea that Judge Peters and h agreed in every particular ; but that did nil prevent the greatest good will between tlem, and he was sure that the Judge might, eindemn part of his conduct without meali ng to say any thing hard ofhiin. I rela te! to him an anecdote 1 have heard Air. j Eng tell of Air. Jay’s taking offence at wtat he considered disrespect to him by the i tjiecn ofEngland, at her drawing-room, ■ aid his al ruptly leaving it, refusing to re ' urn till assured by proper mediation that | m offence was intended. Air Aladason said j was like Air. Jay. j Air. Madison’s temper is perfectly amia i hie and the best vord I know of to discribe I his love of country, is to call it beautiful or lovely patriotism, such natural profound, | and pure republicanism, untainted by the j least practice of European preference-ncver j having been out of his own country, and be ji'ng thoroughly imbued with the faith, the religion, that Democratic Government is not only relatively, but positively/thebestin the world. Infirm as his body is, his un derstanding is as bright as ever ; his intel ligence recollections, discriminations, and philosophy, ail delightfully instructive. He loves to talk freely on all subjects of political and historical interest, which do not involve the mere politics of the day. From nulli fication up to the Congress of the revolu tion bespeaks unreservedly as to measures, but with almost prudish reserves as to per sons, including himself. He intimated a pleasing, but it may be rather fanciful anticipation, of the effect of our laws against primogeniture and entails, viz : that in process of time there will be no lanre fortunes but that a state of mediocrity will be the common condition. With strong impressions of the indispensable advantge ol education, be appeared to be as thorough ly impressed with the dangerous tendencies ol merely lascivious life ; the middle ground is obviously bis predeliction. There was one topic of our national policy on which he spoke with enthusiasm as the greatest and best means of the U nited States, taking a lead in the inculcation ol a principle calculated to prevent war: that the principlethat free ships make free goods. We conversed a great deal and with great animation about it. He alluded to the pamphlet lie published in 1806, in answer to “ War in Disguse,” ami called to mind the conversations we had many years ago, recollecting better than I could the < ot respondence also that passed between us, in lurtherance of that ride, as he asserted it to be, of international law that free ships make free goods, to which rule Great Bri tain alone takes exception. He repeated many and striking reasons for the w isdom of mr advancing, &. her conceding the rule no.v because in twenty years, according to iiiscalculation or commerce will be greater, thtn hers : ail the rest of the civilized world I wil second us. We shall put ourselves at i thtir head, establishing a principle which Etgland must concede—and that principle is .he pledge of permanent maritime peace, mil unlimited commercial prosperity. His circumspection and reserve—in fact, si- j lesce, whenever he deemed it indiscreet to' sniak, contrast curiously with Gen. Jackson’s boil, open, and unhesitating conversation on mist ol the topics introduced by or to him. Di r.itg with him a few days before I was at Air. j Aiidison’s, I was struck with the entire freedom , wilt which he discussed subjects of public con troversy with a member of Congress opposed to kis administration, particularly with the vvar rio-or western tone of his w hole conversation, 'file member was deprecating the antipathy | w licit he said prevailed amongthe western mem- j be sto the Vv est Point Academy. The Gen erd said that it was partly owing to their stis- | petting favoritism in the selection of pupils ; but j nure owing to the system of punishment, w hich i pu a mark for appearing on parade with dirty j gloves, on the same footing with a mark for not j beitg prepared with a mathematical lesson, j w licit he pronounced to be absurd, and declared j tint if ever he saw an officer on parade with ' glcves, he would disgrace him. Air. Aladison ! could never talk in this way. I think the j strongest approach 1 heard to it from him was | when speaking of his dismissal of Air. Granger, | tiie Post Master General: he mentioned his I nqiure, with him. But beyond an indicating [ •votd, like that, he never goes. In the course of I hiscomplaints of Congress for thwarting the Ex- ! ecutive views at the beginning of the war, I con- j fess it occurred to me to doubt whether the j Jackson tone is not more potential, if not prop- I er, with Congress, than the Aladison. All such j comparison, howevar, is odious; and with sin-| cere respect for both these uncommon persons, j I mention their total difference in ibis particu- I lar, only that 1 may the better sketch the mor- | al portrait here attempted. Air. Aladison’s ah-I horrence of war is as remarkable as that it was j liis destiny to be President during the war. His j politics are as simple and lovcty as his patriot- j ism, deacc and unian. They are the whole system —to avoid war at almost any price, and to preserve the Union at all events. I thought, but am not perfectly sure, that 1 understood he was not pleased even with any increase of the navy ; and more than once, when the contro versy with France, just closed, happened to be mentioned, he showed the strongest dislike to hostilities, saying that we should be warned of the perpetual liability to war, by its having well nigh resulted from such a state of things as never could have been expected to give rise to it. He spoke very freely of nullification, which lie alto gether condemned, remarking that Air. AValker, jof the .Senate, in a speech he had delivered on some occasion, was the first person who had giv en to the public what Air. Maeison considers the true view of Air. Jefferson's language on that subjeut. Mr. Madison went further on this sub ject than I think hedid on any other in the way of condemnation. They expected to make Charleston, (said he.) a great commercial em porium, the mart of the southern country ; but they never could, by such means. He said a gaeat deal of the appointing power of the Pres ident; denying altogether, as a recent notion, the doctrine which withholds from the President power to fill vacancies in the recess of the .Sen ate, He said much more on this point than I can recollect, being a point of constitutional law to which my attention has never been much di rected, wherefore I could not distinctly under stand ail he said. If I am not mistaken, how evel, he asserted the power of the President to semi foreign minister* w ithout the advice of the THE STANDAIiI) OF UNION. Senate at all, arguiig that they were mere agents of the ExecutitS, whom he might charge as he pleased with foirign relations. lam not sure that I perfectly inderstood, or accurately represent, what he sid in this respect. He mentioned the treaty iiidiing power, observing, that though it might b<in theory confined to the President and Senate,yet, that when a grant of money' was to follow,it was the right of the House of Representatives to participate in the measure. 1 cannot Si* that he asserted this unequivocally, but he hid it was most reasona ble or natural, or soirrtliing of that sort. He spoke of the Post Offi*e Department as a dan gerous incongruity in Hir system, and intima ted, but quite insigniicantly, that the reason why that Departmeiitis not subordinated like the rest to the generd action, but allowed to occupy a separate orlit, is the improper influ ence ‘which Postmasers General have over members of Congress He was clearly of the opinion that this stae of things ought to be changed. The Post Jaster General, (said lie,) can take a Senator, ifhe chooses, and by giving him a lucrative post tflicc, change the majority of the Senate. He nantioned the indirect con trol which the Presicnt had over the adminis tration of justice, b; his power to appoint or remove maashals. Itold him that it had been suggested to me by’ tie Attorney General, that the authority of the Bank of the United States to establish branches .vithout limitation, was un constitutional, conceling the constitutionality of al! the rest of the charters. lie said perhaps it might be so, but that his attention had never been particularly drawn to that circumstance. I asked him where 1 might find any thing in the power of legislation, with a view to explain and restrain the trust, and told him 1 had been look ing into Benhan’s works, hoping to find some thing there, btr. that I bad been disappointed. He said it was t difficult topic, and mentioned a long letter iron Air. Jefferson to him, with aa argument to prove that legislatures cannot bind succeeding legislatures after a certain period, the ordinary term of a man’s life. But Air. Aladison said that lie had written an answer to that letter of Air. Jefferson, very considerably qualifying bis doctrine. I spoke to him of the judicial tenure of office, and I don’t distinctly recollect what lie said of it; though my impres sion is, that he said he saw no objection to al lowing judges hslf pay, ot something of that sort, when incajucitated for active duty. He mentioned, with ibvious acquiescence, the right es the Judiciary’ > settle questions of constitu tional law. IJefcondeinned all monopolies and perpetuities as iiconsistent w ith republican in stitutions ; thoufh he said, some corporations seemed to be inlispensable to public improve ments ; but he thought that every legislature should have porer to review the by laws and other proccedhgs of corporations, as the pass from time to tine, and to affirm, after, or dis affirm them, ai they pleased. He mentioned, though rtithermysteriously, the movements at the beginningof the war, when he was Piesi dent, saving tiat matters might have been much better done if Congress would have given him an army organized as the army is at present— that is, a smal force, with a large staff; where as, he said, tiey insisted on giving him a much larger army than was necessary. There were certainlv (he said, with meaning and feeling) some unaccamtable proceedings in the begin ning of the war to thwart his administration of it; to which, on my answering yes, the opposi tion was thoroughgoing, lie replied, “but that is not w hat 1 mean.” There was something, (said he,) I never could understand, and will not characterize, but leave it to history to do so. 1 thought he meant something done or left un done by the members of Congress ostensibly supporting the war. lie spoke of it with emo tion, intimating that the plans and views of the Executive were marred by the legislative de partment. He mentioned Napoleon, as I had often heard him formerly, with dislike; and when I stated circumstances vindicating Joseph Bonapart from aspersion which Air. Aladison seemed to have adopted as well founded, he said he was glad to hear my oxplanation. There were other topics touched by him, which, perhaps, mignt he deemed personal, and 1 therefore omit, particularly what he said of Ex presidents. Shortly after my visit, the spirit of this just man was made perfect, as I trust, by his death. A purer, brighter, juster spirit, has seldom exis ted ; and 1 would be the last to make public theie, among its last emanations, if I did not believe that it may do some public good, and no individual harm—above all, to their illustrious source. I ought, perhaps, to add that, several times, on my expressing hopes of his health im proving, he said, with perfect composure and re signation, that he believed lie bad a proper sense of his situation ; that lie felt he was on the de scending, not the assending line ; that, weak and emanaciated as I saw him, 1 had still no idea how extremely feeble he w as, but that he viewed his decline w ith serenity. From the Pennsylvania Reporter. W 1 c have great pleasure in laying the fol lowing interesting correspondence between the committee appointed by the Democrat- i ic Young Alon’s Convention and Mr. Van Buren, before our readers. The letter ofj this distinguished favorite of the democrat ic party will be read by all with great sa tisfaction : Ilarrislntrg, July 6, 1836. Sir—The undersigned committee, ap- j pointed by the convention of the Demo- j cratic Republican Young Alcn of the state j of Pennsylvania assembled at this place, in conformity with the duty assigned them, have flic honor to enclose you a copy of the proceedings of that body. You will per ceive that the young and active portion of the democracy of the State of Pennsylva nia, have hastened from all sections of the commonwealth, at a busy and inconvenient season of the year, to respond to the call that has been made upon their patriotism, and in the mingled councils of the repre sentatives of the east and the west, the north and the south of our widely extended state, but one spirit seems to prevail, in a firm and inflexible determination to sustain the can didates of the democratic party of the Un ion, for the Presidency and Vice Presiden cy. You w ill observe in these proceedings, a manifestation of the determined hostility of the citizens of Pennsylvania to the vast moneyed incorporation that has been char tered within our limits for the unpreceden ted period of thirty years, in open defiance of the w ill of the sovereign people, and through the instrumentality el' those who have pledged themselves upon the altar of their country to resist its recuscitation as dangerous to the liberties of the Union ; with this determined and unyielding oppo sition to the Bank, your name Ims been identified as the bold and efficient advocate of the principles of democracy, and as the known champion of the people’s tights, have our hills and valhesonce moreechoed back the loud gratiilations of the freemen of the state, laudatory c.f your nomination for the highest office in their gift. We have the honor to be, sir, very re spectfully, your obedient servants, william s. ramsay; daniel g. fenton, HORN R. KNEASS, A. P. WILSON, JOHN YOUNGMAN, JOHN S. WEILER. Hon. Martin Van Buren. Albany, July, 1836. Gentlemen—l had the satisfaction to find on my arrival here, yesterday, your letter, announcing to me the determination of the young men of Pennsylvania to sustain my j nomination for the presidency, and 1 has- j ten to make them, through you, my grate-j fid acknowledgements for this proof of their j confidence and friendship. There are circumstances in the political : relations heretofore existing between the de mocracy of Pennsylvania and myself, w hich gave an unusual interest to this expression of the opinions of so large a portion of them. Justly admiring, as in common w ith the re publicans of the Union 1 have uniformly done, their exemplary and disinterested de votion to principle, 1 could not do other wise than cherish a continued anxiety to gain their good opinion. The proceedings) which I have now the honor to acknowl edge, speaking with candor and fearless ness the sentiments of thetlemocraticyoung j men from all parts of the state, upon men ! and measures, with the repeated testimoni als of regard received from other quarters,' encourage the hope that my efforts to make j myself worthy of the confidence of the de mocracy of yonr state, have not been alto gether unavailing. I would but poorly re ciprocate, gentlemen, the frankness and ge nerosity of your communication, if 1 did not declare to you, that there have been but few if any occurrences in tny public life, that have given me more heartfelt satis faction, than the consciousness of such a result; or if I failed to asssure you, that, to continue to deserve their good opinion, will be an object of my exertions, in what ever situation 1 may be placed. My sentiments in regard to the Bank of the United States, and its measures, to! which you make allusion, are well under stood ; and the democratic yoiinf men of | your state do me but justice in assuming that my best wishes are w ith their in their praiseworthy efforts to resist the attempts of that dangerous institution to set at naught the well understood wishes of the people. Thanking you, gentlemen, for the kind manner in which you have discharged the duty assigned you, and begging you to J be assured of my regard, I am, very re spectfully, Your obedient servant and friend, ALVAN BUREN. ATessrs. Wm. S. Ramsay, Daniel G. Fenton, Horn R. Kneass, A. F. Wilson, John Youngman, and John S. Weiler, Committee, See. From the Macon Georgia Ttkgrapfi. The nnllifiers, after ramaging old files Sc chronicles with a patience truly praisewor thy,in search of testimony against Air. Van Buren, seize upon his vote in the New-York Convention regarding right of suffrage as I if they had found something I We con- [ gratulate upon them their luck! Such un-! tiring industry—such profound research, j among musty documents and mouldy news- ; papers deserves some recompense ! They | found, out, (listen !) that Air Van Buren j voted to restrict all free negroes (who were unrestricted before,) from voting unless they possessed property to the amount of §250 ! And this reader, it is that the nnllifiers have found. Much good may it do them, we congratulate them upon their luck. And* we congratulate the Republican Party, that, with all their industry their learned research, their untiring zeal, their enemies have been unable to find any worse charge against its favorite candidate. We con gratulate the country, that a statesman so pure so free from stain of any kind, so free I from error even, can be found, as Martin Van Buren. Look the country over and j find his equal. What other politician in the w hole United States could bear such an or deal ? Who besides him would like to have every act of his life brought in review ? every word criticised every thought expo sed ? Allowing all his enemies say of Mr. Van Buren what does the charge amount to?. Why that he was willing to allow men ofj color of good character and standing in the State of New-York, the right of suffrage. This regulation was not made to affect the slave States at all—it was to be confined j to his own state. And here it may be ask ed what right have we to intermeddle with or inquire about the internal regulations of New-York? Is a legislator in the state of New Yorkto be arraingned in Georgia for his public acts in his own state ? Let us be cautious, how we expose ourselves to the same charge of w hich we accuse the Abolitionists, that of intermedling with what does not concern them. On the question, whether negroes ought to be allowed, under any circumstances, the privilege of voting or not politicians are not yet agreed. In some of the states negroes enjoy this privilege, in others they do not. And whether they do or not, has never to our knowledge been question of much in terest or inquiry. Had this privilege been a source ot great danger, we should never seen it extended as it has been in the slave states. Strange, that Negro suffrage in North Carolina, Tennessee, &c. should be harmless w hile in New Y ork it is fraught with such dreadful consequences. Had it been so alarming and dangerous to the liberties of the South, Judge While would never have tolerated the feature in the constitu tion of Tennessee with his great influence in that state. Strange, that it should all at once he discovered so fraught with dan ger, when all southern politicians from John C. Calhoun down have passed it over w ith indifference ! If Mr. Van Buren is to blame for allowing free negroes to vote in New York Judge White is to blame for allowing them to vote with fewer restric tions in Tennessee, And yet, nothing is said against Judge White for this offence. Here follows an extract from the Con stitution ofNew York on the right of suffrage which received the sanction of Air. A r an Buren. Compare it with the same provis ions in the old constitution ofNorth Caroli na and Tennessee and even with the pre sent Constitution of GEORGIA, and w hat is there so exceptionable in it, that is not in the others. ExtractJrom the Constitution of the State of New York. Art. 2, Sec. 1. “Every male citizen ol the age of twenty one years, who shall have been an inhabitant of this state, one year preceding any election, and for the last six months a resident of the town or county where lie may offer his vote; and shall have, j w ithin the year next preceding the election, paid a lax to the state or county, assessed upon bis real or personal property ; or shall i by law, be exempted from taxation; or be- I ing armed and equipped according to law, ' shall have performed within that year, mili i tary duty in the militia of this state; or who j shall he exempted from performing militia duty in consequence of being a fireman in any city, town, or village in this state. And also every male citizen of the age of twen ty one years, who shall have been for three years next preceding such election an in habitant of this state; and for the last year a resident in the town or county, w here he may offer liis vote; and shall have been, within the last year assessed to labour upon i the public highways, and shall have per- I formed the labor, or paid an equivalent ; therefor, according' to law; shall be enti- I tied to vote in the town or ward where he I actually resides, and not elsewhere, for all ! officers that now’ are, or hereafter may be, I elective by the people : but no man of col j our, unless he shall have been for three years a citizen of this state, and for one year next preceding any election, shall be seized and possessed of a freehold estate of tlieval ue of two hundred and fifty dollars, over and above all debts and incumbrances char ged thereon; and shall have been actually rated, and paid a lax thereon, shall he enti tled to vote at such election. And no per son of colour shall be subject to direct taxa tion, unless be shall be seized and possessed of such real estate as aforesaid. Tennessee Art. 3. sec. 1 & 2. “Every freeman of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, possessing a freehold in the coun jty w herein he may vote, and being an in habitant of this state, and every freeman ; being an inhabitant of any one county in the state six months immediately preceding the day of election, shall be entitled to vote for members of the general assembly for the county in which he shall reside. Electors shall, in all cases except treason, felony, or breach of the peace, be privil eged from arrest during their attendance at elections, and in going to and returning i from them. North Carolina, sec. 7. 8. 9. “That all freemen of the atxe of twenty-one years, whohave been inhabitants of anyonecoun ty within the state twelve months immedi ately preceding the day of any election, and possessed of a freehold, within the same county,of fifty acres ofland,for six months next before, and at the day of election shall be entitled to vote for a member of the sen ate. That all freemen of the age of twenty one years, who have been inhabitants of any one county within the state twelve months immediately preceding the day of any election, and shall have paid public taxes, shall be entitled to vote for members j of the house of commons, for the county in j w hich he resides. j That all persons possessed of a freehold, j in any town in this state, having a right of i representation, and also all freemen, who i have been inhabitants of any such town 12 ) months next before, and at the clay of elec tion, and shall have paid public taxes, shall be entitled to vote for a member to repre sent such town in the house of commons : provided, always, that this section shall not entitle any inhabitant of such town to vote for members of the house of commons for the county in which he may reside; nor any freeholder in such county, who resides with out or beyond the limits of such town, to vote for a member for said town. Georgia, Art. 4. sec. 1. “The electors I of members of the general assembly shall jbe citizens and inhabitants of this state, j and shall have attained the age of twenty one years; and have paid all taxes which may have been required of them, and which they may have had an opportunity of pay ing, agreeably to law, for the year prece ding the election, and shall have resided six months within the county. So it appears, that while New ¥orl< qualifies and restrains negro suffrage; sev eral Slave Slates including Georgia, say nothing on the subject; and thus leave Ne groes on the same footing with the whites. From the New-Orleans 13ee. MEXICO. We have been favored with the sight of a letter from the interior of Alexico, in which is said that a project is on foot to invite the northern states of the republic of Mexi ico with the Republic of Texas under one Independent Government. The letter is dated Zacatecas, July 28th, 1836, and states that the disaffection through the northern provinces of Alexico is great and still increasing, and speaks of the advanta ges of an independent state like that of Texas. The state who appear to be in fa vour of an alliance with Texas, are Tam aulipas, San Luis, Zacatecas, a part of Ja lisco, Nuevo Lion, Coahuila, Durango, Sinalog, Chihuahua, Sonora, the territory of California, and New Alexico. The principle object of all these states appears to be that of forming a new republic in con nection with Texas. The division of Mexico is not a new de sign, and now under the many favorable circumstances, the empty treasury, the dis traction reigning through the country, the present situation of Texas and her inevita ble independence, all tend to increase the probability of the project of an alliance be tween these states possible. The letter shows evidently that much good would be the result of the success of the design. It also confirms the information w hich we have given of the internal situation of Mexico. From the Charleston Courier. OFFICE BOARD OF HEALTH, } Charleston, Sept. 3,1 o'clock, P. M. j The Special Committee of the Board have to report for the last twentyrfour hours, seventeen cases of Cholera; two w hite, and fifteen blacks—two dead, the others under treatment. Os the seven cases reported yesterday two more have died —the others are convalesent. By order. THOS.Y. SIMONS, M.D, ; Chairman Special Committee. A. G. Howard, AL D. Clerk. 1 o'clock, Sept. 4. The Special Committee of the Board, report for the last twenty four hours, ten ca ses of Cholera. Two whites, eight blacks —one dead—of the 17 cases reported yes terday, four more have died. THOS. Y. SIMONS, AI. D. Chairman Special Committee. \ A. G. Howard, M. D. Clerk. 1 o'clock Sept. 5. j The Special Committee of the Board, have to reportfoi the last twenty-four hours, j twenty-seven cases of Cholera—six dead, j twenty one under treatment —5 whites, 22 blacks. Os those previously reported two more deaths have occurred. Bv order. THOS.Y. SIMONS,M. D. Chairman Special Committee. , A. G. Howard, AL D. Clerk. Sept. 8,1 o'clock. The Special Committee of the Board have to report for the last twenty-tour hours, twenty two cases of Cholera—five whites, seventeen blacks—three dead—the others under treat ) incut. Os the cases reported yesterday, three mote have died. Bv order. THOS. Y. SIMONS, AI. D. Chairman Special Committee. Sept. 9,1 o'clock The Special Committee of the Board have to report for the last twenty-four hours, ten ca ses of Cholera ; 3 whites and 7 blacks 2 dead. Ot the cases reported yesterday three more have died. By order. THOS. Y. SIMMONS, M. D. Chairman Special Committee. of "The Jriends of the Union are our friends, and its enemies, our enemies.” __ TUESDAY MORNINO, Sept. 18. Ihftiosi Democratic Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. EXTRACT FROM MARTIN VAN BUREN’S LETTER. Accepting the nomination of the Conven tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit tee, “ T content myself on this occasion icith sayisg, that! consider myself the htmored instrument selected by the friends of the Ad ministration to carry out its principles and policy, and as well from inclination as from duty, 1 shall, if honored with the choice of the American People, endeavour to tread generally in the footsteps oj President Jack son, —happy if I shall be able to per fect the work which he has so gloriously be gunf'' ft/”Jackson men in these days of mis representation, look well to the above ex tract, and then to the following from his letter to the North Carolina Committee, on the subject of Abolition, “ I prefer that not only you, but all the people of the Untied States, shall now un derstand, that if the desire of that, portion of them which is favorable to my elevation to the Chief Magistracy be gratified, I must go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of any at tempt to ABOLISH SLAVERY in the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slave-holding Slates. •‘ For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 Votes—A gainst it, 18. The Chair voting in the AFFIR MA lIV E, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed a*d read a third time.” Martin fan Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the ch" culation of incendiary publications through the mailt eeectobae ticket. THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin. WAI. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. SAMUEL GROVES, of Aladison. THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin. WILSON LUMPKIN, of Walton. WILLIAAI PENTICOST, of Jackson. THOMAS SPALDING, of Mclntosh. REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper. WAI. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham. THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. PITT AIILNER, of Monroe Union Congressional Ticket. JOHN COFFEE, of Telfair. JESSE F. CLEVELAND, of DeKalb. IIIOAIAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond. SEA I ON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock. HOPKINS H. HOLSEY, ofHarris. JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark. GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham. GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, of Talbot. Union Ticket for Baldwin county. for senate. MICHAEL J. KEAAU. REI’RES EN T A TIV F. S. CHARLES D. HAMMON DEAJAOTIA L. LESTER. Union Ticket for lU'ar.ren County. con SENATE. THOMAS GIBSON, ESQ. REPRESENTATIVES. DR. MONTCtAIBORN ANDREWS. WM. IL BLOUNT. ESQ. Q. L. q. FRANKLIN, ESQ, ( Communicated.) Nominated Ticket of the Union Party De Kalb County. For Senate. ISAAC N. JOHNSON, For Representatives. E. N. CALHOUN. JOHN DOBBS. JAMES DIAMOND.