Newspaper Page Text
pens ; and Mackey Wherry, sixteen hundred
arpetis.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, Thai
if it shall be found that anj tract or tracts
Confirmed as aforesaid, or any part thereof,
had been previously located by any other
Cerson or persons under any lan- jof the
United States, or had been surveyed ami
•old by the United States, this act shall con
fer no title to such lands in opposition to
the rights neqired by such location <»• pur
chaae ; but the individual or individuals
whose claims are hereby confirmed shall be
permitted to locate so much thereof as inter
feres wit: such location or purchase, on any
unappropriated land of the United States
within the State t of Missouri, or Territojy
of Arkansas, in whichever the original
claim may be, that may be subject to entry |
hi private sale : Provided, That such loea-j
tiom shall conform to legal divisions and
subdivisions, and shall not interfere with i
the rights of other persons.
Sec. 3. Bud be it further enacted, That
the locations authorized by this act.-.hall be
entered with the register of the proper land
office, who shall, on application f< r that
pnrpoie, make, out for such claimant a eer-i
tificate. of location, which, with the ccrtifi-j
cate of confirmation, shall be tarnsmitted to i
the Commissioner of the General Land!
Office ; and it'it shall appear to the satisfac-!
lion of the said'Commissioner that such j
certificate shall have been fairly obtained,
according to the true intentand meaning of
this act and the laws of the United Staets,
then, and in that ease, patents shall be grant
ed in like manner as is provided by law for
(he other lan Is of' the United States. And
for each certificate of' location to be issued
as aforesaid, the register shall be entitled to
receive from the person applping therefor,
the sum of one dollars.
Approved, July 4th, IS3G.
Public—No. 364.
AN ACT to repeal so much of the act of
March second, seventeen hundred ami
ninety-nine, as respects the issuing of cer
tifiicates on the importation of wines.
Sec. 1. Beit enacted by the Senate and
House of Repres nlatives of the United
Stat's of America in C /tigress assembled,
That so much of the act of Congress, pass
ed second March, seventeen hundred and
ninety-nine, as requires that the surveyor
or chief officers of inspection of any port,
where wines may be landed, shall give to
the proprietor, imporleror consignee there
of, or his or her agent, a certificate, as men
tioned in the .fortieth and forty-first sections
of said act, is hereby repealed.
Approved, July 4th, 1836.
Foreign.
LATEST INTELLIGENCE FROM EU
ROPE.
[By the Niagara, Manchester and Courier,]
Office of the Commercial Advertiser, |
NEW YORK,Sept.6-10’Clock,I’.xM. J
’’ By the arrival of the packet ship Hibernia,
Captain Wilson, from Liverpool, we have Lon
don papers to the morning of August 2d, and
Liverpool to the 3d, Loth inclusive.
John L. Stevens, Esq., bearer of despatches
from Com. Porter at Constantinople, has arriv
ed in the Hibernia.
Intelligence had been received from Spain, of
the defeat and death of the Carlist guerilla chief!
Lopez, in Gallicia. He was a very active and 1
formidable partisan of the pretender. The
body was conveyed to Corunna, with a number
of prisoners, mostly priests and clergymen.
They were to be shot as rebels, taken witli arms
in their possession. The death of Lopez, and
dispersion of his band were considered highly
important to the Queen’s cause.
The resolution of King Louis Phillippe, or
rather of his ministers, to have no Review on
the 29th, appears to hade furnished the quid
nuncs of Paris with ample material for comment
and speculation. The official journal published
a long statement of reasons, the amount ot
which was that they thought it wrong to furnish
an opportunity tiiat might be laid hold of by any i
• evil disposed person or persons for the perpe- '
tration of “an attempt;” but the opposition
journals will have it tiiat a plot was actually dis
covered. We copy soma remarks by Paris
correspondents of the London Journals, which
shew the state of feeling and of opinion.
Paris, July 21.—The fetes of July have
commenced under impressions and feelings of
J;loom and dissatisfaction. They will terminate
without any serious incident, for the king will
not quit the Tuileries, and all the precautions
ordered in anticipation of his appearance in
public—if it were indeed contemplated—are
T strictly observed. Very great uneasiness, and
very serious complaints are, however,expressed
• at this concealment of the King, and every mo
ment one hears his conduct on this occasion
contrasted with the resolution shown by his ma
jesty on the sth and 7th of June, 18-32, and on
the 13th of April, 1834, when armed bodies of
mey were ia open insurrection, and actually
figming with the troops and National guards in
tire streets ot Paris.
The shop-keepers and citizens of Paris in j
general—nay, even some of the highest milita- I
ry men about the King’s person, are deeply dis- I
pleased at the resolution to relinquish the inten
ded review. lam assured that it will turn out
that no specific danger existed ; but that a gen
eral impression, or convictiop, that disaffection
prevails to a greater extent than the govern
ment previously allowed the public to believe,
influence that determination, will not conceal
from you longer that the army is looked upon
with more than suspicion—and that the sub-offi
ccrs arc said to be as much dreaded now at the
Tuileries as in the year 1822.
It was to consult Prince Talleyrand under
these painful circumstances that tiiat venerable
statesman was summoned to Paris before the
King’s intention of postponing the review, &c
was announce 1. It has been since proposed in
council to get rid ol'six or eight thousand of the
lltast republu att of the army by sending them to
the assistance of Queen Isabella ; but to this
proposition the King and Prince Talleyrand
were opposed, so it fell to the ground. What
Will be done however—and something must be
done—is not yet determined on. In the mean
time the arrest (of eivillians) continues. Few,
or no military men on service have yet been
arrested.
Paris, July 2d.— Flats against the life, of
Lows Philip.— rite Messenger of Tuesday
states that the authorities were first made awate
of the existence- of new regicide projects, by the
new incorporation into companies ol the Nation
al Guards of several suspicious individuals, des
titute of tint me ms of subsistence, who never
theless had found money to equip themselves
agreeably to this now ordinance. It adds that
these men were to have profited by the confu
sion, which usually prevails in the ranks of the
National Guard before the review, to choose
their station among them, so as to be as numer
ous as possible when filing by the King. A tel
egraphic despatch denounced a non-commis
sioned officer of a regiment of the line, in garri- !
r yyu?h|Vloi7., as going to Paris with the inten- !
■ -I ■• i.... jp, ~J j . 'J’his 1
t z
young man, named llocquart, was accordingly
arrested on Salm day, and brought to the prela
, litre of police where ho was pul into solitary
! confinement.
The Droit announces that 113 new arrests
had been made on Saturday and Monday, if oi
| which were grounded on political reasons. Ihe
| day and night reserve detachments were doub
led in all tiic barracks oi Paris. Police agents
repaired on Monday to the house ot a M. Olan
j icr, in the Passage Brady, tor the purpose ol
apprehending him, when they learned he had
I been dead two years! On Monday morning, M.
Montaiviet, Caspariu, Gisquet, remained a long
1 time closeted widt the King. In the afternoon,
Prince de Talleyrand bad himself carried to the
! Tuileries.
1' akis, Jui.y -31.—The papers of this day are
' much occupied with the prosecutions ol three
! newspapers—the democratic National, the ul
l tra-republican Bon Sens, and the pure Carlist
Journal La France, which took place yesterday
before the (’our d’Assizes de la Siene. The
editor of Le Bon Sens did not appear, and was
; condemned by default to four months imprison
i incut, and to a tine of 4000 francs. The pros
ecution ofM. Persat, the responsible editor of
Le National was next called.
Notwithstanding some affecting refl’erences to
the death of M. Carrel, on the trial, the solicitor
; general persevered in pressing for a conviction,
and lie succeeded in obtaining a conviction, and
' a condemnation of M. Persat to three months
i imprisonment and a tine of 1,000 francs.
The charge against the editor of La France,
I was merely that of having copied and publisli-
■ed tne incriminated article of La National. He
. was equally convicted—sentenced, however, to
two months imprisonment only, but to a similar
fine—l,ooo francs.
NEW YORK, Sept. 4.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
We anotmeed on Saturday, the arrival
below of the packet ship Charles Caroll,
from Havre; but the papers had not come
tip when we went to press. Dates by this
packet an? to the 25th of July.
The packet ship Gladiator, Capt. Brit
ton, has arrived this morning from London.
By this arrival, we have received files of'
■ London papers to the evening of August
Ist, inclusive.
FRANCE.
M. Armand Carrel, principal editor of
Le National, died al Paris on the 24th, of
the wound received ia his duel with M.
Girard'tn, editor of the new journal La
Bresse.
The king of France and his ministers
had resolved that there should be no review
on the 29th July the last of the “Tree
days”—and the preparations making there
for were countermanded. Much agitation
existed in Paris, and rumors were current
of a widely extended conspiracy, in which
everal regiments of the line were involved.
A society was also spokon of, having the
menacing title of “Avengers of Alibeau.”
Information had reached Paris, by tele
graph, that General Bitgeau had gained a
signal victory over Abdel Kadernear Tre
mecne, on the 9th of July. The loss of
the Arabs, in wounded and prisoners, was
upwards of one thousand. The Arab chief
hud made overtures lor ncgociation, but the
French general would not receive them,
and set out immediately in pursuit of the
enemy.
A rigid non-intercoursc is still kept up
between France and the Swiss canton of
Basle; a large military force is employed.
King Louis Phillippe was very unwilling
I to give up the review, and was only prevail
ed on by a unanimous assurance from his
ministers, that if he persisted they would
resign, in a body.
Paris, July 30.—Five per cents, 109 f;
four and a half, 1051’ 25c.
Last Prices this day.— Fives, ICSf, 95c.
ENGLAND.
Mr. Rothschild’s death, if it should take
place, was expected to have a considerable
efl’ecton the funds. One of the morning I
papers states that he was actually dead, but
this is not correct. Information to that ef
fect was indeed published in the London
morning papers of Aug. 1, but the evening
papers gave more favorable accounts, lie
went to Frankfort to attend his son’s wed
ding. It is the London brother whose ill
ness is watched with so much interest.
The established church bill was read a
second lime in the House of Lords on the
29th of July.
Sir Robert Liston, baronet, one of his j
majesty’s privy council, died at his seat near |
Edinburg, on the 15th of July. He was
in the 94th year of his age, and the oldest I
of the whole diplomatic body of Europe. |
About ten years since he was minister at the j
court of Turkey.
The proprietors of the Manchester and
Livervool rail road bad a meeting at Liver
pool on the 2711 i of July, at which the direc
tors announced a dividend of s£s per share
for the preceding six months. The nett
profits of'the rail road for the six months
were 839,402. The company has a mort-1
i gage debt of £.427,500 to pay off.
The Irish church bill was passed in the ;
House of Lords on the 28lltof July. Their !
Lordships’ amendments were to be consid- I
cred in the other House on the 2d of Au- j
gust. They rejected the appropriation
clan se.
The newspaper stamp duties bill was pass
ed on the 15th, in the House of Commons,
by a vote of fifty-live to seven.
London, August I.— City \2 o'clock.—
The accounts which were received by ex
press on Saturday from Frankfort dated the
26th ultimo, of the dangerous state of Mr.
Rothschild’s health have been followed this
morning by others <:f the 27th, which con
tain intelligence of a very unsatisfactory
nature. The next accounts are looked for
with intense interest.
The consol market has been, up to the
present period, without fluctuation, at9o 7-8
a 91 for account. The foreign market
owing to the illness of Mr. R. is very unset
tled.
'Piro o'clock.— The market remains at the
same quotations as above.
SPAIN.
There is intelligence from Spain of some
important success gained by the Queen’s
forces. The elections were proceeding un
favorably to the Isturitz ministry.
One of the French papers—the Quotidi
enne positively asserts that a strong body of
troops will shortly be sent to Spain, to re
inforce the French legion, and take active
measures against the Carlists. Confirming
the information given to us some days since
by our European correspondent.
A letter from Cadiz, of July, 17th, states |
that the < lections had just finished, that the ■
ministerial parly had with great difficulty j
“'■cured the return of Isturitz and (Liliana.)
Mendizabal and three others of his party
have been returned.
MISCELLANEOUS.
\ . Ihe cholera was making fearful progress
i in Italy. At V erona the deaths were forty
per diem. Business was almost entirely at
a stand.
The German diet was busily engaged
p upon the dispute between Holland ami Bel
gium (relative to the cession of Luxembourg)
, and there was a prospect that it would soon
be arranged.
, Lord Ponsonby had an interview with the
new reis effendi w hence it appears that the
diplomatic relations of Great Brilian with!
the Porie have been restored.
The russian government refuses to pay
its stupulated third of the last instalment ot
the loan to Greece, but lord Palmerston
■ proposes that France shall nevertheles pay
i theirs.
The steam boat Tigris, one of the expe
dition on the Euphrates, capsized and went
' to the bottom in a tornado. Twenty oi the
, I crew were drowned, fifteen of them I'-glish
, men. Con. Chesney saved himself svvim-
i '
Political.
> From the. N. U. Times.
SECTIONAL FEELINGS.
, A portion of the opposition are actively
• engaged in exciting sectional feelings a
gainst Mr. Van Buren. The Southern fac
tion say he is an Abolitionists, and the
Northern faction re-affirm it; and between
I the two they hope to create such an impres
sion at the South. Now, is there either fact
! or argument in this? On the contrary is it
’ not mean and despicable, and an insult to
the people? What must be thought of those
Northern Editors who thus address them
selves to Southern feelings? Among the
i- most notorious of this class is the editor of
! the star, who thinks he cannot do those
republicans too in a tut n whose many favors l
he has received. In this way it is hoped to
I render Mr. Van Buren’s opinions obscure
[• and uncertain. First, one says be don’ t
understand him ; then another says he can’ t
’ see what he is driving at. Thus the read
ers of their papers are frequently misled
and some finally believe that Mr. Van Bn.
.; ren endeavors to avoid a direct and tine.
, i quivocal avowal of Lis sentiments on pub-
I lie topics; whereas it is well known to
! j those who have read the various produc
( tions of our public men, that no one is
! more happy and concise in the expression
of his view s and feelings than Mr. Van Bu-
’ ren.
, The truth is, ourcountry although large,
and its interests various and diversified, is
( concerned in keeping the different parts in
harmonious action; and in the choice of a
|- Chief Magistrate sectional feeling has had
. heretofore nothing to do, and will hereaf
|-j ter have nothing to do. And in supposing
, I to the contrary, the opposition will certain
:ly miss the mark they aim at. The people
I are 100 in telligent.
From the Avgusta Constitutionalist.
NULLIFICATION.
The Charleston Courier of last Monday
' contains the following paragraph :
“ Meeting of the Union Parly.— lt w ill
be seen by a call published in our paper,
this mornihg, that the Union Party are in
vited to assemble at the City Hall, on the
; 22d inst., for consultation as to their course
of action, in reference so the present aspect
of the canvass for a member of Congress,
from this district. Desirable as it was that
the confli.-tol party should not be again re
vived in our community, and general as the
understanding seemed to have been, that
■old party distinctions were to be buried,
never again to be resuscitated, the course
pursued by their old opponent has left the
Union Parly no alternative, but to meet in
order to harmonize sentiment, and promote
concert of action. The Nullification flag
has been again unfurled, and if, as a coun
teracting measure, the Union Jack he once
more seen flying from mast head, our old
opponents, at least, w ill be stopped from
i complaint.”
Will not the union men of Georgia open
I their eyes ? Can they believe that the
tndlifiers dare not contend once more w ith
■themforthe supremacy of the fundamental
doctrine of their party t It is idle to think
so. The nnllifiers of Georgia may s‘ay
that nullification is not now the question ;
that it is only an abstract principle upon
which honest men may differ ; and that
such a principle should not prevent a con
cert of action against Gen. Jackson and
his administration. All this is deception.
J What is the fundamental doctrine of the
state rights party ? Nullification. Have
' the nulliiiers ever declared their abandon
ment of the doctrine? Never. If they
! never have repudiated it, it is still their
I creed, and their guide in their political
i movements however concealed those
movements may be. The unpopularity of
the doctrine in our state, induced the nulli
fieTS tomask it with the more popular ap
pellation of the state rights doctrine ; but
the mask was not sufficient to conceal the
deformity of the feature behind it. The
nnllifiers are only waiting for the ascenden
cy in the state, to drop the mask, and then
would they display the standard of nullifi
cation to the astonished gaze of all credu
lous union men, who may have assisted in
placing them in power. The state rights
men are still governed by the resolutions
they adopted at Milledgeville ; let them
repudiate those resolutions, and we might
believe their declaration, that the doctrine
of nullification is now an abstract question,
upon which honest men may differ.
The Nnllifiers have been accused of co
operating with the Abolitionists inereating
a panic, and distntbing the equiibrium of
the public tranquility. This they deny in
language, butadmit in practice. The Nu
llifiers appeal to the fears of the South, re
specting the safety of their slave property.
The Abolitionists appeal to the fears of the
North, concerning the security of their
manufacturing interests.
The Abolitionists intermeddle with the
domestic relations of the slave States, —and
the Nulliiiers interfere with the internal
regulations of ths Anti-slave States.
Both Nnllifiers and Abolitionists arc op
posed to Marlin Van Buren, and would
j move heaven and earth to defeat his elec-
I lion. Both parties abuse him for his tier,
THE STAN BAID) OF UNION.
negro vote—for the part he took in the
Admission of Missouri—lor his voteon the
I arill Question ; on the Cumberland Road
bill, Ike. Sic. and for opposite reasons! By
one sect he is abused for being an Aboli
tionist ; and by the other because he is not.
By one sect lie is accused of restricting the
right of stiffrage and by the other for ex
tending it too far ; he is abused by one for
being a .1 arifl man, and by the other for
being anti-Tarifi ; by one for being oppo
sed to the United States’bank, and by the
other lor being in favor of it; by one for
being in favor of Internal Improvements
by the General Government; and by the
other for being opposed to them. Like
a pair of cross-cut sawyers, though they
pull different ways, their object is still the
same.— Macon ’pel.
George IL being informed that an impudent
printer was to he punished for having published
a spurious (King’s) speech, replied, the man’s
punishment would be of the mildest sort, be
cause he had lead both, and as far as he under
stood either of them, he liked the spurious speech
better than his own.
'Phe Belle.— A letter from the agent of
the under-writers say that the sale had com
rftenced when he arrived but was stopped,
and the cartro re-shipping. An effort
would be made to get off the ship. The
cargo of the schooner Fracis Ellen was
going on to the place of its indestination
of
. y—
•■ The friends of the Unionarc our friends,and its
enemies, our enemies."
aaa aaws&SiEi;
TUESO.4Y ItIOftAING, Sept. 20.
I’nien JOcxictratic llcpubtican
Ticket.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN! VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
RICHARD M. JOHNSON.
EXTRACT FROM
MARTIN VAN BUREN’S LETTER
Accepting the nomination of the Conven
tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit
tee.
“ I content myself on this occasion with
saying, thatl consider myself the honored
instrument selected by the friendsof the Ad
ministration to carry out its principles and
policy, and as well from inclination as from
duty, 1 shall, if honored with the choice of
the American People, endeavour to tread
generally in the footsteps oj President Jack
son, —happy i/ I shall be able to per
fect the work which he has so gloriously be
gun."
fUr’ Jackson men in these days of mis
representation, look well to the above ex
tract, and then to the following from his
letter to the North Carolina Committee, on
the subject of Abolition.
“ J prefer that not only you, but all the
people of the United States, shall now un
derstand, thatij the desire of that portion
of them which is favorable to my elevation to
Ike Chief Magistracy be gratified, J must
go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible
and uncompromising opponent of any al
ien pt to ABOLISH SLAVERY in the
District of Columbia against the wishes of
the slave-holding Stales.
“ For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 votes—A
gainst it. 18. The Chair voting in the AFFIR -
MATIVE, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and
read a third time.”
Martin Ban Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the cir
culation, of incendiary publications through the mails.
ELEC TO RA I. TICKE T.
THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin.
WAI. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham.
SAMUEL GROVES, ofMadison.
THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin.
WILSON LUMPKIN, of Walton.
WILLIAM I’ENTICOST, of Jackson.
TII OiM ASS PA L DIN G, of Mc In tosh.
REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper.
WM B. WOFFOR D, of Habersham.
THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
PITT MILNER, of Monroe
Unions ConsTcssional Ticket.
JOI IN COFFEE, of Telfair.
JESSE F. CLEVELAND, of De Kalb.
THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock.
HOPKINS 11. HOLSEY, of Harris.
JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark.
GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham.
GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, of Talbot,
Union Ticket for Baldwin, county.
FOR SENATE.
MICHAEL J. KENAN.
REP R ES EK TAT IVES.
CIIAaiLESJO. HAMMOND.
KENJAMIA 1.. LESTEK.
Union Ticket for B arren. County.
FOR SENATE.
THOMAS GIBSON, ESQ.
R E r R K SENT A T IVES.
DR. M ONT<: I. AI BO If N AN DRE WS.
WM. 11. BLOUNT, ESQ.
Q. 1.. U. FRANKLIN, ESQ,
( Communicated.)
Nominated Ticket of the Union Party fm
De Kalb County.
For
ISAAC N. JOHNSON.
For Representatives.
E. N. CALHOUN.
JOHN DOBBS.
JAMES DIAMOND.
I
Union Ticket of Hancock County I
For Rep it es i-.nt ati v es.
B. J. WYNN ,
B.'l . H ARRIS ,
W. S. HAMILL
RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION.
We publish to day, two communications, ad
dressed to the Union candidates for Congress,
the one from Jasper, and the other from Coweta
county. The communication from Jasper
would have appeared in our last, but it came to
hand too late—the other did not reach us, until
two days since.
We have been also favored with the answers
oi three of our Candidates, Messrs. Glascock,
Haynes and Holsey, which also appear in todays
paper and are so clear, so full and explicit, that
no doubt can rest upon the public mind, in rela
tion to the subject matter of the questions pro
pounded to them.
They recognize to the fullest extent, the right
of the constituent body to instruct their Repre
sentatives, and the duty of the the Representa
tive to obey or resign.
Less could not have been expected from U
nion men. The right of instruction is a funda
mentalprinciple of the Union party, and one
of tho main pillars of the republican faith—a
• prineiple which has been steadily maintained by
Mr. Jefferson and his disciples, and as univer
sally opposed by the federalists, from the days
of the elder Adams to the present time; nor has
this great principle been more fiercely combat
ted at any period of our history, than it has been
by the Whig party so called, within the last two
years.
How stands that question in the Senate of
the United States? While every Senator of
the Union party, has yielded obedience to the
instructions of his constituents or resigned, but
one of the opposition, has treated such instruc
tions with common respect, and two or three
arc still standing in open defiance. Among
this number is BENJAMIN WATKINS
LEIGH of Virginia a leading man of the oppo
sition, who ranks high with the nnllifiers of Geor
gia—was at one time spoken of by them as a
candidate for the Presidency, and whom they
have complimented in tho most extravagant
terms for the purity of his principles, and the
splendor of his talents.
There is no point of doctrine upon which the
two partieshave differed, more widely, and there
is none to which the federalistshave been more
unifyrmly and zeajously opposed. The lead
ing whigs still occupy the same ground, and sev
eral of their Senators in Congress, are con
temptuously resisting the will of their constitu
ents.
As it regards the power of Congress to abolish
Slavery in the District of Columbia or else
where, the answers of Messrs. Glascock, Haynes
and Holsey, require no comment. Theyareso ex
plicit—so unequivocal and distinct, that the
shadow of a doubt cannot rest upon the mind of
a single individual.
We sincerely regret, that these Interrogatories
had not been propounded to the Union Candidates
at an earlier day, so that each and every one could
' have answered in time Cot his opinions to circulate
throughout the State, before the election, but ap
pearing as they have done, only twenty days be
fore the election, it is altogether impracticable
for them to be received by all the candidates and
generally circulated, before the first monday in
October, as several of them reside at a remote
distance from this place, and two of the number
being as we learn, atthis time, out of the State.
But there is no cause of doubt or hesitation in re
gard to their views upon these questions.—They
are all republicans of tho Jefferson School, and
we hazard nothing in asserting, that they will be
found to harmonize to the fullest extent, with the
principles contained in the answers of GLAS
COCK, HAYNES and HOLSEY, and we have
as little doubt, that the union party will rally to the
polls, and elect them by increased majorities.
It is now, less than two weeks to the Election,
and let it be remembered, that upon the result of
that day, depends the ascendancy of our princi
ples ; principles which have saved the Union from
the most awful convulsion, and which have ele
vated our country to its present state of happiness
and prosperity.
The Monticello Interrogatories.— We are
requested by General Glascock, to state, in an
swer to the first of the questions propounded by
Dr. Lucas Powell, and six other citizens of Jas
per, that he has stcdfastly and earnestly com
batted for the doctrine, that the People have
the right to instruct their Representatives, and
the Representative is bound* to obey the will of
the People, when that will is clearly ascertain
ed, or to resign, if, in any instance, he shall be
lieve that the act required of him by the Peo
ple, as incompatible with the obligations of con
science or of honor. He regards this as one of
the leading principles of the Union or Demo
cratic party, and such is his own attachment to
the principle, that he would not abandon it, ev
en for the ad vancementof a political friend, how
ever great his preference might be for him.
He will, therefore, in the event of the election
of President of the United States devolving
upon the House of Re|>resentatives in tho
present case, vote for Judge White, if he shall
receive a majority of the electoral votes of
Georgia, and a sufficient number of electoral
votes to carry his name before the House of
Representatives.
In answer to the second inquiry, we are au
thorized to state, that he believes the Congress
of the United States does not possess the con
stitutional power to abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, or in any of the Territories
oi the United States, or in any manner to legis
late on the subject. His opinions in relation to
this matter, have been so fully and so publicly
expressed, and are now so well known to the
people of the State, that a further reply on his
part is deemed unnecessary.
TO THE POLLS! TO THE POLLS! 1
It is now but fourteen days to tho Election,
when it is once more to be determined, whether ‘
the principles of the UNION party arc to hold
their ascendancy, or whether the fiery elements ,
of Nullification are to ride upon the storm.
Union men arise? Tho enemy is at your
doors ! Bo up and doing, for “ now is the day
of salvation.”
I
In the name of your PRINCIPLES—in the ,
name of the mighty struggles which you have I
made, topreserve those principles—in tho name 1
of the victories which you have won—conic
forth in your might!
The Nnllifiers are crying “peace, peace,” ,
when their whole object is, to lull you to sleep, I
but know ye, that if you slumber or sleep, “ the j '
Philistines will be upon you.” I'
If your adversaries gain the ascendancy, your
principles are overpowered, a new order of
things will be instituted—new land marks will
be set up, and when, or where, or how it will
end, heaven only knows.
We know our own principles. We have tried
them well, and they have never been found
wanting.
The present happy condition of our country,
is an earnest of their benign influence upon the
! people and their free institutions. It is proof
; positive, of their decided preference over all the
i mad cap projects which have agitated the pub
lic mind for the last fouryears, and should aiouse
evrey Union man in Georgia to redoubled exer
tion in their support; and however they may oc
casionally differ about men, it is a duty which
they owe to themselves, and to posterity, to stand
around their principles, as a band of brothers
None should farther in this contest —none
should doubt or waver in a crisis like this, but
every Union man, in every County, should feel
and act with decision and energy.—Every one
should say to himself, the cause is mine—my
dearest principles are at stake, and I will main
tain them.
It was this spirit which moved our fathers in
seventy-six.—lt was this spirit which sustained
them through the dangers and the glories of the
revolution, which established our independence,
and built up our happy Union—and it was the
. same spirit which animated the Union party in
- their struggle against Nullification, and conduct
ed them to victory.
Once more to the field.—Monday week is the
day, and let it close with one universal shout
from the SAVANNAH to the CHATTA
HOOCHEE—from the ATLANTIC to the
MOUNTAINS.
“ WE HAVE MET THE ENEMY, AND
THEY ARE OURS.”
MARYLAND IS AWAKE !
The Democracy of Maryland, so long trodden
down and run over by federalism, has reared its
head from the dust.
In that state, Electors are appointed by the
people of the several counties, who assemble once
in five years and elect their Senators. That
election took place about two weeks since, when
all the strength of the opposition was brought
out, and every means resorted ts, and every ex
ertion used to overwhelm the republican party, but
in vain; and although from the great inequality of
representation, the Whigs have elected their Sen
ators by a majority of more tjup) THREE
THOUSAND.
This election was canvassed upon the Presiden
tisl question, and in November, xvheu thatelecti
on takes place, by general ticket, Maryland will
show a Van Buren majority out of near FOUR
. THOUSAND VOTES.
“ The Campbells are coming.”
FOR THE STANDARD OF UNION.
SELL A WHITE MAN, & FREE A NIG
GER.
General Harrison says, Congress may tax the
people to raise money, and then take that same
money, and buy their slaves and set them free.
This is pretty kind to the niggers, but what does
he say to poor white folks 1 Why he says, when
they get in debt, yon must put them on a block,
and sell them, to raise money to pay their debts.
But says a wig-, how cau you prove that Mr.
Pry ?
Says I, by the Journal of the Ohio Legislature.
In 1820 General Harrison was a member of the
Legislature of Ohio, and during the session, a Bill
came before the House, containing the following
provision.
“ Be it further enacted, That when any per
sons shall be imprisioned, either upon execution
or otherwise, for the non-payment of a fine or
costs, it shall be lawful for the sheriff of the
county to sell out such person as a servant to
any person within this State, who will pay the
amount due for the shorthest period of service
of whsch sale public notice shall be given of
at least, ten days and being effecte the sher
iff shall give to the purchaser a certificated
thereof, and deliver over the prisioncr to him ; j
from which time the relation between such pur
chaser and prisoner shall be that of master and
servant until the time of service expires, and in
juries done by either, remedy shall be had in
the same manner as is or may be provided by
law in the case as master and apprentices.—
But nothing herein contained shall be construed
to prevent persons being discharged from im
prisionment according to the provisions of the
thirty-seventh section of the act to which this
is supplementary, if it shall be considered ex
pedient to grant such discharge. Provided that
the court in pronouncing sentence upon any
person or persons convicted under this act or
the act to which this is sumplementary, may di
rect such person or persons to be detained in
prision until the fine be paid, or the person or
persons otherwise disposed of agreeably to the 1
pi ovisions of this act.”
A motion was made to strike it out, and Gene
ral Harrison voted to retain it, arid make it a part
of the law ; but luckily for the poor and unfortu
nate white man, the majority was against him, -
and it was tricken out—no thanks to him.
This was a new sort of abolition.—l have heard
a great deal aboutthe abolition of slavery, but I 1
should consider such au act as this, the abolition
of freedom.
High times indeed ! A man vote to sell the free ,
citizens of the United States into Slavery, and
then ask them to make him President 111 11111
The leading nullifying Editors, to wit: Judge
Longstreet, and many es the ptu-ty, prefer Harri
son to Van Buren.—Well 1 elect him, and if his
principles succeed, he could soon accomplish his
abolition schemes, by selling the poor white folks,
to raise a fuud to free all the niggers. ,
PAUL PRY.
Messrs. Owens, Glascock, Coffee, Cleveland, '
Jackson, Holsey, Towns, Haynes and
Grant land. J
Gentlemen: —In our Republican country, (
it is conceded by all, that the right of the con- ,
stituent to require of the candidate for his suf- ,
frage, a distinct avowal of his political opin- s
ions, is undeniable. We therefore, as a por- i
lion of that party whose voteshave made you I
members of the present Congress, respectfully ‘
beg of you to favor us, through one or more of ;
the public prints, at as early a day as possible, 1
with explicit answers to the following questions: I
1. Will you, in the event of the election of ■
President oi'the United States devolving upon ,
the House of Representatives in the present ,
contest vote for the candidate who shall have •
received the vote of the electoral college of the I
State of Georgia, or a majority thereof, not on
ly on the first ballot, but so long as his name
shall be run?
2. Do you believe that tho Congress of the
United States possesses the constitutional pow
er to abolish slavery in the District of Colum
bia, or in any of the Territories of the United
States, or in any manner whatever to legislate
upon the subject ?
Wc make these enquiries in a spirit ofcan
[• dor, aud frankness, with the honest resolve that
I your answers will determine whether we shall
aid in re-electing you to the stations you now
‘ occupy.
With sentiments of the highest esteem, w«t
I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient
I servants.
' LUCAS POWELL,
C. W. C. WRIGHT,
, WILLIAM A. MOORE,
JOHN HINES,
JAMES M’KENNIE,
G. SIMONTON,
DAVID MERRIWETIIER,
Monticello, Sept. 8, 1836.
P. S. Editors generally are requested to in
sert the above in their papers.
Sparta, September 14, 1836.
Messrs. Lucas, Powell, G. Simonton, James
M'Kennie, David Merriwethcr, William A.
Moore, John Hines and C. IF. C. Wright.
Gentlemen: —1 recognise, to the fullest ex
tent, the right of the constituent body to instruct
the representate, subject to the single condition,
that the latter shall resign, if he cannot consci
entiously obey—and in whatever mode the peo
ple of Georgia shall express their will, touching
any public act to be performed by me as their
representative, I will obey that will, or resign.
So much for the general doctrine, lying at th«
root of the first interrogatory contained iu your
communication of the Bth instant, addressed to
my colleagues and myself, as published in the
Southern Recorder of yesterday.
Presuming that you exclude Mr. Webster and
General Harrison from the contingency con
templated in your first interrogatory, I an
swer, that if the election of President of the
United States shall devolve on the House of
Representatives, and the candidate voted for by
the Electoral College of Georgia, or a majority
of them, shall be one of the three highest on the
list, I will give my vote for him, so long as his
name may be run, unless it is clearly ascertain
ed that by so doing, an election will be entirely
prevented.
To your second interrogatory, I answer, that
I do not believe Congress possesses any consti
tutional power to alter or abolish slavery in tho
District of Columbia, or in any of the Territo
ries of the United States—nor power so to le
gislate therein, as to effect the institution of
slavery in any manner WHATEVER.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
CHARLES E. HAYNES.
Hancock, County, Sept. 16, 1836.
Gentlemen :— The Georgia Journal of the 13th
inst. contains a communication with your uame*
appended, addressed to myself in common with
my colleagues, in which you advise a declaration
ol opinion in regard to certain iutorrogaioriek
therein stated. The answer shall be given in the
same spirit of frankness with which it is sought.
Nay, it becomes a source of satisfaction, that you
have presented the occasion, upon which I may
make known to the people of Georgia, the course
which I propose to pursue in regard to the Presi
dential election, as well as the views which I en
tertain in relation to the constitutional powers of
Congress over thesubject of slavery in the federal
district, and of the territories of the Union. ‘Should
my opinions upon these points be ratified by tho
people in my re-election to the House of Repre
sentatives, IJshould consider myself bound not
only in good faith, but as instructed to sustain
them until subsequent and unequivocal develope
ments denote a certain change iu their opinions.
The first question put in your address is, “will you
“ in the event of the election of President of tho
“United States devolving upon the House of
“ Representatives in the present contest, vote for
“ the candidate who shall teceive the vote of the
“ Electoral Colleges of the State of Georgia, or a.
“ majority thereof, not only on the first ballet.
“ but so long as his name shall be run I" It is
well known that the great mass of the peeple by
whom I had the honor to be chosen as a represen
tative, were at the time of the election, the deci
ded friendsand supporters of Mr. Van Buren, for
the Presidency. It must also be equally clear that
their representatives must have entertained a
community of sentiment and feeling with them;
for otherwise, their interests would not have beeu
confided to them. I find myself therifere irresisti
bly led, both by my inclinations aud duty,tosup
pert the claims of Mr. Van Buren for the presiden
cy, until some sure indication is presented of an
alternative of the public will. To sustain that will
when finally expressed, is with me, a fixed princi
ple, an unalterable determination; notwithstand
ing the doctrine has not only been questioned, but
set at open defiance by those who have .a sympa
thy for every other candidate for the presidency
in preference to Mr. Van Buren. Oju the first
i Monday in October next, I shall lie presented te
the people of Georgia for re-election, as tliepo
litieal friend of Mr. Van Buren. If re-chosen by
them, no obligation can be plainer than to support
his cause, until subsequently and specially instruc
ted to the contrary. The election of Representa
tives on the first Monday in October, being tba
first iixiicatiim of public opinion, and consequent
ly holding the representative bound to couform,
until some subsequent act of the people shall
shew a change of will. We then come next to
consider how far, and under tv hat circumstances,
the election for electors one month thereafter,
should affect the previous order of the people, and
the conduct of the Representative just chosen.
The solution oftliis question will furnish as precise
an answer as lam capable of giving, f to the above
interrogatory. In point of time the choice of
electors is subsequent to that of Representives,
For all practical purposes, the two acts lose their
successive character, and became concurrent and
simultaneous acts of the people, just as much as if
both elections were held on the same day, tmt
month of time being too short a period, in the or
dinary course of things, to admit of any real
change of the popular will. This view of the sub
ject could only be changed by a decjsit’e majority
for Electors at variance with the preceding elec
tion of Representatives, which will put casualties
and the apathy of the people to attend the choice
of Electors, beyond the possibility of a question.
In suchau event, or any others, establishing be
yond doubt, that the people have altered their
opinions, 1 shall most assuredly adhere to the dem
ocratic principle, scorned and repudiated by the
friends of Judge White, OBEY or RESIGN. I
however, strongly incline to think, that the latter
alternative, would have my preference; so: among
the several caudidales for the Presidency, I know
of the administration of none, which I could sup
port, judging the future by the present, except
that of Mr. Van Buren. 1 never will unite with
Ultra-Federalists, Nullifiers, Bankites, and the re
vilers of Andrew Jacksan, in the matlev and degra
ding policy which inevitably awaits them.
Having disposed of the first interrogatory, wa
come to the consideration of the second, which i«
in the following words, “Do you believe that the
Congress of the United States posses the constitu
tional power, to abolish slavery iu the district of
Columbia, or in any of the Territories of the Uni
ted States, or in any manner whatever to legislate
upon the subject.” Upon this topic you might bo
referred to my votes, without exception, on the
subject of abolition at the last Session of Congress,
in denial of that power. The Congress of the
Union is but a legislative body, on the reverse or
der of similar bodies in the States, possessing only
such powers ns are specially granted, whilst the
iattet possesses, for all ordinary purposes, all
power from which they are not restricted.
In respect to the federal district, however, it is
invested with the power to legislate “in nil case*
whatsoever.” This general grant of authority is
ihe basis of all those opinions, in favour of the dis
puted right. But 1 consider those words to bestow
legislative powers only, and not to affect the rights
fiproperty which nre fundamental. The same con
uitution which makes the general grant, restvitla
thy a guaranty, that “private property shall not
be taken for public use without just compensation.”
i he abolition of slavery is not such an use as is
recognized by the public laxv, or by the constitu
tion. The congress of the United States seems to
possess, in this particulai, the same authority over
he federal district as the state legislatures over
heir respective sttites—Tho latter in my opinion
