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pens ; and Mackey Wherry, sixteen hundred arpetis. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, Thai if it shall be found that anj tract or tracts Confirmed as aforesaid, or any part thereof, had been previously located by any other Cerson or persons under any lan- jof the United States, or had been surveyed ami •old by the United States, this act shall con fer no title to such lands in opposition to the rights neqired by such location <»• pur chaae ; but the individual or individuals whose claims are hereby confirmed shall be permitted to locate so much thereof as inter feres wit: such location or purchase, on any unappropriated land of the United States within the State t of Missouri, or Territojy of Arkansas, in whichever the original claim may be, that may be subject to entry | hi private sale : Provided, That such loea-j tiom shall conform to legal divisions and subdivisions, and shall not interfere with i the rights of other persons. Sec. 3. Bud be it further enacted, That the locations authorized by this act.-.hall be entered with the register of the proper land office, who shall, on application f< r that pnrpoie, make, out for such claimant a eer-i tificate. of location, which, with the ccrtifi-j cate of confirmation, shall be tarnsmitted to i the Commissioner of the General Land! Office ; and it'it shall appear to the satisfac-! lion of the said'Commissioner that such j certificate shall have been fairly obtained, according to the true intentand meaning of this act and the laws of the United Staets, then, and in that ease, patents shall be grant ed in like manner as is provided by law for (he other lan Is of' the United States. And for each certificate of' location to be issued as aforesaid, the register shall be entitled to receive from the person applping therefor, the sum of one dollars. Approved, July 4th, IS3G. Public—No. 364. AN ACT to repeal so much of the act of March second, seventeen hundred ami ninety-nine, as respects the issuing of cer tifiicates on the importation of wines. Sec. 1. Beit enacted by the Senate and House of Repres nlatives of the United Stat's of America in C /tigress assembled, That so much of the act of Congress, pass ed second March, seventeen hundred and ninety-nine, as requires that the surveyor or chief officers of inspection of any port, where wines may be landed, shall give to the proprietor, imporleror consignee there of, or his or her agent, a certificate, as men tioned in the .fortieth and forty-first sections of said act, is hereby repealed. Approved, July 4th, 1836. Foreign. LATEST INTELLIGENCE FROM EU ROPE. [By the Niagara, Manchester and Courier,] Office of the Commercial Advertiser, | NEW YORK,Sept.6-10’Clock,I’.xM. J ’’ By the arrival of the packet ship Hibernia, Captain Wilson, from Liverpool, we have Lon don papers to the morning of August 2d, and Liverpool to the 3d, Loth inclusive. John L. Stevens, Esq., bearer of despatches from Com. Porter at Constantinople, has arriv ed in the Hibernia. Intelligence had been received from Spain, of the defeat and death of the Carlist guerilla chief! Lopez, in Gallicia. He was a very active and 1 formidable partisan of the pretender. The body was conveyed to Corunna, with a number of prisoners, mostly priests and clergymen. They were to be shot as rebels, taken witli arms in their possession. The death of Lopez, and dispersion of his band were considered highly important to the Queen’s cause. The resolution of King Louis Phillippe, or rather of his ministers, to have no Review on the 29th, appears to hade furnished the quid nuncs of Paris with ample material for comment and speculation. The official journal published a long statement of reasons, the amount ot which was that they thought it wrong to furnish an opportunity tiiat might be laid hold of by any i • evil disposed person or persons for the perpe- ' tration of “an attempt;” but the opposition journals will have it tiiat a plot was actually dis covered. We copy soma remarks by Paris correspondents of the London Journals, which shew the state of feeling and of opinion. Paris, July 21.—The fetes of July have commenced under impressions and feelings of J;loom and dissatisfaction. They will terminate without any serious incident, for the king will not quit the Tuileries, and all the precautions ordered in anticipation of his appearance in public—if it were indeed contemplated—are T strictly observed. Very great uneasiness, and very serious complaints are, however,expressed • at this concealment of the King, and every mo ment one hears his conduct on this occasion contrasted with the resolution shown by his ma jesty on the sth and 7th of June, 18-32, and on the 13th of April, 1834, when armed bodies of mey were ia open insurrection, and actually figming with the troops and National guards in tire streets ot Paris. The shop-keepers and citizens of Paris in j general—nay, even some of the highest milita- I ry men about the King’s person, are deeply dis- I pleased at the resolution to relinquish the inten ded review. lam assured that it will turn out that no specific danger existed ; but that a gen eral impression, or convictiop, that disaffection prevails to a greater extent than the govern ment previously allowed the public to believe, influence that determination, will not conceal from you longer that the army is looked upon with more than suspicion—and that the sub-offi ccrs arc said to be as much dreaded now at the Tuileries as in the year 1822. It was to consult Prince Talleyrand under these painful circumstances that tiiat venerable statesman was summoned to Paris before the King’s intention of postponing the review, &c was announce 1. It has been since proposed in council to get rid ol'six or eight thousand of the lltast republu att of the army by sending them to the assistance of Queen Isabella ; but to this proposition the King and Prince Talleyrand were opposed, so it fell to the ground. What Will be done however—and something must be done—is not yet determined on. In the mean time the arrest (of eivillians) continues. Few, or no military men on service have yet been arrested. Paris, July 2d.— Flats against the life, of Lows Philip.— rite Messenger of Tuesday states that the authorities were first made awate of the existence- of new regicide projects, by the new incorporation into companies ol the Nation al Guards of several suspicious individuals, des titute of tint me ms of subsistence, who never theless had found money to equip themselves agreeably to this now ordinance. It adds that these men were to have profited by the confu sion, which usually prevails in the ranks of the National Guard before the review, to choose their station among them, so as to be as numer ous as possible when filing by the King. A tel egraphic despatch denounced a non-commis sioned officer of a regiment of the line, in garri- ! r yyu?h|Vloi7., as going to Paris with the inten- ! ■ -I ■• i.... jp, ~J j . 'J’his 1 t z young man, named llocquart, was accordingly arrested on Salm day, and brought to the prela , litre of police where ho was pul into solitary ! confinement. The Droit announces that 113 new arrests had been made on Saturday and Monday, if oi | which were grounded on political reasons. Ihe | day and night reserve detachments were doub led in all tiic barracks oi Paris. Police agents repaired on Monday to the house ot a M. Olan j icr, in the Passage Brady, tor the purpose ol apprehending him, when they learned he had I been dead two years! On Monday morning, M. Montaiviet, Caspariu, Gisquet, remained a long 1 time closeted widt the King. In the afternoon, Prince de Talleyrand bad himself carried to the ! Tuileries. 1' akis, Jui.y -31.—The papers of this day are ' much occupied with the prosecutions ol three ! newspapers—the democratic National, the ul l tra-republican Bon Sens, and the pure Carlist Journal La France, which took place yesterday before the (’our d’Assizes de la Siene. The editor of Le Bon Sens did not appear, and was ; condemned by default to four months imprison i incut, and to a tine of 4000 francs. The pros ecution ofM. Persat, the responsible editor of Le National was next called. Notwithstanding some affecting refl’erences to the death of M. Carrel, on the trial, the solicitor ; general persevered in pressing for a conviction, and lie succeeded in obtaining a conviction, and ' a condemnation of M. Persat to three months i imprisonment and a tine of 1,000 francs. The charge against the editor of La France, I was merely that of having copied and publisli- ■ed tne incriminated article of La National. He . was equally convicted—sentenced, however, to two months imprisonment only, but to a similar fine—l,ooo francs. NEW YORK, Sept. 4. LATEST FROM EUROPE. We anotmeed on Saturday, the arrival below of the packet ship Charles Caroll, from Havre; but the papers had not come tip when we went to press. Dates by this packet an? to the 25th of July. The packet ship Gladiator, Capt. Brit ton, has arrived this morning from London. By this arrival, we have received files of' ■ London papers to the evening of August Ist, inclusive. FRANCE. M. Armand Carrel, principal editor of Le National, died al Paris on the 24th, of the wound received ia his duel with M. Girard'tn, editor of the new journal La Bresse. The king of France and his ministers had resolved that there should be no review on the 29th July the last of the “Tree days”—and the preparations making there for were countermanded. Much agitation existed in Paris, and rumors were current of a widely extended conspiracy, in which everal regiments of the line were involved. A society was also spokon of, having the menacing title of “Avengers of Alibeau.” Information had reached Paris, by tele graph, that General Bitgeau had gained a signal victory over Abdel Kadernear Tre mecne, on the 9th of July. The loss of the Arabs, in wounded and prisoners, was upwards of one thousand. The Arab chief hud made overtures lor ncgociation, but the French general would not receive them, and set out immediately in pursuit of the enemy. A rigid non-intercoursc is still kept up between France and the Swiss canton of Basle; a large military force is employed. King Louis Phillippe was very unwilling I to give up the review, and was only prevail ed on by a unanimous assurance from his ministers, that if he persisted they would resign, in a body. Paris, July 30.—Five per cents, 109 f; four and a half, 1051’ 25c. Last Prices this day.— Fives, ICSf, 95c. ENGLAND. Mr. Rothschild’s death, if it should take place, was expected to have a considerable efl’ecton the funds. One of the morning I papers states that he was actually dead, but this is not correct. Information to that ef fect was indeed published in the London morning papers of Aug. 1, but the evening papers gave more favorable accounts, lie went to Frankfort to attend his son’s wed ding. It is the London brother whose ill ness is watched with so much interest. The established church bill was read a second lime in the House of Lords on the 29th of July. Sir Robert Liston, baronet, one of his j majesty’s privy council, died at his seat near | Edinburg, on the 15th of July. He was in the 94th year of his age, and the oldest I of the whole diplomatic body of Europe. | About ten years since he was minister at the j court of Turkey. The proprietors of the Manchester and Livervool rail road bad a meeting at Liver pool on the 2711 i of July, at which the direc tors announced a dividend of s£s per share for the preceding six months. The nett profits of'the rail road for the six months were 839,402. The company has a mort-1 i gage debt of £.427,500 to pay off. The Irish church bill was passed in the ; House of Lords on the 28lltof July. Their ! Lordships’ amendments were to be consid- I cred in the other House on the 2d of Au- j gust. They rejected the appropriation clan se. The newspaper stamp duties bill was pass ed on the 15th, in the House of Commons, by a vote of fifty-live to seven. London, August I.— City \2 o'clock.— The accounts which were received by ex press on Saturday from Frankfort dated the 26th ultimo, of the dangerous state of Mr. Rothschild’s health have been followed this morning by others <:f the 27th, which con tain intelligence of a very unsatisfactory nature. The next accounts are looked for with intense interest. The consol market has been, up to the present period, without fluctuation, at9o 7-8 a 91 for account. The foreign market owing to the illness of Mr. R. is very unset tled. 'Piro o'clock.— The market remains at the same quotations as above. SPAIN. There is intelligence from Spain of some important success gained by the Queen’s forces. The elections were proceeding un favorably to the Isturitz ministry. One of the French papers—the Quotidi enne positively asserts that a strong body of troops will shortly be sent to Spain, to re inforce the French legion, and take active measures against the Carlists. Confirming the information given to us some days since by our European correspondent. A letter from Cadiz, of July, 17th, states | that the < lections had just finished, that the ■ ministerial parly had with great difficulty j “'■cured the return of Isturitz and (Liliana.) Mendizabal and three others of his party have been returned. MISCELLANEOUS. \ . Ihe cholera was making fearful progress i in Italy. At V erona the deaths were forty per diem. Business was almost entirely at a stand. The German diet was busily engaged p upon the dispute between Holland ami Bel gium (relative to the cession of Luxembourg) , and there was a prospect that it would soon be arranged. , Lord Ponsonby had an interview with the new reis effendi w hence it appears that the diplomatic relations of Great Brilian with! the Porie have been restored. The russian government refuses to pay its stupulated third of the last instalment ot the loan to Greece, but lord Palmerston ■ proposes that France shall nevertheles pay i theirs. The steam boat Tigris, one of the expe dition on the Euphrates, capsized and went ' to the bottom in a tornado. Twenty oi the , I crew were drowned, fifteen of them I'-glish , men. Con. Chesney saved himself svvim- i ' Political. > From the. N. U. Times. SECTIONAL FEELINGS. , A portion of the opposition are actively • engaged in exciting sectional feelings a gainst Mr. Van Buren. The Southern fac tion say he is an Abolitionists, and the Northern faction re-affirm it; and between I the two they hope to create such an impres sion at the South. Now, is there either fact ! or argument in this? On the contrary is it ’ not mean and despicable, and an insult to the people? What must be thought of those Northern Editors who thus address them selves to Southern feelings? Among the i- most notorious of this class is the editor of ! the star, who thinks he cannot do those republicans too in a tut n whose many favors l he has received. In this way it is hoped to I render Mr. Van Buren’s opinions obscure [• and uncertain. First, one says be don’ t understand him ; then another says he can’ t ’ see what he is driving at. Thus the read ers of their papers are frequently misled and some finally believe that Mr. Van Bn. .; ren endeavors to avoid a direct and tine. , i quivocal avowal of Lis sentiments on pub- I lie topics; whereas it is well known to ! j those who have read the various produc ( tions of our public men, that no one is ! more happy and concise in the expression of his view s and feelings than Mr. Van Bu- ’ ren. , The truth is, ourcountry although large, and its interests various and diversified, is ( concerned in keeping the different parts in harmonious action; and in the choice of a |- Chief Magistrate sectional feeling has had . heretofore nothing to do, and will hereaf |-j ter have nothing to do. And in supposing , I to the contrary, the opposition will certain :ly miss the mark they aim at. The people I are 100 in telligent. From the Avgusta Constitutionalist. NULLIFICATION. The Charleston Courier of last Monday ' contains the following paragraph : “ Meeting of the Union Parly.— lt w ill be seen by a call published in our paper, this mornihg, that the Union Party are in vited to assemble at the City Hall, on the ; 22d inst., for consultation as to their course of action, in reference so the present aspect of the canvass for a member of Congress, from this district. Desirable as it was that the confli.-tol party should not be again re vived in our community, and general as the understanding seemed to have been, that ■old party distinctions were to be buried, never again to be resuscitated, the course pursued by their old opponent has left the Union Parly no alternative, but to meet in order to harmonize sentiment, and promote concert of action. The Nullification flag has been again unfurled, and if, as a coun teracting measure, the Union Jack he once more seen flying from mast head, our old opponents, at least, w ill be stopped from i complaint.” Will not the union men of Georgia open I their eyes ? Can they believe that the tndlifiers dare not contend once more w ith ■themforthe supremacy of the fundamental doctrine of their party t It is idle to think so. The nnllifiers of Georgia may s‘ay that nullification is not now the question ; that it is only an abstract principle upon which honest men may differ ; and that such a principle should not prevent a con cert of action against Gen. Jackson and his administration. All this is deception. J What is the fundamental doctrine of the state rights party ? Nullification. Have ' the nulliiiers ever declared their abandon ment of the doctrine? Never. If they ! never have repudiated it, it is still their I creed, and their guide in their political i movements however concealed those movements may be. The unpopularity of the doctrine in our state, induced the nulli fieTS tomask it with the more popular ap pellation of the state rights doctrine ; but the mask was not sufficient to conceal the deformity of the feature behind it. The nnllifiers are only waiting for the ascenden cy in the state, to drop the mask, and then would they display the standard of nullifi cation to the astonished gaze of all credu lous union men, who may have assisted in placing them in power. The state rights men are still governed by the resolutions they adopted at Milledgeville ; let them repudiate those resolutions, and we might believe their declaration, that the doctrine of nullification is now an abstract question, upon which honest men may differ. The Nnllifiers have been accused of co operating with the Abolitionists inereating a panic, and distntbing the equiibrium of the public tranquility. This they deny in language, butadmit in practice. The Nu llifiers appeal to the fears of the South, re specting the safety of their slave property. The Abolitionists appeal to the fears of the North, concerning the security of their manufacturing interests. The Abolitionists intermeddle with the domestic relations of the slave States, —and the Nulliiiers interfere with the internal regulations of ths Anti-slave States. Both Nnllifiers and Abolitionists arc op posed to Marlin Van Buren, and would j move heaven and earth to defeat his elec- I lion. Both parties abuse him for his tier, THE STAN BAID) OF UNION. negro vote—for the part he took in the Admission of Missouri—lor his voteon the I arill Question ; on the Cumberland Road bill, Ike. Sic. and for opposite reasons! By one sect he is abused for being an Aboli tionist ; and by the other because he is not. By one sect lie is accused of restricting the right of stiffrage and by the other for ex tending it too far ; he is abused by one for being a .1 arifl man, and by the other for being anti-Tarifi ; by one for being oppo sed to the United States’bank, and by the other lor being in favor of it; by one for being in favor of Internal Improvements by the General Government; and by the other for being opposed to them. Like a pair of cross-cut sawyers, though they pull different ways, their object is still the same.— Macon ’pel. George IL being informed that an impudent printer was to he punished for having published a spurious (King’s) speech, replied, the man’s punishment would be of the mildest sort, be cause he had lead both, and as far as he under stood either of them, he liked the spurious speech better than his own. 'Phe Belle.— A letter from the agent of the under-writers say that the sale had com rftenced when he arrived but was stopped, and the cartro re-shipping. An effort would be made to get off the ship. The cargo of the schooner Fracis Ellen was going on to the place of its indestination of . y— •■ The friends of the Unionarc our friends,and its enemies, our enemies." aaa aaws&SiEi; TUESO.4Y ItIOftAING, Sept. 20. I’nien JOcxictratic llcpubtican Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN! VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. EXTRACT FROM MARTIN VAN BUREN’S LETTER Accepting the nomination of the Conven tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit tee. “ I content myself on this occasion with saying, thatl consider myself the honored instrument selected by the friendsof the Ad ministration to carry out its principles and policy, and as well from inclination as from duty, 1 shall, if honored with the choice of the American People, endeavour to tread generally in the footsteps oj President Jack son, —happy i/ I shall be able to per fect the work which he has so gloriously be gun." fUr’ Jackson men in these days of mis representation, look well to the above ex tract, and then to the following from his letter to the North Carolina Committee, on the subject of Abolition. “ J prefer that not only you, but all the people of the United States, shall now un derstand, thatij the desire of that portion of them which is favorable to my elevation to Ike Chief Magistracy be gratified, J must go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of any al ien pt to ABOLISH SLAVERY in the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slave-holding Stales. “ For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 votes—A gainst it. 18. The Chair voting in the AFFIR - MATIVE, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and read a third time.” Martin Ban Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the cir culation, of incendiary publications through the mails. ELEC TO RA I. TICKE T. THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin. WAI. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. SAMUEL GROVES, ofMadison. THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin. WILSON LUMPKIN, of Walton. WILLIAM I’ENTICOST, of Jackson. TII OiM ASS PA L DIN G, of Mc In tosh. REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper. WM B. WOFFOR D, of Habersham. THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. PITT MILNER, of Monroe Unions ConsTcssional Ticket. JOI IN COFFEE, of Telfair. JESSE F. CLEVELAND, of De Kalb. THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock. HOPKINS 11. HOLSEY, of Harris. JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark. GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham. GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, of Talbot, Union Ticket for Baldwin, county. FOR SENATE. MICHAEL J. KENAN. REP R ES EK TAT IVES. CIIAaiLESJO. HAMMOND. KENJAMIA 1.. LESTEK. Union Ticket for B arren. County. FOR SENATE. THOMAS GIBSON, ESQ. R E r R K SENT A T IVES. DR. M ONT<: I. AI BO If N AN DRE WS. WM. 11. BLOUNT, ESQ. Q. 1.. U. FRANKLIN, ESQ, ( Communicated.) Nominated Ticket of the Union Party fm De Kalb County. For ISAAC N. JOHNSON. For Representatives. E. N. CALHOUN. JOHN DOBBS. JAMES DIAMOND. I Union Ticket of Hancock County I For Rep it es i-.nt ati v es. B. J. WYNN , B.'l . H ARRIS , W. S. HAMILL RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION. We publish to day, two communications, ad dressed to the Union candidates for Congress, the one from Jasper, and the other from Coweta county. The communication from Jasper would have appeared in our last, but it came to hand too late—the other did not reach us, until two days since. We have been also favored with the answers oi three of our Candidates, Messrs. Glascock, Haynes and Holsey, which also appear in todays paper and are so clear, so full and explicit, that no doubt can rest upon the public mind, in rela tion to the subject matter of the questions pro pounded to them. They recognize to the fullest extent, the right of the constituent body to instruct their Repre sentatives, and the duty of the the Representa tive to obey or resign. Less could not have been expected from U nion men. The right of instruction is a funda mentalprinciple of the Union party, and one of tho main pillars of the republican faith—a • prineiple which has been steadily maintained by Mr. Jefferson and his disciples, and as univer sally opposed by the federalists, from the days of the elder Adams to the present time; nor has this great principle been more fiercely combat ted at any period of our history, than it has been by the Whig party so called, within the last two years. How stands that question in the Senate of the United States? While every Senator of the Union party, has yielded obedience to the instructions of his constituents or resigned, but one of the opposition, has treated such instruc tions with common respect, and two or three arc still standing in open defiance. Among this number is BENJAMIN WATKINS LEIGH of Virginia a leading man of the oppo sition, who ranks high with the nnllifiers of Geor gia—was at one time spoken of by them as a candidate for the Presidency, and whom they have complimented in tho most extravagant terms for the purity of his principles, and the splendor of his talents. There is no point of doctrine upon which the two partieshave differed, more widely, and there is none to which the federalistshave been more unifyrmly and zeajously opposed. The lead ing whigs still occupy the same ground, and sev eral of their Senators in Congress, are con temptuously resisting the will of their constitu ents. As it regards the power of Congress to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia or else where, the answers of Messrs. Glascock, Haynes and Holsey, require no comment. Theyareso ex plicit—so unequivocal and distinct, that the shadow of a doubt cannot rest upon the mind of a single individual. We sincerely regret, that these Interrogatories had not been propounded to the Union Candidates at an earlier day, so that each and every one could ' have answered in time Cot his opinions to circulate throughout the State, before the election, but ap pearing as they have done, only twenty days be fore the election, it is altogether impracticable for them to be received by all the candidates and generally circulated, before the first monday in October, as several of them reside at a remote distance from this place, and two of the number being as we learn, atthis time, out of the State. But there is no cause of doubt or hesitation in re gard to their views upon these questions.—They are all republicans of tho Jefferson School, and we hazard nothing in asserting, that they will be found to harmonize to the fullest extent, with the principles contained in the answers of GLAS COCK, HAYNES and HOLSEY, and we have as little doubt, that the union party will rally to the polls, and elect them by increased majorities. It is now, less than two weeks to the Election, and let it be remembered, that upon the result of that day, depends the ascendancy of our princi ples ; principles which have saved the Union from the most awful convulsion, and which have ele vated our country to its present state of happiness and prosperity. The Monticello Interrogatories.— We are requested by General Glascock, to state, in an swer to the first of the questions propounded by Dr. Lucas Powell, and six other citizens of Jas per, that he has stcdfastly and earnestly com batted for the doctrine, that the People have the right to instruct their Representatives, and the Representative is bound* to obey the will of the People, when that will is clearly ascertain ed, or to resign, if, in any instance, he shall be lieve that the act required of him by the Peo ple, as incompatible with the obligations of con science or of honor. He regards this as one of the leading principles of the Union or Demo cratic party, and such is his own attachment to the principle, that he would not abandon it, ev en for the ad vancementof a political friend, how ever great his preference might be for him. He will, therefore, in the event of the election of President of the United States devolving upon the House of Re|>resentatives in tho present case, vote for Judge White, if he shall receive a majority of the electoral votes of Georgia, and a sufficient number of electoral votes to carry his name before the House of Representatives. In answer to the second inquiry, we are au thorized to state, that he believes the Congress of the United States does not possess the con stitutional power to abolish slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, or in any of the Territories oi the United States, or in any manner to legis late on the subject. His opinions in relation to this matter, have been so fully and so publicly expressed, and are now so well known to the people of the State, that a further reply on his part is deemed unnecessary. TO THE POLLS! TO THE POLLS! 1 It is now but fourteen days to tho Election, when it is once more to be determined, whether ‘ the principles of the UNION party arc to hold their ascendancy, or whether the fiery elements , of Nullification are to ride upon the storm. Union men arise? Tho enemy is at your doors ! Bo up and doing, for “ now is the day of salvation.” I In the name of your PRINCIPLES—in the , name of the mighty struggles which you have I made, topreserve those principles—in tho name 1 of the victories which you have won—conic forth in your might! The Nnllifiers are crying “peace, peace,” , when their whole object is, to lull you to sleep, I but know ye, that if you slumber or sleep, “ the j ' Philistines will be upon you.” I' If your adversaries gain the ascendancy, your principles are overpowered, a new order of things will be instituted—new land marks will be set up, and when, or where, or how it will end, heaven only knows. We know our own principles. We have tried them well, and they have never been found wanting. The present happy condition of our country, is an earnest of their benign influence upon the ! people and their free institutions. It is proof ; positive, of their decided preference over all the i mad cap projects which have agitated the pub lic mind for the last fouryears, and should aiouse evrey Union man in Georgia to redoubled exer tion in their support; and however they may oc casionally differ about men, it is a duty which they owe to themselves, and to posterity, to stand around their principles, as a band of brothers None should farther in this contest —none should doubt or waver in a crisis like this, but every Union man, in every County, should feel and act with decision and energy.—Every one should say to himself, the cause is mine—my dearest principles are at stake, and I will main tain them. It was this spirit which moved our fathers in seventy-six.—lt was this spirit which sustained them through the dangers and the glories of the revolution, which established our independence, and built up our happy Union—and it was the . same spirit which animated the Union party in - their struggle against Nullification, and conduct ed them to victory. Once more to the field.—Monday week is the day, and let it close with one universal shout from the SAVANNAH to the CHATTA HOOCHEE—from the ATLANTIC to the MOUNTAINS. “ WE HAVE MET THE ENEMY, AND THEY ARE OURS.” MARYLAND IS AWAKE ! The Democracy of Maryland, so long trodden down and run over by federalism, has reared its head from the dust. In that state, Electors are appointed by the people of the several counties, who assemble once in five years and elect their Senators. That election took place about two weeks since, when all the strength of the opposition was brought out, and every means resorted ts, and every ex ertion used to overwhelm the republican party, but in vain; and although from the great inequality of representation, the Whigs have elected their Sen ators by a majority of more tjup) THREE THOUSAND. This election was canvassed upon the Presiden tisl question, and in November, xvheu thatelecti on takes place, by general ticket, Maryland will show a Van Buren majority out of near FOUR . THOUSAND VOTES. “ The Campbells are coming.” FOR THE STANDARD OF UNION. SELL A WHITE MAN, & FREE A NIG GER. General Harrison says, Congress may tax the people to raise money, and then take that same money, and buy their slaves and set them free. This is pretty kind to the niggers, but what does he say to poor white folks 1 Why he says, when they get in debt, yon must put them on a block, and sell them, to raise money to pay their debts. But says a wig-, how cau you prove that Mr. Pry ? Says I, by the Journal of the Ohio Legislature. In 1820 General Harrison was a member of the Legislature of Ohio, and during the session, a Bill came before the House, containing the following provision. “ Be it further enacted, That when any per sons shall be imprisioned, either upon execution or otherwise, for the non-payment of a fine or costs, it shall be lawful for the sheriff of the county to sell out such person as a servant to any person within this State, who will pay the amount due for the shorthest period of service of whsch sale public notice shall be given of at least, ten days and being effecte the sher iff shall give to the purchaser a certificated thereof, and deliver over the prisioncr to him ; j from which time the relation between such pur chaser and prisoner shall be that of master and servant until the time of service expires, and in juries done by either, remedy shall be had in the same manner as is or may be provided by law in the case as master and apprentices.— But nothing herein contained shall be construed to prevent persons being discharged from im prisionment according to the provisions of the thirty-seventh section of the act to which this is supplementary, if it shall be considered ex pedient to grant such discharge. Provided that the court in pronouncing sentence upon any person or persons convicted under this act or the act to which this is sumplementary, may di rect such person or persons to be detained in prision until the fine be paid, or the person or persons otherwise disposed of agreeably to the 1 pi ovisions of this act.” A motion was made to strike it out, and Gene ral Harrison voted to retain it, arid make it a part of the law ; but luckily for the poor and unfortu nate white man, the majority was against him, - and it was tricken out—no thanks to him. This was a new sort of abolition.—l have heard a great deal aboutthe abolition of slavery, but I 1 should consider such au act as this, the abolition of freedom. High times indeed ! A man vote to sell the free , citizens of the United States into Slavery, and then ask them to make him President 111 11111 The leading nullifying Editors, to wit: Judge Longstreet, and many es the ptu-ty, prefer Harri son to Van Buren.—Well 1 elect him, and if his principles succeed, he could soon accomplish his abolition schemes, by selling the poor white folks, to raise a fuud to free all the niggers. , PAUL PRY. Messrs. Owens, Glascock, Coffee, Cleveland, ' Jackson, Holsey, Towns, Haynes and Grant land. J Gentlemen: —In our Republican country, ( it is conceded by all, that the right of the con- , stituent to require of the candidate for his suf- , frage, a distinct avowal of his political opin- s ions, is undeniable. We therefore, as a por- i lion of that party whose voteshave made you I members of the present Congress, respectfully ‘ beg of you to favor us, through one or more of ; the public prints, at as early a day as possible, 1 with explicit answers to the following questions: I 1. Will you, in the event of the election of ■ President oi'the United States devolving upon , the House of Representatives in the present , contest vote for the candidate who shall have • received the vote of the electoral college of the I State of Georgia, or a majority thereof, not on ly on the first ballot, but so long as his name shall be run? 2. Do you believe that tho Congress of the United States possesses the constitutional pow er to abolish slavery in the District of Colum bia, or in any of the Territories of the United States, or in any manner whatever to legislate upon the subject ? Wc make these enquiries in a spirit ofcan [• dor, aud frankness, with the honest resolve that I your answers will determine whether we shall aid in re-electing you to the stations you now ‘ occupy. With sentiments of the highest esteem, w«t I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your obedient I servants. ' LUCAS POWELL, C. W. C. WRIGHT, , WILLIAM A. MOORE, JOHN HINES, JAMES M’KENNIE, G. SIMONTON, DAVID MERRIWETIIER, Monticello, Sept. 8, 1836. P. S. Editors generally are requested to in sert the above in their papers. Sparta, September 14, 1836. Messrs. Lucas, Powell, G. Simonton, James M'Kennie, David Merriwethcr, William A. Moore, John Hines and C. IF. C. Wright. Gentlemen: —1 recognise, to the fullest ex tent, the right of the constituent body to instruct the representate, subject to the single condition, that the latter shall resign, if he cannot consci entiously obey—and in whatever mode the peo ple of Georgia shall express their will, touching any public act to be performed by me as their representative, I will obey that will, or resign. So much for the general doctrine, lying at th« root of the first interrogatory contained iu your communication of the Bth instant, addressed to my colleagues and myself, as published in the Southern Recorder of yesterday. Presuming that you exclude Mr. Webster and General Harrison from the contingency con templated in your first interrogatory, I an swer, that if the election of President of the United States shall devolve on the House of Representatives, and the candidate voted for by the Electoral College of Georgia, or a majority of them, shall be one of the three highest on the list, I will give my vote for him, so long as his name may be run, unless it is clearly ascertain ed that by so doing, an election will be entirely prevented. To your second interrogatory, I answer, that I do not believe Congress possesses any consti tutional power to alter or abolish slavery in tho District of Columbia, or in any of the Territo ries of the United States—nor power so to le gislate therein, as to effect the institution of slavery in any manner WHATEVER. Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, CHARLES E. HAYNES. Hancock, County, Sept. 16, 1836. Gentlemen :— The Georgia Journal of the 13th inst. contains a communication with your uame* appended, addressed to myself in common with my colleagues, in which you advise a declaration ol opinion in regard to certain iutorrogaioriek therein stated. The answer shall be given in the same spirit of frankness with which it is sought. Nay, it becomes a source of satisfaction, that you have presented the occasion, upon which I may make known to the people of Georgia, the course which I propose to pursue in regard to the Presi dential election, as well as the views which I en tertain in relation to the constitutional powers of Congress over thesubject of slavery in the federal district, and of the territories of the Union. ‘Should my opinions upon these points be ratified by tho people in my re-election to the House of Repre sentatives, IJshould consider myself bound not only in good faith, but as instructed to sustain them until subsequent and unequivocal develope ments denote a certain change iu their opinions. The first question put in your address is, “will you “ in the event of the election of President of tho “United States devolving upon the House of “ Representatives in the present contest, vote for “ the candidate who shall teceive the vote of the “ Electoral Colleges of the State of Georgia, or a. “ majority thereof, not only on the first ballet. “ but so long as his name shall be run I" It is well known that the great mass of the peeple by whom I had the honor to be chosen as a represen tative, were at the time of the election, the deci ded friendsand supporters of Mr. Van Buren, for the Presidency. It must also be equally clear that their representatives must have entertained a community of sentiment and feeling with them; for otherwise, their interests would not have beeu confided to them. I find myself therifere irresisti bly led, both by my inclinations aud duty,tosup pert the claims of Mr. Van Buren for the presiden cy, until some sure indication is presented of an alternative of the public will. To sustain that will when finally expressed, is with me, a fixed princi ple, an unalterable determination; notwithstand ing the doctrine has not only been questioned, but set at open defiance by those who have .a sympa thy for every other candidate for the presidency in preference to Mr. Van Buren. Oju the first i Monday in October next, I shall lie presented te the people of Georgia for re-election, as tliepo litieal friend of Mr. Van Buren. If re-chosen by them, no obligation can be plainer than to support his cause, until subsequently and specially instruc ted to the contrary. The election of Representa tives on the first Monday in October, being tba first iixiicatiim of public opinion, and consequent ly holding the representative bound to couform, until some subsequent act of the people shall shew a change of will. We then come next to consider how far, and under tv hat circumstances, the election for electors one month thereafter, should affect the previous order of the people, and the conduct of the Representative just chosen. The solution oftliis question will furnish as precise an answer as lam capable of giving, f to the above interrogatory. In point of time the choice of electors is subsequent to that of Representives, For all practical purposes, the two acts lose their successive character, and became concurrent and simultaneous acts of the people, just as much as if both elections were held on the same day, tmt month of time being too short a period, in the or dinary course of things, to admit of any real change of the popular will. This view of the sub ject could only be changed by a decjsit’e majority for Electors at variance with the preceding elec tion of Representatives, which will put casualties and the apathy of the people to attend the choice of Electors, beyond the possibility of a question. In suchau event, or any others, establishing be yond doubt, that the people have altered their opinions, 1 shall most assuredly adhere to the dem ocratic principle, scorned and repudiated by the friends of Judge White, OBEY or RESIGN. I however, strongly incline to think, that the latter alternative, would have my preference; so: among the several caudidales for the Presidency, I know of the administration of none, which I could sup port, judging the future by the present, except that of Mr. Van Buren. 1 never will unite with Ultra-Federalists, Nullifiers, Bankites, and the re vilers of Andrew Jacksan, in the matlev and degra ding policy which inevitably awaits them. Having disposed of the first interrogatory, wa come to the consideration of the second, which i« in the following words, “Do you believe that the Congress of the United States posses the constitu tional power, to abolish slavery iu the district of Columbia, or in any of the Territories of the Uni ted States, or in any manner whatever to legislate upon the subject.” Upon this topic you might bo referred to my votes, without exception, on the subject of abolition at the last Session of Congress, in denial of that power. The Congress of the Union is but a legislative body, on the reverse or der of similar bodies in the States, possessing only such powers ns are specially granted, whilst the iattet possesses, for all ordinary purposes, all power from which they are not restricted. In respect to the federal district, however, it is invested with the power to legislate “in nil case* whatsoever.” This general grant of authority is ihe basis of all those opinions, in favour of the dis puted right. But 1 consider those words to bestow legislative powers only, and not to affect the rights fiproperty which nre fundamental. The same con uitution which makes the general grant, restvitla thy a guaranty, that “private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation.” i he abolition of slavery is not such an use as is recognized by the public laxv, or by the constitu tion. The congress of the United States seems to possess, in this particulai, the same authority over he federal district as the state legislatures over heir respective sttites—Tho latter in my opinion