Newspaper Page Text
J Not so eau as h;: thought.—A Broker*!'Phil-
PuNflphia <»u Saturday haviug received iu one ]>.<r
| i-cl the sum of twenty-seven thousand c'ollin t,
) placed itiu a drawer in his uffico. w hile he urentkil
to the other affairs. Soon after ho hid owaMoti
1 to look into the drawer, and tho whole of the
1 cnsh dhnppearNl. The nlarm was imniaiiatcly
given ; me»M'nt;crs wire despatched to th' vari
ous Banks, th..t the notes might he stopped if an
attempt should he made to have them chinped.
while the Broker himsolf. iu a state of n< little
agitation repaired to the Mayor’s office to nvoke
the a d ofthe police. Quite a hubbub rcisned in
tho " tnotiev market." mid rumor had it tint half
it dozen b; o'kers st least had been plundered. The
tnvstery howewr soon disappeared when .me of
the gentleman connected with the establishment
emie in and «'> enquiring tho cause of the excite
111 nt stated that before going out he had shifted the
nmiier frois one drawer to another for safe keep
ing. s» l h’d forgotten to mention the circuinitaiiee
The n mer was opened and there lay the notes
reposing iiiieonscious of the turmoil they
had ciu -e.l. The relief of the broker nail the
•iun.eiii.snt of his lately sympathising friends may
[Philadelphia Pennsylvanian.
KING LOUIS PHiLLIPPE.
'Ac copy lite following very interesting
account ol his majesty of France, ami the
present stale of matter* in that kingdom,
•<» far as iiis majesty is concerned, from the
Pans correspontlatice of the Albany Daily
Advertiser.
T IliuttS bavv «rr««*«d to such a pitch
that Louis Pbiliippe is not one instant sure
of lii» existence, independently of bis dis
contented subjects, there are in France 6
or 7000 foreign political refugees; all men
of courage and resolution, who are even
day teased and tormented by his police,
and who may, like Alibaud, wish to drain
the source of their sufferings by striking
their author. The dagger is a familiar
weapon to the Spaniard and Italian, and
the noble Pole may also be tempted to
wield it when reduced to despair and mad
ness. Alibaud, it appears certain, had no
accomplices in Paris, but 1 would not be as
tonish, d if he was one of a party, who had
sworn the king’s death. It is evident he
came directly from Barcelona for the pur
pose, and there had found himselfin a com
pany of desperadoes of all nations, w ho,
disappointed in their expectations, may
haveconceived the most diabolical projects.
Alibaud told the attorney general to bear
io mind that his name began by the first
letter in the alphabet, which was as much
as to say that others wotdd follow when he
was no more.
The royal family have of late lived in a
state of constant terror. The king is a
s aid to go abroad, and remains secluded
in his chateau of Neuilly. When public af
fairs render his presence in Paris absolute
ly necessary, his ride to and fro is protect
ed by two hundred persons, between milita
ry, town sergeants and policemen in color
ed clothes. When he wishes to visit Fon
tainbleau to superintend the works of the
palace, beset- out in the dead of the night
and returns at the same hour, and no one is
aware of his journey until it is oxer. A
few days after the attempt, the queen and
count d’Appony, the Austrian ambassador,
were talking together iu the embrasure of a
window of the chateau of Neuilly. The
latter was complimenting her majesty on
the beauty of the site and the taste with
which the grounds were laid out, their de
lightful rose groves, &c. “Ab,” replied
the queen with a deep sigh, “nature and art
have certainly done a great deal to make I
this a beautiful spot; ,till there is ; Uo hap-1
pinrss to be met where an assassin may
be concealed behind those rose trees.”
The existence of the king is truly one of
wretchedness, and I cannot better depict it
than by borrowing the following paragraph
from a journal, Le Temps, one of the or
gans of the present administration.--“If
there existed in France,” says that paper,
“a private family whose title and rights
were every day contested, whose chief
could not appear in public w ithout running
the risk of l:f ; a family who beheld assas
sination multiplying itself around it under
the most hideous and frightful forms, chi]
dren, a wife, a sister, always trembling lest
a father, a husband, a brother, should return
to them maimed by some infernal machine,
condemned, from affection, to accompany
him unceasingly, and every where to share
in his perils and expose themselves every
whore to the same dagger, ami compelled
to conceal tinder an apparently serene
brow, the anguish of their disconsolate
hearts, there certainly would not be 100,
much sympathy fir so distressing a misfor
tune. Well, that unfortunate family is
seated on the throne of France. Fifty
years of revolution have destroyed the pres
tige of royalty. Party spirit renders the
human heart callous to royal calamities.
It was said of a statesman that his heart
must have been iu his head; political enmi
ty partakes so much of statesmanship, that
it evidently cannot have its heart in the
usual place.”
The report that a new attempt at assas
sination had been made on the king, the ve
ry day Alibeau was executed, which gained
some credit from the silence of government,
was officially contradicted in the Moniteur
of yesterday. The arrest of a young man,
with a long beard, who had been seen two '
days in succession walking on the road to
Neuilly, gave rise to that ntmor, but the I
individual having been searched, and noth-'
ing discovered on him to warrant such a’
supposition, he was immediately released.
The following remarkable passage ap
pears in article upon the state oi parties, in
Fraser’s M igazine lor June. I was writ
ten and in all probability printed, before
the late atrocious attempt to assassinate the
Kmg:-“0;ie man says, l-.i,| take my gun,
I will go and stand at his palace-gates; and
as lie conies o it I will take deliberate aim
»thim at six feet distance, lie is a very
large roan; my hand is perfectly steady. If
I can hit a hav stark, therefore, f can
scarcely mi,s King Louis. He goes, ami
stands, and fires; but he cannot even graze
the sum of the heaven protected victim.
Another man says, 1 will not rtly on a sin
gleball. Fifty bullets shall fi v about him
in the same instant. The bullets, fly, but
“every bullet has its billet,” and there is
not one of them directed to Louis Phillippe.”
CALCULATION.
Let no one say hereafter, that the negroes
lack the organ of numbers—here is proof
of a very cautious estimation of chances.
“Wat you do, Sambo,” said one, ‘‘\pos.
we meet de Mixick j ine.al, Saint Antit r?’
“Wat I tin, sir? 1 run like de debil, and
never stop. Wat you do —you run tool’
“No sar, 1 too’much American to run
from de enemy. I stanji* behind de cuptin,
’cept when he run, den 1 git gis alorc.
Silt. Citron.
Not many years ago a man appeared in
Court, whether as plauliff, defendant, or
witness, tradition does not inform us. Be
this ;t» it may, the following dialogue en
sued.
Judge. What is your name, sir?
Answer. My name is Knott Martin, sir.
J. Well w hat is it?
A. It is Knott Marlin.
J. Not Martin again! We do not ask
vou what your name is nut, but what it is.
No contempt of Court sir?
A. If your honor will give me leave I’ll
spell my name.
J. Well, spell it.
A. K-n-o-douide-t, Knott, M-a-r, mar,
t-i-n, tin, Martin—Knott Marlin.
J. O, very well, Mr. Martin, we see
through it now, but it is one of the most
Knotty cases we have had before us for
some t ime.
ECCENTRIC HOSPITAITY.
During the late American war, a soldier
who had been wounded and honorably dis
charged, (lint perlmps not paid) being- des
titute and benighted, knocked at the door
of an Irish fanner, when the follow ing dia
logue ensued :
Patrick. Ami who are you, now ?
Soldier. My name is John Wilson.
Pat. Ami where are you going from,
John Wilson ?
Sold. From the American army at
Erie, Sir.
Pat. And what do you want here?
Sold. I want shelter to night; will you
permit me to spread my blanket on your
floor, and sleep to night?
Pat. D—l Jake me if I do, John Wil
son—that’s Hat.
Sold. On the kitchen floor, Sir ?
Pat. Not 1, by the Hill o’ Howth—
that’s liar.
Sold. In your s able then ?
Pat. 1 will not do that either—that’s
flat.
Sold. I am dying with hunger: giva
me but a bone and crust, 1 ask no more.
Pat. I will not —that’s flat.
Sold. Give me some water to quench my
thirst, I beg of you.
Pat. Beg and be hanged, I’ll do no
such thing—that’s flat.
Sold. Sir, 1 have been fighting to secure
the blessing you enjoy ; In have contributed
to the glory and welfare of the country
which has so hospitably received you, and
can you so inhospitably reject me from
your house ?
Pat. Reject you ? Who talked a word
about rejecting you? May be 1 am not
the scurvey spalpeen you take me to be, 1
John Wilson. You asked me to let you |
lie on my floor, my kitchen floor, or in my j
stable ; now, by the (lowers, do you think I
I’d let a perfect stranger do that when 11
have half a dozen soft featiier beds ail empty? j
No, by the hill o’ Howth, John—that’s flat.
11l the second place, you were dying w ith
hunger, and wanted a bone and a crust to
eat. Not, honey, do you think I’d feed a
hungry man with bones and crust, when
I my yard is full of fat pullets and turkeys and i
| pigs? No, by the powers, not I—that’s
flat. In the third place, you asked me for
some simple water to quench your thirst,
j Now, as my water is none ofthe best, I nev-
I er give it to a poor traveller without mix
i ing it with plenty of wine, brandy, whiskey,
or something else wholesome and cooling.
Come into the house, my honey ; you shall
have the best supper and breakfast that my
farm can supply, which, thank the lend, is
none of the worst: you shall drink as much j
water as you please, provided you mix it
with plenty of wine or spirits, ami provided
your perfer it. Come iu, my hearty, come
in, and feel yourself at home. It shall nev
erbe said, that Patrick OTT-dierty treated
a man scurvily who has been fighting for
the dear country which gave bin protec
tion—that’s flat!
A True Story— The following story of
“ Love and Prudence,” which we accident
ly met with as revived in a late Hagerstown
paper, is an “ o’er true tale.” It first ap
peared, some time since, in the York (Pa.)
Recorder, and the facts which it records
■occurred in a neighboring county, beyond
the Snsquehannn. The way this beautiful
and sprightly heiress treated her fortune
hunting lover, should be “ a caution” to
the whole order:
Love and Prudence. —A young gen
tleman, who was desirous of entering the
holy state of matrimony, and who had tur
ned his attention to the ‘ gilded’ beauties of
ithe day—selected, at length, for his par
ticular addresses, a lady, who was re
ported rich, as well in the “matter of lu
cre,” as in personal and mental accom
plishments. He felt the charms of his fair
, one, stealing over his senses and casting a
j “ witching spell” upon his faculties. But
like a discreet young man, before he was too
forgone, he wanted to make assurance
I doubly sure—and to leave no “ loop where
■on to hang a doubt” touching the worldly
’ possession of bis beloved. Fame it is true
had spoken her wealthy but Fame had a
cruel fashion of exaggerating in these mat
ters. In a word, if the truth must be told, our
lover was not so “ madly” in love, but
he was able to preserve some “ method” in
it. And before the glorious passion reach
ed its crisis, he had the singular prudence
to examine the records— and so obtain an
exact knowledge of the wealth of his < har
mer! How happy was he to find that her
estate was clear ; ami for once even more
valuable that) rumor had proclaimed it.
Flying then, on the wings of love, to the
dwelling of his fair one—in good set
phrase, he declared liis affection for her—-
made a tender of his heart and hand—and
besought her to smile upon his passion, and
make him happy. But the “ flattering
•ale” of Hope, was not to be realized. The
star of our lover’s happy fortune, had alas !
not yet cast its silver light above the hori
zon ! By some means, it happened, the
young lady had been apprizedof the extent
of her lover’s curiosity—and, in the midst
of his descant upon flames, and darts, and
Cupids—she very composedly drew from
her reticule a small piece of money, and
approaching him, made this reply—“ Al
though I may not profit by your very fa-,
vorable sentiments towards me, still I can
not think of your being a looser on my
account. As vou have been at the expense
of a “search,” 1 must insist upon being al
lowed to replace the amount so expended.”
So saying, she put an eighteen penny piece
in her lover’s hand, ami he —went his
way.
[/•’■mh Martin's Hist.of the British Colonies.]
Magnanimity and gratitude of a Lion—
Prince, a tamo lion, on board his majesty’s ship
Adriatic, had a keeper to whom was much at
tached ; the keeper got drunk one day, and, as
the captain never forgave the crime tite keeper
was ordered to bo flogged: tho grating was
rigged on the main deck, opposite Prince,s den,
a large barred up place, the pillars strong and
cased with iron. When tho keeper begun to
strip, Prince rose gloomily in.in his couch,
and got as near to his friend as possible ; on be
holding his bare back, he walked hastily round
the den, and when he saw the boatswain inflict
the first lash, his eyes sparkled with fire, and
his sides resounded with the strong and quick
beating of his tail; at last, when tite blood be
gan to flow from the unfortunate man’s back,
and the “clotted cats” jerked their goty knots
close to the lion’s den, his fury became tremen
dous, he roared with a voice of thunder, shook
the strong bars of his prison, as if they had been
osiers, and finding his efforts to break! oose un
availing. he rolled and shrieked in a manner
the most terrific that it is possible to conceive.
The captain fearing that lie might break loose,
ordered the marines to load and pi esent at
Prince ; this threat redoubled his rage, and at
last the captain desired the keeper to be cast
off and go into his friend. It is impossible to
describe the joy evinced by the lion ; he licked
with care the mangled and bleeding back ofthe
cruelly treated seaman, caressed him with his
paws, which he folded round the keeper, as if
to defy any one renewing a similar treatment,
and it was only after several hours that Prince
would allow the keeper to quit his protection,
and return among those who had so ill used him.
Extraordinary and successful pursuit of
two Robbers by a Lady.
Some months back a Mrs. Margaret
Johnson, who kept a cloth shop in Man
chester, (England,) went to Dublin on
some business, and left her shop in the
care of John Mullen, her brother-in-law,
who during her absence, decamped with
about §>2ooo worth of her p w operty. Short
ly after the robbery, Mrs. Johnson return
ed home, and on discovering her brother-in
law’s perfidy, and learning that he had
gone to Liverpool, she immediately pursu
ed hitn there, and found him on board the
Marengo, in which vessel he had embarked
the stolen properly, and was about to sail
with it for America, accompanied by a
man named Charles Egerton, who it ap
peared was bis accomplice in committing
the robbery. Nirs. Johnson caused Mul
len to be brought on shore, and was taking
the necessary steps to have her property ’
taken outof the Marengo, when Mullen of- |
sered to save her all further trouble, and ,
get her goods relanded for her if she al- ;
lowed him to go on board forthat purpose. I
Mrs. Johnson consented, and Mullen went !
on board under the pretence of getting the
goods brought on shore, but took care to
be so tardy in his operations, that the Mar
engo sailed with Mullen and his accom
plice and Mrs. Johnsons property, for A
merica, Mrs. Johnson was not however to
be thus foiled and in a day or two after took I
passage in the ship John Linton and pur- |
sued the two robbers across the Atlantic. '
Fortune seemed to favor her enterprize, for [
the John Linton arrived here several days ;
back, before the Marengo, though the hit- ■
ter left Liverpool some days before her.— j
As soon as Mrs. Johnson landed in New :
York, she applied at the Police Office, and i
obtained a warrant for the apprehension of
Henry Quin, alias Jonn Mullen, and Chris- !
topher alias Charles Egerton. The war- |
rant was put into the hands cf Mr. Boy-!
er, who went down to Staten Island to await j
the arrival ofthe Marengo, and as soon as ■
she came to anchor he went on board her j
and from the description he received of Mui- !
len, he at once singled him out, from amongst
ninety passengers, and informed him o! the
charge against him. Mullen was at first
thunderstruck with astonishment, that intel
ligence ofthe affair had already reached A- ;
merica, but in a moment or two recovered
his presence of mind, and supposing that at.
the worst nothing more than a letter had
been sent out after him, he feigned the
greatest astonishment at the charge, and
asserted that he was the husband of Mrs. j
Johnson, and of course the property was his
own, and sent Mr. Boyer at defiance. Mr.
Boyer, however, very quietly took out two
pair of handcuffs, and having fastened them
on his two prisoners, he brought them to the
Police Office, from whence they were both
committed toprison. The property is, in the’
mean time, in the Custom House store,
where the collector had placed it in order to
secure the duty.
N. Y. Journal of Commerce.
PoiiticaL
From the Augusta Constitutionalist.
PRESIDENT JACKSON.
Extract from the reply of the Pres
ident to the address of Gen. Pillow, on
behalf of the citizens of Maury County,
Tenn.
Let us then, not be surprised at the ex
citement which prevails al the present day.
Let us rather rejoice at the many fruits it
has produced of public virtue, and of the
encouraging proof it affords, that the bone
and sinew of our land will never tolerate a
power which can palsy their will or trifle
with their rights. The injustice of a high
protective tariff—-the dangers of a system
of internal improvement, which claimed a I
power of appropriation as unlimited as the
term general welfare — the unhallowed at
tempts to nullify the laws of the Union and
dismember the confederacy, were not to be
overcome and repelled without erecting ex
citement. Nor can we hope to see our do
mestic relations entirely tranquilized as long
as there is a power within their bosom ca
pable of uniting such heterogeneous ele
ments of discord into one common foe to
the principles of republicanism. That pow •
er is the Bank of the United States. Not
withstanding its admitted and well ascer
tained corruptions, the country is full of the
proof that this institution is yet in the field
of politics, in full connexion with the vari
ous interests which have for the last seven
years been aiming to mould the Federal
Government into an instrument to extend
the partial and sectional, at the expemeof:
the general and constitutional interests of all :
TI! E S T:! N AR B 0 F li NIO N.
the members of our confederacy. To sup
pose that such an institution as this, as sub
tle and undefined in the mode of its opera
tions as it is rich and powerful in its means,
will not have advocates in the public press
and elsewhere of every hue and profession,
is not more certain than that the people will
repair any breach which it can make on the
citadel of their rights. To be denounced
by the advocates of such a foe is but to be
told that we are at our posts, and that the
tru>ls confided to us are yet unsullied.
Yon have said that my election was de
picted as a worse calamity to the country
than war, pestilence or famine. It is not
my province to criminate the freedom which
thus boldly denounced, in advance, the
character of the measures which the coun
try required me to pursue. The feelings
which employed such language were not
prompted merely by a wish to injure me.
They had a higher ambition to gratify.
They aimed at the prostration of the prin
ciples which the country had decided should
be brought into operation. The party,
which entertained these feelings fell into
the error universal with those who distrust
the capacity of the people for self govern
ment, of expecting to injure the republican
cause by assailing the individual whom it
has honored with its confidence and trust.
The same party is using the same means
now to accomplish its objects in the at
tempt to represent ine as a dictator, if the
people continue to withhold from them the
power to administer the Government. Such
charges pass by me as the idle wind. They
are but the devices of an exposed and dis
appointed ambition and cannot but benefit
the cause they intended to destroy.
From the same.
Wecall the attention ofthe reader to the
following communication taken from the
Richmond Enquirer. The writer might
have added the following challenge of Mr.
Van Buren, which neither whig nor nullifi
er, has dared to meet. It is the conclusion
of his letter accepting his nomination by
the Baltimore Convention.
“1 have neither solicited the aid nor
sought the support of any man in reference
to the high office for which I have been
nominated. For the truth of this declara
tion, I can safely appeal to the hundreds of
honorable men who composed the recent
Convention-—to the numerous Editors and
politicians throughout the Union, who have
distinguished me by t heir preference, and to
imy private correspondents and intimate
j friends, not excepting the considerable num
jberof persons once my friends and associ
ates, whom the fluctuations of political lite
have converted into opponents. In none of
these classes, or tn anij other of our com
j munity, is there a man who can truly say,
\that 1 hare solicited his political support, or
I that J have entered or sought to enter with
\ him into any arraugement, to bring about
\ the nomination which I have now received,
lor to secure my elevation to the Chief Ma
gistracy of the country.
M. VAN BUREN.’
THF ACULbEiib ACCLsED.
“ The times are rife with the inventions
of cunning and effrontery.”
• * ♦ * “is this dictation, or is it
not ? Is there a man of you who does not
| see, and feel, and know, that if he desires
,to elect any other than Mr. Van Buren to
I the Presid ency, he will have to struggle a- i
I gainst the whole strength and influence of
i the Government, exerted to the utmost ?
We trust that you aie not so far sunk in ap
' athy or servility, as not to heed this plati
: ned and deliberate scheme, to forestall, bind,
I and defeat the freedom of your choice ; or
! heeding it, not to rise indignant, and spurn
I the impudent attempt.”— Address of the
, Central IV/iig Committee at Richmond.
Verily, this Address of the Central Whig
Committee teems with barefaced evidences
! enough of the fact, that “ the times are rife
with inventions ofcunningand effrontery.”
With their monopoly of brass, and their
“cunning and effrontery,” they have eclip
sed all the Arch Magicians of the age, in
conjuring up “ inventions,” to hoodwink
the People, and to conceal their own sins,
under the smoke of their naked accusations
against their opponents.
People of Virginia.' When, where,
how, and by whom, has the whole strength
and influence of the government been exer
! ted to the utmost to '■'•forestall, bind, and
defeat the freedom of your choice ?” Who
have been the dictators 1 / Is there a man
amongst you who does not know, that it is
the enemies of this Administration, and the
enemies of Martin Van Buren, who have
availed themselves of their stations in both
Houses of Congress and in our State Le
gislature, and have exerted the whole of
their strength and influence to the uttermost,
for the purpose of forestalling, binding, and
defeating the freedom of your choice 2
From the day of the dissolution of the
President’s first Cabinet, to the present mo
ment, they have kept up a continual uproar
about who should and who should not be
the successor to Gen. Jackson. The bu
siness of legislation has been swallowed up
in the business of President making, just
as though that was the business of ourselves,
and just as though we have nothing else to
think of, or care for, and our Legislators
nothing else to do, but to make Presidents.
We have seen the public business neglected,
panic after panic created, our Legislative!
halls converted into electioneering theatres,'
our instructions violated, the public peace j
disturbed, and the Union endangered, all for !
the purpose of blasting the character ol
Martin Van Buren, and biassing the peo
ple against him. Yes; after all the excu
sesand pretences which have been pleaded,
for the fury with which this Administration
has been assailed, and for the violent pat ty
conflicts, which have disgraced our Nation
al Councils, haired of Martin Van Buren,
and a determination to blast its reputation,
and set the people against him, has at last
been assigned as the (taramount objec .
“ Is this dictation, or is it not ?”
Fellow Citizens! You know, that the
friends of Mr. Van Buren have not been
forward,in urging his claims upon you.
You know, that thev have been constantly
reptoached, because they would not avow
their preference for him. You know, that
from 1832 up to the last wittier, they have
act< d with as much forbearance under the ,
luuelessch irge,and virulent abuse of his
cm mies, as ever did the friends of any can
didate for the Presidency ; often, yea, gen- (
etally, leaving him undefended, under the),
rudest assaults. What then becomes of
this brazen assertion, that the whole
“ strength and influence of the Govern
ment has been exerted to the uttermost,” to
■ force him upon you ? Fellow citizens, you
< are bound to pronounce it false. You know,
I that it is the accusers who have been guilty
' ol this sin, of exerting the whole of their
I strength and influence in the Government.
’ “to forestall, and defeat the z//
■ of your choice."— The friends of Air. Van
Buren may proudly appeal to the public
• journals for the proof.
Fellow citizens, read the following extract
•! from this Central Whig Address, and see
1 ! what these modest gentlemen say of the
' Baltimore Convention—-
■| “A Convention of Delegates without
> constituents, got up by office holders and
I demagogues, to anoint the favorite of the
• President as the chosen one of the people,
it can be compared to nothing but the troops
• ofthe palace, confirming in the name of lite
! I people, the Emperor’s designation of his
i ■ successor. And, while we hope that its ef
' feet will be to disgust many of those who
inconsiderately lent their countenance to it,
■ we shall be content, if the candidate there
nominated, shall receive only the votes of
those who were there represented. More
cannot with any show of decency, be daitn-
1 ed.”
What but a monopoly of brass, could
' have enabled these Whig leaders to put
forth such tt paragraph as this ? Their
1 slang about “ office holders” Sic. is
false !
“ Convention of Delegates, without con
stituents”—False!
“ Troops of the palace, confirming the
Emperor’s designation.” &.c.—False, and
ridiculous.
Candidate only entitled to the “votesof
those who “ were there represented. Alore
1 cannot, with any show of decency be clai
med.” Brass! brass! ! and what a bra
’ zen commentary upon the claims which they
1 are nowsittting up fortheir twin candidates!
How many of the people of Virginia could
they, with any show of decency, claim for
White upon this principle?—Who bought
him out ? Eleven members of Congress,
honest reader ! What agency had the
great body of the people of Virginia, in
making him a candidate ? Not an atom !
And after a minority caucus had ratified
the proceedings of this caucus of eleven of
.ficc holders in Washington—after a ticket
had been formed for Hugh Lawson While,
and after his name had been used to cheat
honest voters at our last elections, by whom,
and by what authority has William H.
Harrison been made a joint partner with
White ? How has it been managed, that
the White electors are left free to give the
vote of Virginia for Harrison ? By What
' s rt of causes have all these matters been
arranged and managed? How many dele
gates ? How many constituents ? How
many votescan, “ with any show of decen
cy be claimed” for these three candidates,
upon the principle here laid down by their
partners? Let the election turn upon this
principle, and the Arch Magician would be
triumphantly elected. For. whether the
great body of the people did, or did not,
take a direc t agency iu the Baltimore Con
vention, it is certain that respectable por
tions of the people in all quarters of the
Union did, and that thousands of others
did approve the Convention and the nomin
ation. It is also notorious, that the friends
of Mr. Van Buren did stake his claims up
on the decision of a majority of a Conven
tion, the delegates to which to be freely
chosen by the Republicans in all quarters
of the Union. And the fact, that neither
Hugh L. White, nor any other aspirant of
the same political party, would risk this
test of strength before the people, is a ta
cit admission on their part, that Van Buren
was strongest before the people. Their ob
jection was not to the priniciple of caucu
sing. Their pretended objections to that
are false, as is proven by the fact, that they
themselves are holding and huzzaing over
their little minority caucuses all over the
Union.
But wo are called upon to vote against Air-
Van Buren, because General Jackson prefers
him. And we are told, that but forhis being the
“President’s favorite,” he would not have been
dreamed of as a condidatefor the Chief Magis
tracy. What! Martin Van Buren not dreamed
of as a candidate, when their own journals
bear record, that they themselves have been
dreaming of, and dreading him, as the rival of
their Chiefs, from the first day cf his entrance
into the President’s Cabinet! They kept him
constantly in the eyes of the people as a can
didate, long before it is even pretended that
Gen. Jackson had expressed a preference for
him, and before any of his friends came out
in bis support. But letthem make the most of
the President’s preference ; they are the men
who are stiiving to make Gen. Jackson’s likes
and dislikes operate upon this election, for it
may well be questioned, whether one voter in
ten, throughout the Union, would have known
that he had expressed such a preference, if his
enemies had not raised and kept up an outcry
about it. Fellow citizens I Shall Gen. Jack
son be gagged, and Martin Van Buren be pro- '
scribed, because they have pulled together in
sustaining Republican principles and measures
dear to Old Virginia, and in opposing Federal i
principles and measures, at war with the Con
stitution, the rights ofthe States, and the Uni
on of the States ? Let those self-styled Whigs (
cant about the President’s preference and
Van Buren’s “obsequiousness.” To the firm
ness of Andrew Jackson, we owe a debt of
I everlasting gratitude : but what would his firm- ■
I ness have availed us, if he had not been sus
j tained by Alartin Van Buren and his friends ?
! Jackson would have been defeated and dis-
I graced ; the Bank Veto, the Alaysville V eto,
and the Land Bill V eto, would all have been
nullified; the Bank would have been re-char- (
tered,and the Internal Improvement System
anti the high Tariff System would have been
dissolved, but for the unfaltering firmness of
Martin Van Buren and his friends. 1 appeal
to facts, to the journals of Congress, for the
proofof these assertions. Let all honest friends
of State Rights turn a deaf ear to empty pro
fessions, and look to the state of parties, and to
nif.asiu'es, and they will see, that tho cause of
the Constitution, of State Rights, and popular
rights, and that the triumph of the modern
Whig party will be for the triumph of ultra
Federalism, with enough Nullification and Ab
olition to convulse the South and endanger the
Union.
A Friend to Van Buren,
Because, a Friend to the South and the Union
From the Charleston Courier.
THE U. S. TELEGRAPH AGAINST TEE
SOUTH.
Messrs. Editors—The U. S. Telegraph has 1
long arrogated to itself the almost exclusive guar- 1
diansliip of SoiHhein right and Southern honor,
and indeed has carried its insolence so far as to
lecture the South lor not being sufficiently sensi
tive and pugnacious on the slave question, and al
so for not attesting a due appreciation of its cham
pionship, by an adequate patronage. This same
Trltgruph, so jealous oi Southern interests and
character, so mm b so as to denounce Mr. Clay,
for being friendly to colonization, as a plan of
emancipation, scruples nut, however, to advocate
the election of Geu. Harrison to the Presidency,
with a fitll knowledge that the General is an
open and avowed colonizalionist and einancijration
ist, by means, too, of the surplus levinue of the
General Government— the most obnoxious shape,
perhaps, in which those measures could be pro
secuted.
Ibe following article from the Richmond En
quirer, ought to open the eyes of the'South.
The Telegraph, vs. Clay und Harrison.
i be Telegraph must play upon the abolition
panic to keep up lliu false c/a/nor against Van Bu
ren. Ist. it lashes Clay for declaring in favor of
colonization. 2d. It support Harrison as Presi
dent, though it knows that be goes even further
than Clay, in favor ot colonization and emanci
pation. i t takes ail these grounds—and no man
but a piebald Whig could attempt to reconcile
these various propositions. The Telegraph, how
ever, does go tite whole. It swallows the entire
bolus, without a wry face.
The Telegraph had previously absuedMr. Clay
for his late speech in Kentucky on behalf of the
Colonization cause. The Alexandria Gazette
[ could not"stand quietly by and see Mr. Clay stig
•( matized by the telegraph as more dangerous than
an abolitionist.” Whatsays the Telegraph of Fri
day in reply ! Why it allows for Mr. Clay’s motion,
iiis zeal, sincerity, &c.—declars that “ our ob
jection was not personal to Mr. Clay, it was
against all who sustain the cause of colonization
as a plan of EMANCIPATION”—and asks,
“ AViilthe Gazette do us the favor to say how and
why tiie south has more to fear from the immediate
abolrtiouists than it has from these gradual aboli
tionists I Does not the Gazette understand aboli
tion and emancipation tobe oneand the same thing!
will that paper do us the favor to point out in what
is the difference except as to time ; ami then to
tell us candidly, whether we have not cause to
fear the gradual operation of colon ization, enforced
under the guise of patriotic devotion to tho South,
more than to open and hostile action of the imme
diate abolitionists themselves? If the Gazette
cannot do this, it will do wisely hereafter to stand
by and permit us to defend ourselves and our opin
ions against Mr. Clay’s assaults, without forcing
itself as a volunteer between us.”
We take the Telegraph at its own word. Say
that the friends of Colonization aie more danger
ous to the South than the Abolitionists—and now
we ask him, how be can have the effrontery to
abuse Mr. V. B. for an abolitionist, which he ab
hors as much as the Telegrapa itself—and yet
support Gen. Harrison, as the President of the
United States. lias he thejaudacity to deny that
Gen. H. is a thorough-going, nay ultra supporter
ot the Colonization cause ? That he solemnly
declared as follows, in his Cheviot Speech:
“Should I be asked if there is no way by which
the General Government can aid the cause of
emanication, I answer, tha' it has long been an
object near my heart, to see the whole of the sur
plus revenue appropriated to that object. With
the sanction of the States holding the slaves,
there appears to me to be no constitutional objection
toils being thus applied ; embracing not only the
colonization of those that may be otherwise freed;
but the purchase of the freedom of others. By
a zealous prosecution of the plan formed upon
that basis, wemigh look forward to a day not far
distant when a North American sun, would not
look down upon a slave.' 1
We defy the Telegraph to produce from all' the
writings of any other man, who pretends to be a
politician, a more flagrant tissue of heresies. The
sanction of some ofthe States (less {than 3-4 ts)
can make a power constitutional! This is itself
directly in the teeth of the Constitution. Then
the whole surplus revenue is to be thus appropria
ted to the colonization ofthe free, and the emau
cipation of the slaves. And yet, so gross is the
inconsistency of this Whig Nullifier, that we shall
hear him again abusing V. B. for his abolitionism
—and Gen. H. who is worse in his eyes, than an
abolitionist!
SOUTHRON.
"The friends of the Unionare our friends,and its
enemies, our enemies.”
TUESDAY MORNING, October 4.
Union Democratic Republican
Ticket.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
KICiIARD JOHNSON.
EXTRACT FROAI
MARTIN VAN BUREN’S LETTER
Accepting the nomination of the Conven
tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit
tee.
“ I content myself on this occasion with
saying, that! consider myself the honored
instrument selected by the friends of the Ad
ministration to carry out its principles and
policy, ami as well from inclination as from
duty, Ishall, if honored with the choice of
the American People, endeavour to tread
generally in the footsteps of President Jack
son, —happy if I shall be able to per
fect the work which he has so gloriously be
gun."
“ I prefer that not only you, but all the
people of the United States, shall now un
derstand, that if the desire of that portion
of them which is favorable to my elevation to
the Chief Magistracy be gratified, I must
go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible
and uncompromising opponent of any at
ten pt Io ABOLISH SLA VER Yin the
District of Columbia against the wishes of
the slave-holding Stales.
Martin Van Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the cii
culalion of incendiary publications through the mails.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin
WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham.
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison.
THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin.
WILSON LUMPKIN, of Walton.
WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson.
THOMAS SPALDING, of Mclntosh.
REUBEN JOB DAN, of Jasper.
WM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
PITT MlLNl'-R, of Monroe
The proceedings at tire diuuer given to the Vol
unteers at Hawkinsville came too late for iuser
tion to-day-, they shall appeal; i,ti our next.
(Lr’The name of JOHN HA\VLS, of Pulaski,
is recommended to supply the place of Governor
Lumpkin, upon the Union Electoral 't icket.
SOUTHERN CIRCUIT.
(Qr®-! would suggest the name of Gen. Black
shear as a candidate to fill the vacancy of the Elec
toral Ticket occasioned by the declension of Gov.
Lumpkin, ' CITIZEN.
JUDGE WHITE AND THE FREE NE
GROES.
It is well known, that in Tennessee, free per
sons of color were entitled to vote without any
property qualification or restriction, for about
twenty-eight years previous to 1834, and that
Judge White took no measures to exclude
them. He was in the habit of going to the polls
with them, and upon one occasion, did actually
jwalk to tho Ballot Box, ARM AND ARM
WITH A FREE NEGRO.
r I his spectacle occurred in the year EIGH
TEEN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIVE,
|in a warmly contested election at KNOX-
V ILLE, in which Judge White took a very
active interest for his brother-in-law, Col. Wil
liams, who was then a candidate.
We make this statement advisedly, and chal
lenge its denial. We can PROVE IT, and
shew, by the evidence of a citizen of Georgia,
of the fust respectability, that upon the occa
sion referred to, JUDGE WHITE did LOCK
ARMS with a FREE NEGRO, AND WALK
WITH HIM TO THE POLLS.
If this was not a full recognition of the most
perfect EQUALITY between WHITE and
BLACK, and a total leveling of all distinctions*
we are at a loss to know what would be so con
sidered.
What would bo the effect of such a scene in
Georgia ?
Now we ask, what is the difference between
Mr. VAN BUREN and JUDGE WHITE!
We answer—Mr. VAN BUREN, drove the
free negroes from the polls by a property quali
fication which effectually excluded ninety-nine
out of every hundred, while JUDGE White,
was dragging them to the polls, and encoura
ging them to vote without the least restriction-
THE PROOF.
When the above remarks were submitted to
the public, we anticipated a denial on the part
of the nullifying presses. That denial has gone
forth, and it now becomes us to give our author
ity for the statements we have made.
For proof of the facts set forth in the above
article, we refer our fellow-citizens to BENJA
MIN L. LESTER, Esq. of Baldwin County,
a gentleman of high and unblemished character,
who was present at Knoxville upon the occasion
referred to.
It has not been our habit to raise false char
ges against our fellow-citizens, nor to make as
sertions which we could not substantiate. Wo
have too much respect for the rights and feel
ings of others, and too much regard for our own
character to attempt to injure any man by slan
der and vituperation.
In the present instance, we spoke advisedly,
and upon the authority of a citizen who is whol
ly unimpeachable.
“ LOOK AT THIS PICTURE.”
To those men who supported Mr. Van Bu
ren in 1832, and who at present feel some mis
givings as to the course they should take in tho
approaching Election, we now address our
selves.
It will be remembered, that from 1824 to
1832, the men who are now on the side of nul
lification, were the open and zealous advocate*
of Mr. Van Buren, and it was owing to their un
tiring exertions in his behalf, that he became
popular in Georgia. It will also be remember
ed that in 1832, they recommended the ap
pointment of delegates from this State to attend
the Baltimore Convention—held public meet
ings for that purpose in various counties, and
actually nominated our delegation in Congress,
a majority of whom, attended that convention
and not only supported the claims of Mr. Van
Buren to the V ice Presidency, but recommend
ed him to the people, and gave him their influ
ence and their votes.
The presses of the same party, blazoned hi»
name at the head of their columns, and held him
up as a statesman of great abilities, and a pure
and unsullied patriot; while they repelled, with
z«al and perseverance, every assault upon his
character, from every quarter.
He was, so far as Georgia was concerned,
the candidate of the Troup party, and received
their undivided support; but since the body of
that party have adopted the doctrine of nullifi
cation, they have denounced Mr. Van Buren—
charged him with high crimes and misdemean
ors against tha rights of the citizen, and the
principles of republican liberty, and as wholly
unworthy the confidence of a free and enlight
ened people.—But mark the date of their alle
gations! Do they exhibit charges of a date sub
sequent to 1832, or do they go back to the olden
time? Why, strange as it may seem, the men
who in thirty-two, could find nothing in his char
acter or political conduci to condemn, but eve
ry thing to admire, are now raking up the ashes
of twenty years gone by, in the hope of sifting
out something to blacken and defame his repu
tation—men teo, who knew his past history in
1832, as well as they knew it in 1836; and if
Mr. Van Buren’s acts from 1816 to 1532, were
such as they represent them to be, those who
palmed him upon the people in 1832, commit
ted a most gross and palpable fraud upon the
country; and if he is as pure and patriotic now,
as they represented him to be in 1832, they are
attempting at this time, to practice a most crim-x
inal deception upon their fellow-citizeiis.; be-,
cause it is known, that Mr. Van Buren has giv
en but one vote since 1822, and that one in
perfect accordance with the feelings, atnj opin
ions of every true Georgian. \Ve allude to bis
casting vote upon the amendment offered by
Mr. Calhoun, to the Bill prohibiting the circula
tion of incendiary publications.
If wo look at the men who supported him in
1832, and the-spirit and energy with which they'
sustained him, and contrast them with their pres
ent position, we are left jn utter astonishment at
the instability of human opiniptts, and human
actions.
As we understand this matter, the late Wil
liam H. Crawford, was the first man of distinction
in the south, who presented him to the consid
oration ofthe people. Mr. Crawford was intis
mutely acquainted with the political history of
Mr. Van Buren—supported him warmly, and
lived and died his devoted friend. Was Mr.
Crawford an honest man ?—Were his
and assertions worthy of credit? Let those an
swer who wore his eulogists.
Governor Troup was also the friend of Mr-
Van Buren—was intimately ncquainti d wffb his
GROES.
THE PROOF.
“ LOOK AT THIS PICTURE.”