Newspaper Page Text
the Providence Republican Herald,
fl GEN. HARRISON’S LETTER.
Gen. Harrison has written a letter which
been published, intended to vindicate
Btiin^H' 'gainst the charge preferred against
to justify his vote in relation to sel
ling men for servants, alias st. WES. We
■ have given the letter a careful perusal, and
E compared it with the bill containing the ob
-7 noxious clauses, and for which his vote was
■ given; .and cannot see that the position ta
ken by us on the subject, is al all affected
Fby them. We have not assumed that the
bill relative to poor debtors who had be
-1 come snch in the ordinary course of busi
ness, or the common concerns of life.
Therefore, when Gen. Harrison denies
that our declaration nor does his argument
reach us.. Rut there is another point con-j
renting which we are at issue; and on which
Gen Harrison manifests either ignorance of
the spirit and provisions of the bill in ques- j
lion, or an intention to deceive his readers.
After having penned his dielaimerof any
intention to sell poor debtors, such in the
common acceptance of the phrase, giving
some explani tory views, and spoken of the
great and increasing expense of the peni
tentiary system, he goes on to say:
‘•This growing evil required lie immedi
ate interposition of some vigorous legisla-,
five measure, two were recommended as |
being likelv to produce the effect; first, pla- I
cmg the institution under better manage
ment, and secondly lessening the number of;
convicts who were sentenced for short pe- [
riods, and whose labor was found of course
to be most unproductive. In pursuance of
the latter principle, thefts to the amount of
SSO or upwards, were subjected to punish
ment in the Penitentiary, instead of $lO,
which was the former minimum sum, this
was easily done! But the great difficulty
remained tn determine what should be the j
punishment ofthose numerous larcenies be-!
low the sum of SSO. By some, whipping j
was proposed; by others, punishment by |
hard'labor in the country jails, and by oth
ers it was thought l est to make them work
ou the highways. To all these, there ap
peared insiipero’de objections, fine and im
prisonment was adopted by the House of
Representatives as the only alternative, and ■
as it was well known these vexatious pilfer- |
ings were generally perpetrated by the;
mere worthless vagabonds in society, it was '
added that when they could not pay the ;
fines and costs which are always part of the !
sentence and punishment, that their servi- |
res should be sold out to any person who '
would pay their fine and costs for them.”
This is the ground on which General
Harrison rests his defence. His exposition
leads to the conclusion, that the bill was in
truded to embrace “worthless vagabonds,”
guilty of “vexations pilferings;” and to
whom he afterwards applies, that there may
be no mistake, the still stronger terms: “in
famous offenders, who depredate upon the
property of their fellow citizens, and who,
by the constitution of the State as well as)
the pi inciple of existing laws, were subject!
to involuntary servitude.” There can be
no two ways in which to understand this
language. Its plain and inevitable import
is, that the bill was designed to embrace on
ly “worthless vagabonds, infamous offen
ders”—guilty of theft to a “less amount
than SSO” and who unless sold for ser
vants, would be committed to the peniten
tiary.
Unfortunately for the General, the pro
visions of the act flatly contradict his state
ments. The language is,
“Be it further enacted, That when anv
person shall be imprisoned, either upon ex
ecution or otherwise, for the non-payment
of a fine or costs, it shall be lawful for the
sheriff of the county to sell out such person
as a servant to any person within this State,
who will pay the amount due for the short
est period of service; of which sale public
notice sha'l be given of at least ten days,
and, upon such sale being effected, the sher
iff shall give to the purchaser a certificate
thereof, and deliver over the prisoner to
him; from which time the relation between
such purchaserand prisoner shall be that of
master and servant until the time of ser
vice expires; and for injuries done by either,
remedy shall be had in the same manner
as is or may be provided by law in the case
of masters and apprentices.”
This language is as plain and simple, and
its otdy possible construction as perspicu
ous and definite, as that two and two make
four. It includes all cases in which 'fine
and cost'' are imposed; and to render it cer
tain that it is intended to apply as well to
civil as to criminal actions, its application is
to all persons “imprisoned for the non-pay- i
inent of fine or cost,” either upon EXECU
TION or OTHERWISE.” Here is nothing;
said about “worthless vagabonds, infamous !
offenders,” or petty thieves, or even about
a criminal prosecution of any ..ort. No:
the conclusion is irressistable, from the ve- [
ry language before us— "any person"— not
any “worthless vagabond* "infamous offen
der" or petty thief—but "any person"—
not one who but for this bill, might and
would by the constitution and spirit of the
laws, be subject to involuntary servitude—
not “any person” exclusively committed to
jail on a warrant, or u ider the sentence of!
a criminal court—No.—but "any person"
committed on execution or otherwise, for
thd non payment of‘fine or cost,’was doom
ed by the provisions of this act to be sold
to pay the amount. The truth is and it can
not be denied, that the language, and the
title, intent, and meaning of it, includes,
without the shadow of a doubt, and beyond
the reach of cavil, every offence, whether
criminal or civil, and every species of fine
and cost detailed on the pages of the statute
book. There is no single exception. The
bill applies to the entire catalogue, and it is
vain for general Harrison to tell what he
and others thought and intended, so long as
language such as the above can speak lor
itself.
Suppose such an article as the above on
the statute book of Rhode Island. A re
spectable, but poor citizen, entirely uncon
scious ol committing an offence, perforins
an act in violation of some one of the num
berless provisions of law, which act, though
not made criminal, and for which the per-
Mtn is not indictable, is nevertheless finable
on a “civil action of debt.” Some enemy
in revenge for « private pique, lodges a
complaint against him. He is mulcted in
fine to the amount of twenty dollars. What
is the result? Read the statute: “Any per
son imprisonedj cither upon execution or
OTHERWISE, for non-payment of cost, or
fine, may be sold lor a servant, Sic.” Is
not the conclusion inevitable? Th s poor
man who cannot pay, who has been guilty
of no crime, but who owes twenty dollars
to the state "on an action of debt’," maybe
sold ns a servant to some person, who, un
der the law, may inslal him as a hostler in
his stable, set him at work shoveling salt,
hoisting molasses, brreaking coal, or doing
any thing else.
He says, “this was considered a substi
tute for whipping,” and “as the most mild
and humane mode of dealing with offend
ers.” Admirable substitute! wonderful hu
manity! To take a man out of the hands of
the law, which could whip him but once for
one offence, on a verdict of twelve men, and |
put him into the hands of a man who could
apply the cowskin daily, if he pleased, by
virtue of a master’s prerogative over his
apprentice! Such a law would have dis
graced even the Goths and Vandals. AN bat
true hearted republican patriot would have
voetd for it, where even criminals only,were
concerned?
Such is the obvious tendency of the law,
as presented to the public, it belongs to
General Harrison and his friends to show
if the bill, in its details, contained any qual
ifying provisions, which were intended to
exempt offences not criminal from the ope
ration of this severe penalty, lie says it
was confined to theft; but, unfortunately for
him again, the very language he has quo
ted to show that it was not aimed at poor
debtors indiscriminately, goes to prove that
it included all offences, whether criminal, or
otherwise. He say sit was an act for the
"punishment of ojfenees." This, it would
seem, by its being a quotation, was the ti
tle of the act “For the punishment of offen
ces.” He adds, in his own language, not
, quoted, against the State.—The act there
! lore was intended "for the punishment of
offences — indefinitely—of all “offences”—
' of every species of “offences”—committed
by any person —whether theft perpetrated
by worthless vagabonds, infamous offend
ers,” orthose whom the laws consigned to
"involuntary servitude," or petty acts which
no laws define as criminal, fqr which no
I man can legally be incarcerated in a pen-;
; itentiary, and which thousands of respecta- 1
| ble and honest citizens might commit, with-1
out the intention or even suspicion of evil I
! doing. We contend therefore that the
I ground we have assumed on this subject is a
; correct one; and that Gen. Harrison’s let-
I ter is at variance with the bill.
JUDGE WHITE.
The Judge accepted the nomination of
the Whigs of Georgia, on the 30th of May j
ina letter which is just published and he tells I
the people that he believed “ the election ol
a Chief' Majistrate ought to be the work of
the people themselves," fye, fyc. Therefore, '
his political friends had originally his con- I
sent to use his name—and lie yet sees no '
I reason for believing he h .d “ fallen into any )
! error.” Is the Judge still blind—or was be I
insincere ? Surely be ought to see that his ,
name is only used to defeat, if possible, an ;
election by the people and throw it in the ,
House.
The Judge will find, when it is too late
that he has committed one egregious error,
viz abandoning the best friend be had in the
world, to throw himself into the arms ol a
parly who are now aboudoning hitnjior Gen.
Harrison. Thevery Whig paper inthiscity
which once pledged itself to support him, is
now quitting him forHarrison and the W{ ih
committee of Illinois, on the sth inst. is
adopting a double ticket, relying upon the
Electors of Judge White that “ in the event
of Gen. Harrison receiving more votes in
I other States than Judge White they w ill
I give the vote of this state to Harrison.”—
j According to present appearances, the
Judge will soon have to repeat the pathetic
j soliloquy of the abandoned Cardinal Wolsey
■ “ Farewell! along Farewell to all my great
! ness,” &ic. &c.
Richmond Enq.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
The election of President and Vice Presi
dent of the United States, for the term of
! four years, commencing March 4th, 1837,
! will be made on Wednesday, the 7th day of
{December, 1836, the electors meeting at
I the Capitols of the respective States in which
j they are chosen. The choice of the elec
; tors must be made within thirty four days
I of the said first Wednesday of December.
; The following shows the number of votes to
! which each State is entitled, with the time of
: election:
Stales No. of voles. When held!
Maine, 10 November 7
New Hampshire, 7 do 7
Massachusetts, 14 do 14
Rhode Island, 4 do 23
Connecticut, 8 do 7
i Vermont, 7 do 15
New York, 42 do 7
; New Jersey, 8 do 4
Pennsylvania, 30 do 4
| Delaware, 3 do 7
Maryland, 10 do 14
Virginia, 23 do 7
I North Carolina, 15 do 17
South Carolina 11
Georgia, 11 do 17
Kentucky, 15 do 17
Tennessee, 15 do 17
Ohio, 21 do 4
Indiana, 9 do 7
Mississippi, 4 do 7
Illinois, 5 do 7
Alabama, 6 do 14
Missouri, 4 do 7
Louisiana, 5 do 8
Michigan, 3
Arkansas, 3
Total 294
All tlie States choose by general ticket,
except South Carolina, which chooses l»v
the Legislature. It will be seen that Pen
nsylvania and Ohio open the poll tin ec days
in advance of any of the other States.
From the Savannah Georgian.
THE PRESIDENCY.
The Lynchburg, (Va.) Democrat, of the
24th tdt. remarks, and with truth :
“ 07*Judge White is making election
eering speeches in Tennesse, and denounce
ing Martin Van Buren.
“ Gen. Harrison is travelling through
several States, showing himself oft’ as the
Whig candidate for the Presidency.
“ And where is Mr. Van Buren?—at-
tending to his private afl'airs, leaving the
people uninfluenced by his presence or bis
harangues. Yet the Whigs pretended to
have the utmost horror of electioneering
candidates.”
If Martin Van Buren were to travel
in the South, West, or East, the Whig
presses would at once erv out that the
“ ■magician" was electioneering, Again —
If Al ARTIN Van Buren’s private afi'airs
were to cause him to visit anv portion of this
country, he could not find the Democracy,
who support him, degrading themselves,
like the // Zz/gsof Philadelphia, in the case
ol Gen. Harrison, by pulling, like so many
beasts, his carriage, instead of allowing the
four footed animals, whose places were thus
usurped in Philadelphia, by tlie Whigs.
But Van Burexi does not travel, as
Harrison does, for popularity. The Whigs
brought him home from England by refu
sing to confirm his nomination as Minister
to the Court ol’Sl. James. Tlie people ol
the Union then took him up more firmly,;
than ever, as their favorite, and Harrison,
where he to travel over the country all the;
days of his life, were be to bend the “ preg-;
nant hinges of his knee,” from now until |
the 4th of march, to the Whig "thousands" \
of New York and Philadelphia, (proved!
by the Democratic Presses of those cities,;
to be a few Bank Leaders, followed by a
crowd of mischieveous boys, who delight in;
laughing at the “ Old Granny" as one of!
the Whigs themselves call him.;) where he |
(William H. Harrison) to bow to these jeer
ing boys forever, he would not succeed in
depriveing Martin Van Buren of the at
tachment of the yeomanry of our land—of
those sterling men, who swell not thecrowds
of New Y r ork or Philadelphia, but, settled
on their farms or in their work shops, labor
ing for themselves, also read for them
selves, and judge tor thetn/elves. These
men see, (because it comes home to their
fire sides,) the good effects of Andrew
Jackson’s policyin crushing the odious
mammoth, which threatened to destroyall
their own Banking Institutions—they see in
Martin' v an Bt ken a man, sprung from
the Democracy, and one prepared to carry
out the measures of Jackson’s Adminstra
, tion. The People of Georgia will not, in
: November next, heed the idle and uiifouu
; ded clamor against Van Buf.EN, that he
“ is an Abolitionist". They will view
suchj'iu assertion a[salibel agAnsUhemselccs,
for such a charge, if true, would involve
them in the same guilt, with which the self
! styled II Itigs would at tempt, to brand the
character of the Democratic Candidate.
They|will recognize the lihelers, as men who
support White, for the purpose ol distrac
ting the Republican party of the South, —a
Candidate, who cannot be elected by tlie
people, but to advocate whose elect ion is
indirectly tn aid in the elevation of Harri
; son, whose constitutional views of the rights
iof the Southern States, and whose opinions
lof the rights of the poor white man, whom
] misfortune or penury has deprived of the
means of support for himself and family,
■ are odious to every free citizen of this hap
; py Republic— Harrison, a man, who thinks
it constitutional to appropriate the surplus
revenue, with the consent of the Southern
States, to emancipate our colored popula
tion; —who is prepared to bail the “ day.”
(in his opinion “ not very distant")" when
a North American Sun would not look doe. n
upon a slave”—a man, who would deprive
the poor citizen of bis Liberty and permit
his hard|hcarted and unfeeling creditorlo sell
him into bondace, because accident, or the
midnight incendiary, had whelmed his dwel
ling in Hames, and depriving him of his
scanty pittance, had turned his children up
on the world to beg a morse,, (perhaps) of
Mr. A. Harrison himself. Can snch a man,
whose approbation of the Administration cf
the ELDER Ad/.MS is still fresh in tlie recol
lections of the Republicans of Georgia—
can Harrison, identified too with the Ad
ministration of liie.younger Adams, the suc
cessful candidate of the coalition against
! Andrew Jackson, the People’s Candidate,
|can this ultra Federalist of 98 aud’36, thrust
| for ward by the Northern W higs, and bv
the Slades the Tappans, the Garrisons, anil
other enemies of tlie south, as a fit mat; to
compete with Van Bulien, whom these
vile Abolitionists denounce—can this al!\
of those men, inimical to our happiness, as
a united people,— this man, who runs at the
North on the same ticket witita Granger,
another Abolitionist, can this man (Ilarri
sojt) "ho inveighs against masonry and
courts with flattery disgraceful to the man,
the votes of the Anti-Masonic party —can
he, who, like the Despots of Europe, would
break up the institution of Masonry,—and
in a free country like this, would be afraid
to trust with office freeman of America, be
cause he chooses to exercise the t ight of a
freeman in becoming a member of that so
ciety, to be associated with which a La
Fayette, the distinguished adopted citi
zen of America, thought it an honor—Can
such a politician, (whateverhis military ser
vices may have been,) receive, even indirect
ly, the votes of Georgians— of the Demo
cratic citizens, who (or their fathers) stood
by tlie virtuous JEFFERSON, when the el
der Adams was driven from power by the
i indignant voice of an insulted People ?
Can Georgians support a man, who sided
! with the yonger Adams ? Can they vote
1 fora man, who, as a Legislator, would make
! a free white citizen, a bondman ? Can they
advocate one, w hose constitutional opinions
• are so anti-republican ? Their answer, the
answer of both parties in Georgia, is an
emphatic.—No! Yet, fellow citizens, a por
tion of you, by advocating Hugh L. White,
are aiding in the advancement of Wm. 11.
Harrison. If hitc and Harrison are run,
the one at the South—ihv other at the
North, lor the purpose of defeating the
people—nf depriveing them of their Consti
tutional right of choosing their own Presi
dent. Union. Republicans, who rallied a
rottml Andrew J ACKSON, when lie display
ed on the outer-wall of the Constitution the
Star Spangle Banner of these United
States, —you, who bared your bosoms to
the shock ol Nullification, and sustained
your Chief Magistrate in die course which
he pursued to nullify tlie horsey,—von, who
value your principles, because (identified
with the permanence of the Union-—be
cause cherished as the key-stone of our con
federacy,—as l\w middle ground, by which
l«i avoid Consolidation, on the one hand,
Ndli/icalion, on the other, both involving
doctrines subversive ol the rights of the
States, and the Union of the States,-—on
THE STANDARD OF UNION.
jy.'iu, Union men of Georgia, we call to
sound the alarm, that the principles of the
Democracy are threatened—that if they are
permitted to succumb before the effort of
the opposition to Jackson’s administra
tion, it will be too late for you to deplore
your apathy, t< lament the defeat of your
candidates, and, with them, the overthrow
of your principles. I such a calamity be
fal us from vour tupineness, or, from your
disposition to regard the misrepresentations
ofthe l> higs against the candidate of the
United Democracy of the land, more than
the candid expositions of his political creed
bvxour brethren, in’wbom you have hereto
fore trusted, and whomyou have ever found
faithful to the Constitution, be it so. But
such supineness—such credulity will be de
plored, when too late, for when the power has
departed from you,—whenffrtrmwi mounts
’■ the chair of State, and While is ( sent home to
I Tennessee to be consoled by a Nashville
I dinner, you will perceive that you have er
red in not rallying round the Union Flag
! and voting for men, prepared to yield noth
! ing in the advocacy of your principles.
| _
‘ Columbus Ohio Democrat.'}
CHRONICLE OF THE TIMES.
CHAPTER I.
AND it came to pass in the reign of
! James, whose sir-name was Madison, that a
! King from beyond the seas marie war against
; him, and he sent his armies into tlie coun
! try of James and fougt the with him and
bis people and sont on the heathen to make
war against him also, and James was sorely
distressed, because of his enemies for they
came into his city and consumed it with
: fire.
; 2. Now there was a certain man that
I dwelt in the west by the name of Andrew
j and his sir-name Jackson and he was a just
I and good man, and a friend to James :
j moreover, lie was a man of great valor,
; ami he girded on bis armor and went out to
I.battle against the enemies of James and
i discomfitted them and slew them and for
j ced tiie remainder to flee to their ships and
I return to their own country; and he smote
i the heathen round aboutwith the edge ofthe
j sword ami subdued them and took their
i country and gave it to Janies and his peo
ple.
| 3. And James spake unto his people
! saying ; how shall we honor Andrew, for
he bath delivered us from all our enemies ?
' And the people »i’James answered him and
said u hen thou ceasest to rule th at Andrew
[shall rule over us. And the saying of the
; people pleased James well for he loved
; Andrew greatly.
4. And it came to pass in process of
time that Andrew was chosen ruler for he
I wa» a man of great wisdom and much be
loved by ail good men ; and his fame was
spread afar into all lands for he still contin
, ucil io do many great and good things for
! his people.
I 5. But there was a certain man who lived
jin the south by the name of John, and sir
; named Calhoun, and he secretlyenviedAn
| drew, and yet at the same time pretended
! to be his bosom friend ; moreover, he had
[ tried secretly to have Andrew imprisoned
for putting to death two men* who like
; wolves in sheeps doting, were aiding the
; heathen to make war on the people of the
• south.
6. And John was greatly grieved at
the prosperity of/mdrew aid envied him ex
; ccedtngly ; Ami when he found that An
! drew was aware of treachery, and knowing
that he was guilty of hypocricy towards
i Andrew, be then threw oft’the mask and
; came out openly and tried to subborn the
people to overthrow Andrew and ruin
; his country ; yea to hide his knavery he
; pretended to be in a great rage with An
drew, and accused him of every thing but
the truth ; and exceeded Aaron sir-named
Burr, and all lite sons of Belial that had
been before him in wickedness but the peo
ple loved Andrew and they heeded him
not.
! 7. And there was a man in those days
! who dwelt in the north, named Martin, and
sir-named \ an Buren ; and lie was a meek
I and wise man ; moreover he was a friend
to Andrew and to all good men. And he
wasbeloved by the people insomuch as when
i Andrew’s time was ended they had a mind
to make him ruler over them.
8. Now when John came to hear that the
people had a mind to make Martin ruler,
; was exceedingly wroth and greatly troubled
in spirits, and he called aloud unto his
people saying ; Alas ! what shall we do that
Martin may not rule over us lor he is a friend
to Andrew and the people love him great
ly? And his friends auswerd him, and
said, alas ! master we know not, we will do
; w hatsoever thou sayest.
9. Ami John said unto them behold we
have done a great many wicked things a-
1 gainst our country and against Andrew ;
! and should one of us set up to be ruler,
the' peopid would not put faith in us.—
Behold, now let us entice or borrow a
man who cals himself a frind to An
; drew (but is not) to setup to be ruler over
us : peradveuture, the people may believe
him. And the friends of John answered
him ami said, mauler liu>u hast spoken wise
! ly Amen ; so be it.
JO. Now it came to pass in those days
that there was a certain man who dwelt in
the east of Tennessee, whose name was
Hugh,-and bis sir name was White and he
was three score years of age and small in
person and low of stature ; moreover, he
was exceeding!V lean and ill-tavored, hut a
: giaiit in pride and set his heart greatly on
! being chief-ruler.
11. Now this same man Hugh was well
knoU'n to John, and he wrote unto him
saying; behold now let us be friends and
I make a league together ; and do thou set
up for ruler of the people against Martin,
mid helieveing thee to be a friend of Andrew
they will, peradveuture, appoint thee chief
ruler over them ; and seeing that 1 know
that thou art not a friend of Andrew, 1 will
aid thee with the Nullifiers from the south ;
Ik. 1 willah.so peak to Daniel whose sir-name
is Webster, and ruler of the federalists, to
assist thee. Moreover, 1 will speak to
1 Nicholas, whose sir-name was Biddle, ru
ler of the bank to hire writers to speak evil
i of Martin, thine adversary.
12. And the words of John pleased
Hugh well and he was greatly uplifted and
his soul was knit .with the soul of John and
he loved John as his own soul : and he
i answered John ami said unto him—Blessed
1 art thou ; 1 will agree to all that thou
sayest ; yea, more if required. Seeing
that my heart greatly pineth in secret to
be chief-ruler ever since I was appointed
Vice President, pro tern.
13. Then John called together his dici
ples and charged them saying ; Go ye out
through all the country and tell the peo
ple that Hugh is to be the chief-ruler; tell
them that he is an American by birth and
that he is a great statesman mid has done
many great and wondrous works for his)
country ; and speak well of Daniel also for
we know not yet w hose bands we mav fall
into.
14. And again I say unto you cry
aloud against Martin, from Dan even to
Beersheba, and spare not to make the
people believe every thing that is evil
concerning him, and proclaim it aloud upon
the house tops, that he is an Abolitionist,
and chosen ruler, he will liberate their
slaves ; and that he is a Roman Catho
lic, and will establish ids faith ; yea tell
them that he is a Mahometan and will im
pale them alive ; and then he is a Magician
and will change their color to pi-.rple ; for!
say unto you the people of the south
are unwise, and will believe all these
things.
15. And the friends of John answe-v-d
him and said : Master, we will try flo
all that thou sayest: but when did aJ/.ict
of Hugh’s ever benefit his country ? y ’And
vve also hear that be cannot prove\*iat lie
was born in America ; moreover we are
creditably informed that his follwers and
the Abolitionists vote together on every
main question in Congress at this time.
16. And John answered them saying be
hold the people ofthe south are ignorant the y
understand not these things that ye speak
of, and it is my design to make tip a party
for the the next four years ; therefore do as
ye are bidden.
17. And the desciples of John spake un
to him again saying, master if we should
lose this man Hugh, how shall we re
place him ? for alos, master he was borrow
ed.
18. And he auswerd them again and
said, verily be ye not of little faith, for we
have many such among us to repray his loss
with therefore I say unto you again the se
cond time, do as ye are bidden.
19. And they drew near unto John the
third time anJ said unto him, Master how
shall we speak well of Daniel seeing that
he is a Federalist and an abolitionist: and
if he should aid Hugh in being chosen chief
ruler, will it not be on condition that he
have a Federal and Abolition Cabinet.
20. And he answerd them saying it
matters not so that Martin the Republican .
candidate, is defeated; then! shall step in)
at the end offour years, when you shall!
not be forgetten, and 1 say unto vou again '
that ihe people of the south lack wis
dom, they know not these things that ye
speak.
21. And they spake to him yet again
and said Sir, how rhall Wc make the people I
believe that Martin is an Abolitionist, see
ing that be is opposed to the anti-slavery |
petitions and that Arthur, sir-named Tap
pan, the ring-leader of the Abolitionists, is,
and ever has been his most inveterate ene
my : or how that he is a Roman Catholic,
when his ancestors were driven from Hol
land to New Y ork for fighting agaiqst the
Catholic religion, or that he is a Mahometan
and wears no beard, or that he is a Magi
cian and carries no wand or talis-nian ?
22. And the spirit of John began to wax ;
hot against them, and be said unto them,
ye perverse and crooked generation, will '
ye vex me unto death. Verily, verily, I
told you before that the people lack knowl
edge, that they know not the meaning of
those things that ye speak of; and I also
tell you again, that at the end of four years
1 shall walk into the tabernacle myself, j
when I will remember you, when making .
up my Jewelstherefore 1 charge you a
gain to go your ways and do as you are j
bidden.
23. And they said unto him, Master we j
will obey thee. So they went out from
thence every man his own way, to do as they
were bidden : and further this chapter say
eth not. THEOPHILUS.
*Arbuthnot and Anibrister.
f President’s Uonse. ‘f Cabinet.
Newspapers, says the North Hampton
Courier, are the only marketable commod- [
ity which has not advanced in price this
season. The labor of men is worth more,
the fruits ofthe earth are higher and the
eggs smaller, yet newspapers are increased
irt dimensions without the price having been
raised a penny.
’•The friends of the Union are our friends,and its
enemies, our enemies."
i&LC Gj'i
TUESDAY MOICAING, October IS.
Union Democratic Itepublicau
‘Ticket.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
RICHARD M. JOHNSON.
“ For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 votes —A-
gainst it, 18. The Chair voting in the Al'FI It
IVIATIVE, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and
read a third time.’’
Martin Can Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the cir
culation of incendiary publications through theinails.
EEECTORAI. TICKET.
THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin
WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham.
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison.
THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin.
PITT AiILNER, ofMonroe
WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson.
JOHN RAWLS, of Pulaski.
THOMAS SPALDING,of Mclntosh.
REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper.
WM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
JUDGE WHITE AND THE FREE NE
GROES.
It is well known, that in Tennessee, free per
sons of color were entitled Io vote without any
property qualification or restriction, for about
twenty-eight years previous to 1831, and that
Judge White took no measures to exclude
them. lie was in the habit of going to the polls
wiih them, and upon one occasion, did actually
walk to the Ballot Box, ARM AND ARM
WITH A FREE NEGRO.
This spectacle occurred in the year EIGH
TEEN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIVE,
in a warmly contested election at KNOX
VILLE, in which Judge White took a very
active interest for his brother-in-law, Col. Wil
liams, who was then a candidate.
We make this statement advisedly, and chal
lenge its denial. We can PROVE IT, and
shew, by the evidence of a citizen of Georgia
of the first respectability, that upon the occa
sion referred to, JUDGE WHITE did LOCK
ARMS with a FREE NEGRO, AND WALK
WITH HIM TO THE POLLS.
If this was not a full recognition of the most
perfect EQUALITY between WHITE and
BLACK, and a total leveling all distinctions,
we are at a loss to know what would be so con
sidered.
M hat would be the effect of such a scene in
Georgia It .
Now we ask, what is the Jiflerence between
Mr. \AN BUREN and JUDGE WHITE?
We answer—Mr. VAN BUREN, drove the
free negroes from the polls by a property quali
fication which effectually excluded ninety-nine
out of every hundred, while JUDGE White,
was dragging them to the polls, and encoura
ging them to vote without the least restriction.
THE PROOF.
When the above remarks were submitted to
the public, we anticipated a denial on the part
of the nullifying presses. That denial has gone
forth, and it now becomes us to give our author
ity for the statements we have made.
For proof of the facts set forth in the above
article, we refer our fellow-citizens to BENJA
MIN L. LESTER, Esq. of Baldwin County,
a gentleman of high and unblemished character,
who was present at Knoxville upon the occasion
referred to.
It has not been our habit to raise false char-1
ges against our fellow-citizens, nor to make as
sertions which we could not substantiate. We
have too much respect for the rights and feel
ings of others, and too much regard for our own
character to attempt to injure any man by slan
der and vituperation.
In the present instance, we spoke advisedly,
and upon the authority of a citizen who is whol
ly unimpeachable.
VAN BUREN OR HARRISON.
It is now openly avowed, not only by sever- !
al presses high in the confidence of the Nullifi- !
ers, but by many individuals of that party, that
they will support General Harrison for the
Presidency, in preference to Mr. Van Buren,
and these expressions of opinion in favor of Har
rison, are drawn out i'roni a conviction that
Judge White’s prospects are utterly hopeless,
and with a view to prepare the minds of their
party for such an alternative.
That the Nullifiers should prefer Harrison to
Van Buren, or in the language of some of their
distinguished organs, any body but Van Buren,
is'not astonishing to us; for such is their settled ;
and inveterate hatred to General Jackson, and !
the Union men who sustained him in the firm
and patriotic stand which he took against “ the
eccentric and centrifugal" action of South Car
olina, that nothing short of a miracle could
change them. And although they have aban- ;
doned their former ground, so far as principle is '
concerned, and have relinquished their hostility ;
to the measure upon which they based their
strongest objection to General Jackson’sachnin
istration, yet their opposition to him and his ;
friends, is as vindictive and unrelenting as it ev
er has been. , ,
Now let us enquire into the ostensible ground
upon which the Nullifiers of Georgia first aban- !
doned General Jackson? We answer, it was)
the Proclamation and the Force Bill. Up to i
that time, they were opposed to Calhoun and his )
principles, as appears of record upon the State
Journals, but no sooner were those measures
adopted by the administration, than the war-cry
was raised against General Jackson, and the
Nullifiers of Georgia went over in a body, to the
standard of Calhoun. The Proclamation was
denounced—the Force Bill was exhibited as the
Bloodiest act of the times, and the country was
called on to put down, as tyrants and traitors,
every man who gave his aid or his influence in
their support; indeed so revolting did the Force
Bill seem to be in the eyes of the Nullifiers, that
from the time of its passage, up to the day on
which Judge White’s nomination, as a candid
ate for the Presidency was known in Georgia,
the Blood}' Bill, as they termed it, was the gen
eral and special subject of their most unmeas
ured malediction.
But how have times changed, and how have
men changed with them? Had it beeu said in
1833, when Judge White had recorded his vote
in favour ol the Bloody Bill, and was supporting
the measures of General Jackson’s administra
tion—when the Nullifiers wore pouring their vi
als of wrath on the head of every man who vo
ted for, or justified that measure—we repeat,
had it been said at tiiat time, that in 1836, a
man who voted for the Bloody Bill would have
been the candidate of the Nullifiers for the
Presidency, the man who had made the predic
tion, would have been scouted as a false proph
et, or pitied as a maniac, But nevertheless, so
it has come to pass, that (lUGII L, WHITE,
who voted for the BLOODY’' BILL, and sup
ported General Jackson in all his measures to
arrest tho wild and reckless projects of Nullifi
cation in South Carolina, is now the candidate
of that party, and openly recommended to the
people for the purity of his political principles.
And why is it so? Because the.Vjbave abandon
ed their own doctrines? No, but because the
voice of the Union wqs against them, and be
cause their only hope of revenge, was to lay hold
of such instruments as would serve their pur
pose of breaking down and destroying the ex
alted and enviable station which General Jack
son occupied in the affections of his fellow
citizens.
JUDGE WHITE, unfortunately was weak
enough to become that instrument. His moral,
courage was not strong enough to withstand the
gilded bait, and he threw himself into the arms
of a parly which never intended to rtiake him
President, and which had not power to do so,,
even had they willed it.
The truth of this assertion is becoming every
day more apparent. As the election approach
es, his chances of success are every day di
minishing. Harrison is taking the lead with the
Whigs.—The Nullifiers of Virginia, are oniy*’
using the name of White to secure the success
of their Electoral ticket, to be given to Harri
son, and in no State beyond the Potomac, is
White dreamed of for the Presidency.— Tlie
Northern Federalists, Bank men and ABOLI
TIONISTS, are all Harrison men,and with the
exception of Tennessee, the same coalition
throughout the Western States, are all for Har
rison. These are facts which cannot be dis
guised.—They are known to every intelligent
man in the country, and will shortly be verified
in the coming election.
VAN BUREN or HARRISON will be the
President, and if Ilarrisen receives the votes
which are claimed for him, and the White tick
et is elected in Georgia, will not her vote be
thrown into the scale? We are confident it
will, and it rests with the people of tlie State, to
decide, whether they will cast their rights and
their interests upon such a hazard ? Judge
White is out of the question.—He cannot, and
he will not be elected. His prospects were nev
er encouraging, but they are now totally gone,
and the only purpose for which the Nullifiers
are still using his name, is to distract and divide
the Union party. Will Union men be used for
such a purpose? Will they permit their preju
dices, no matter how honestly entertained, ta
prove the destruction of their principles and
their friends? No, it cannot be. To the Union
men who prefer Judge White, we make this
solemn appeal. Can you believ'efora moment,
that there is the remotest prospect of his suc
cess ? Will you look to the signs of the times
and take a calm and temperate survey of the
political horizon ? If you will only do this, you
must be satisfied, that however you may desire
the election of Judge White, your efforts will
prove unavailing, and your votes, honestly cast
in his favor, may be used in the end, for the
promotion of a man utterly obnoxious to your
dearest principles, and your highest interests—
and that the votes which you intend for White,
may be eventually used to secure the election
of Harrison.
If the contest was between Y’an Buren and
White, we should entertain no apprehension*
for the rights of the South, or the safety and in
tegrity of the Union, but the conviction, that it
is to rest between Van Buren and Harrison, and
that there is a powerful combination in four
fifths of the Union, who are straining every
nerve to secure Harrison’s election, is enough
to make every Southern man shudder at the
consequences.
Will Union men assist the enemies of their
principles, and the enemies of their friends, to
bring down such a calamity upon tlieir country!
Will they place their votes in the hands of
men, who are not openly and solemnly pledged,
that they shall never be given to WILLIAM
HENRY HARRISON, an avowed ABOLI
TIONIST, and who voted to SELL the free
white citizens of Ohio into slavery, under the
Sheriff’s hammer ?
To Union men we speak ! To the men who
stood by our side through the storms of 1882
and 1833.—Wh0 were found at their posts when
the UNION was trembling to its foundations I
and who saved their country from desolation and
bloodshed.
Let us stand once more together.—Let us,
as we have done, separate ourselves from our
adversaries, and rally around the glorious ban
ner of the Constitution. We have once saved
our Union from the ravages of Nullification—
let us save it again, from HARRISON and
ABOLITION.
THE RICHMOND WHIG.
We give below the opinions of the Richmond
Whig, expressed at various times, in Editorial
articles, relating to the Presidential Election.
It says,
“ They (the Whigs) support Judge White,
because they believe him a Whig in heart and
inclination— because they are convinced he has
supported the outrages of JACKSON, as a
Senator from Tennessee, and not as HUGH
L. WHlTE—because he is the best and safest
man they can elect—because, finally and chief
ly, if they elect him, he will administer the
Government according to their principles.”—
1835.
“ Judge White has never flinched ih support
ing every LAWLESS THING that the mad
passions of Jackson might suggest.”— lß3s.
“ Elected, if elected at all, by the votes of tbq.
Whigs, he (Judge White) will naturally and »e
--cessarily select his counsellors from their ranks K
and modify his measures according to their
views.”—lß3s.
“We really believe, tha\fortbe Union and
its stability, the cZrctiaa offGENERAL HAR
RISON would be the happiest cir?umstancQ
that could bofal. He too is a viclorioui chiȣ
tain; and as such, his name is familiar to tho
lowest ignorifn^c" —1835,
“We shall labour vvith all our force to im,
I press upon, the VVhigs of Virgin,ia, x the patriotic
; policy, if they can carry theit; Electoral
of voting fox HARR,IS.QN a if
23 votes of this commonwealth cg.n, twft to
ffitU.” —133 G,
These are the of tfee, Richmond
Whig, a paper looked \tp to by the oppositipq,
as their leading organ iu the State*,
and which fully justifies the belief yfhicb we ex
pressed last week, that the vote pf VIRGINIA
would be given to HARRISQX should the
W hig ticket succeed.
Jt may qow be taken for granted «pw» the
highest authority vvhjch can be'.baynfroin theij
own woiqls, that the \Vhigs of ) irgipia feel q
decided preference for Harrison oyer \Vhity.
Adding the vote qf Virgipw tq what is clgipti:
cd in other States fqr Harrison, it pannpt he di*:
puled, that tho race lifts between VADj BURpN
and HARRISON,
The. position of Georgia is ope of no commoq
interest, but W pooplp know, and wjl|
duty,
