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Enrrcn bv tiionash aynes. esq.
VOL. Bl I. AO. 41.
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POLITICAL.
From the Nashville Union.
Martin Van Buren.
Who is this Kinderhooker Martin Van
Buren ? is tauntingly asked daily—and by
lawyers.! My friends, Martin Van Buren is
the son of two Dutch people who lived in
1782, when he was born, at the obscure lit
tle town of Kinderhook, on the Hudson ;
and they were rather poor too—but the fa
ther, Abram Van Buren, was a man of ex
cellent sense, and withal, had fought thro’
the Revolutionary war, where he picked up
much experience. But the mother had,
perhaps, more mind than the father,
and was a first rale Dutch woman, so said
our informant. They were a solid pair oi l
Dutch people—honest as the day ; hard
working-neat as industry and water could
make them —aud belonged to the Dutch
Reformed church: regularly working six
days in lite week ou their little farm, and
hearing a three hours Dutch sermon on
Sunday, in the little slope church with the
gable end to the street, in the village of
Kinderhook. Martin was their oldest child.
He was square built and Dutch-looking,!
as he yet is, but rather small. Reworked
for his mother first—and his father when
he got able—and went to the church as
they went ; and thus grew up to the time
when Dutch boys are sent to school-.— of
Winters— say at about ten years old. His
father had learned in the Army that Eng
lish was the best, and he sent him to an
English school, it is strange, and what
not one Dutchman in fifty would believe;
itis nevertheless true, Martin was sent to an
English school. The boy went to work as
he had worked ou the little farm at home,
and forthwith left his fellows behind. In
the summer lie staid at home and worked,
and in the winter went to school ; which
he longed for, as play compared to the
plough-tail. And so it was. We have
tried die change, and know. Strange to
say, he beat the English boys, who went
summer and winter—caught up, and in the
spring was whole miles ahead. The like
of this we have seen West of Kinderhook,
and you who have boys to raise had as well
remember it. He neither learned to swear
nor drink; to gamble or wear fine cloths—
he learned only how to work—l.ow to wor
ship in Dutch—what the Conn, school-mas
ter taught him of books, and little more.
There was a sorter of an Academy at
Kinderhook where a little Latin was taught
and some bits of knowledge pertaining to
the sciences—those slight sips at the foun
tain, that have laid the ground work of so
many eminent minds in the United States.
There his father sent Martin when the Con
necticut teacher could teach him no fur
ther. Here be learned aud worked by
spells as before, uxtd be got through the
little latiu, and tlie scraps of knowledge
taught, which took not long. Then a dif
ficulty arose. The father made enough to
pay ’or his salt and iron, his taxes, tea and
sugar for Sunday, aud to pay the school
master at home ; but to send his son from
home was beyond his means; it was a bit
ter pill for the lad. To be froze with pov
erty in the bud, and the country full of
wealth in the hands of the large land-hold
ers, a decided aristocracy for the want of a
mere trifle, was a w ithering misfortune ; but
one under which almost the entire plebeian
talent of his country had sunk, during the
Colonial government, at least, and in this
case seemed to have no remedy, for there
were other children, ami the farm could not
be sold to educate one, at Yaleor Harvard.
The lad felt his powers: he had trite his
young strength with ail around him and
fl*eni qothing in his way. The very
agony of disappointment, inflicted by the
fiard hand of poverty which w itrhheid him
from College, strengthened his resolution
pot to sink under its weight; and it was u
glorious determination for an untriended,
poencouraged Dutch boy in an obscure
Dutch village! He determined to make a
Jawyer of himself; but to practice law in
N. York it required the student should
read reven years in a lawyer’s office, unless
he was a graduate at some regular College
or University. Seven years, therefore,
the lad had determined he would read—ap-
||||k' i&itif
plied to a little lawyer’s office in Kinder
hook at the age of about fifteen, ami was
received ; there to dredge tip lor himself
the education, that ten thousand worthless
coxcombs around him, the sons of wealthy
parents, were daily but uselessly coaxed to
acquire. Here lie studied six years, as he
had been taught to work at home by his fa
j ther and mother, six day in the week ; and
hear the Dutch sermon on Sunday. That
■he neither trod the Howry path of knowl
| edge, or travelled to it by a royal road, is
very true : yet lie made a very profitable
I six years of it. Magistrates had a consid-
I erable jurisdiction and tried the causes be
j fore juries summoned by const foie. The
I Dutch people, as they did with Dan’l Shes-
■ fey ; ;«id as they w ill with every son of a
! dutchman, flocked to “Martin,” for help,
' and he appeared before the justices and
juries as their champion during, perhaps,
halt the six years noviate ; acquiring a Kin
derhook name and fame, as gladding to the
heart of every Dutchman that heard of it,
as if Saint Nicholas had risen from the
grave. One of themselves ; one who could
but for their impassioned Dutch law story
in English, bad risen up to protect and de
fend their rights ! Few know the trust and
faith a Dutchman place * in a DutJ'mnn.
It has neither law nor limit. Then again
I Mr. Van Burens father was a strong and
downright democrat; and politics ran ex
ceedingly high. The parties rarely broke
bread in each others houses, or employed
lawyers of different politics. Y oung Van
Buren went with his father and the Demo
cratic side, will) strong and youthful ardor;
the petty law-suits before the Magistrates
were generally steeped pretty deeply in po
lilies, as was the advocacy; of course he
got the Democratic party in general, as well
well as tthe Dutch practice in particular.
Thus a little money was picked up, and the
seventh year Mr. Van Buren spent at the
City of N, York and read ; he did’nt
drink, smoke, swear, and haunt taverns, he
read with Mr. Van Ness, formerly from
Kinderhook, but then a very distinguished
member of the New York bar ; and a dis
tinguished leader of the Jefferson party in
that State; about 1803, in the minority,
and sorely beset by powerful federal oppo
nents, whom Mr. Van Buren and his Dutch
and Democratic friends some ten years
years afterwards, helped to upset; for which I
he has been called very hard names. The !
seventh year ended; Mr. V. B. took out I
a license, and sat down at his native vil
lage in November 1803, to practice his pro
fession ; wnich he did w ith a degree of in
tegrity, and eventually a splendor of ability
of which every American lawyer should
be proud. Os bis legal career from 1803,
to the fall of 1828, when he descended
from his legal pre-eminence to be governor
of New York, we shall speak hereafter.
HUDSON.
REFORM IN MARYLAND.
It is heart-cheering to witness the decis
ve and resolved feeling with which the re
publicans of Maryland assert their rights
against the long endured usurpation of
a minority, which has controlled the ma
jority with despotic sway —taxed the mass
of property of the Slate while unrepresent- '
ed, and created a debt of millions on a i
commonwealth—and, in effect, mortgaging
three-fourths of the estates of its citizens |
for money to be disposed of for the benefit j
of the other fourth. In Baltimore, Fred
erick, Cecil, and many other comities,
large public meetings have been held, de
manding the rights of the people; and
they take lor the principle of all their reso
lutions the President’s sentiment: “To
' ask nothing that is not clearly right, and
to submit to nothing that is wrong.” We
rejoice to see the chief of the Republican
party, and the Republican party itself
throughout the Union, thus identified with
the just cause of the people of Alaryland.
We taser/ the preoeedings atßßalt imore
GREAT REFORM MEETING.
Agreeably to public notice, a meeting
of the friends of Slate Reform was held at
Monument Square on Saturday evening,
September 17th. His Honor the Mayor,
General Samuel Smith, was called to the
Chair, ami the Hou. Benjamin C. How
ard and W illiam Krebs, Esq. were appoint
ed v ice Presidents, and Henry Al yers and
1. P. Scott, Esqrs. Secretaries.
life following preamble and resolutions
were introduced by Mr. Scott, and sup
ported by Gen. Howard, and unanimously
adopted by one of the largest meetings
ever held m this city.
Whereas, the people of Maryland have
long been sensible of the oppression of the
constitution of this State, and on various
occasions and by divers means have endea
vored in vain to obtain a redress of their
grievances through their legislative ser
vants; and, whereas, “forms of govern
ment are for the enjoyment of justice,” and
‘by the v»ry construction of the e.xist
irg constitution, this enjoyment is denied to
the people, inasmuch as the majority is de
prived of an equitable representation in
the law-making power, and entirely exclu
ded from a voice in the selection of their
chief law-executing agent; and, whereas,
by the effect of this, as well as other mis
chievous features of the constitution, the
i majority of the people and their rights and
I interests are made subservient to the acci
dental power of an extreme minority.
i And whereas, the evils growing out of
I the anti-republican constitution are made
! palpably manifest by the many and late
acts of unconstitutional or ill judged legis
lation ; by a deficient treasury; by increas
ing and burdsome taxation; by tlie partial
administration of justice; and by an odi
ous system of ba gain and influence, where
by the citizens of Maryland are made un
certain as tQ tlje free and full enjoyment of
their political rights, and the peace and
prosperity of the people are placed in con-
1 slant and painful jeopardy.
lIiLLKOGEVILLE, GEOIIGiA, TUESDAY OUTOBEB
And whereas, itis now, solemnly assert
ed, that, by these results of the constitu
tion, “ the ends of government are pervert
ed,” and it is conscientiously believed, from
the experience of the past, “that all other
means of' redress are ineffectual,” we there
fore throw ourselves upon our sacred bill of
rights, and in its language proclaim that
the people may, at any time, and in any
manner, they may deem most effectual, ami,
under the existing circumstances, that they
“ of right, ought to reform the old, or es
tablish a new government, and, “that the
doctrine of non-resistance against arbitra
ry power and oppression is absurd, slavish,
and destructive of the good and happiness
of mankind.
And whereas, the 15th section of the
constitution declares, that no Senate can
be formed utiles twenty-four electors agree
to meet for the appointment of the mem
bers of which it is to consist:
And whereas, the late election for such
senatorial electors has proved, that 19 elee
tors, who are a minority in the electoral
college, represent 205,922 of the white
population of this State; and that 21 elec
tors who are a majority' in that college re
present only 85,179 of the same popula
tion ; thus affording the incontestible evi
dence that the objects for which the major
ity of the people elected their agents, may
be entirely subverted by but litle over one
fourth of the white population.
And w hereas, all past efforts have evinc
ed how utterly hopeless will be any future :
exertion by the same means to obtain re
dress of these grievances from the Legis
lature , and w hereas, the power is with the
present electors to produce a reform of this
and other outrages upon the people’s rights
and privileges, either by obtaining a Sen
ate friendly to reform, together with a ma
jority, at least, in that Senate who may im- ;
mediately represent the majority of the vo-1
ters as shown by the late election, or upon j
refusal of this equitable demand, then in a !
peaceful manner to bring about the desired
result, by withdrawing from the college.
Therefore, Resolved, That we heartily j
respond in letter and spirit to the proceed
ings of the friends of reform adopted in I
Frederick on Saturday, September 10th,
and in Elkton, [Cecil,] on Thusrday the
15th instant.
Resolved, That the elector of Senate
from this city be, aud he is hereby in
structed to concur with the members of the
electoral college favorable to a reform of
the constitution of Maryland; and that if
a reform Senate, as specified in the pream- ;
ble, cannot be obtained, that he refuse to ,
meet the college. Provided that the elec- ,
tors from other counties and cities, having a >
majority of the white population of the j
State therein, will co-operate with him to
defeat the election of a Senate hostile to a
reform of the constitution to the ext.en.t a
bove detailed.
Resolved, That we most warmly adopt
the sentiment of our friends in Cecil, that
“we demand nothing which is not clearly j
right, and will submit to nothing that is
wrong,” and that the proceedings recom
mended in the above resolutions are the
only means by which the people can be
preserved for the next five years from the
worst of tyranny, that which is wielded by
a small minority in a government constitu
ted as our own.
SAMUEL SAIITH, Chm’n,
Be.nj. C. Howard, ) ... .. ...
Wm. Krebs. )
Henry Myers, s c . , ■
on i> i • L .. i Secretaries,
Ih. Parkin beott, )
From the Baltimore Republican.
THE CASE SETTLED.
We lay before our readers this morn
ing an address from Dr. Duvall respecting
whom our opponents have made various
allegations, all of which we know to be un
true. From this address the public will
perceive how entirely unfounded these alle
gations have been, and the light in which
he has viewed them. Difficult asthey have
been to be convinced, we trust they will
now’ perceive that they have nothing to ex
pect from Dr. D. and we can assure them
that they have as little to expect from any
of the other gentlemen on whom they have
been calculating. We tell them now, as
we have always told them, that no Senate
can or will be elected. All, therefore, that
remains to be done, is to prepare for the
formation of a new constitution, and our
opponents may just as well conclude at
once to join w ith ns in its formation. What
say you f will you participate with us in
the work, or leave us to accomplish italone?
We leave you to decide, but you must de
cide quickly, or the work will be accom
plished without your aid, and to our own
liking.
TO THE PUBLIC.
I had hoped that nothing would occur to
make it necessary for me to appear again
before the public. In the address o! the
nineteen Electors, which I signed, it is an
nounced to the people of Maryland, that no
one of them would participate in the for
mation of a Senate. The reasons for that |
determination are succinctly given in that I
paper. They were understood by me when j
I signed it—they were sanctioned by me |
then—they are adhered to now, and at no I
time since that publication was first made, |
have I by act or word justified a belief that j
I would change the position then assumed ;
on the contrary, I have uniformly declared I
before and since the last election, that I had
deliberately formed the opinion expressed i
ji the address, and had solemnly determin
'd to act in accordance with it. Notwith
-tandiug this unequivocal and undisguised
course on my part, some busy bodies, who
ipprarto think they know better than I do
myself what I propose to do, have continu
i'.'l to circulate the report that 1 intend to go
to Annapolis, and afford an opportunity to
tlie gentlemen there assembled, to form a
Senate. It appears to me lobe a dutythat
Oar 4'outtl
I owe to the people of the whole State, to
put to rest at once, and I hope forever, this
idle, mischievous rumor. Forthat purpose,
I now publicly det dare that I do not intend
to change the ground assumed by me, as
one of the Nineteen Electors. It was not
taken without full reflection, and subsequent
observation has s n ved to satisfy me that by
the course we have pursued, and by it alone
can the people of Maryland be speedily and
peaceably restored to the enjoyment of
their inalienable rights and privileges.—
The issue ofthe last election, alone, ought
to satisfy every reasonable and unprejudi
ced man that a convention ought to assem
ble to revise and amend the Constitution of
this State. The election was in some de
gree a trial of st l ength between two great
political parties. By one of them twenty,and
by the other sixty members of the House
of Delegates, have been chosen, and by an
examination of the returns of the election,
it appears that the twenty Delegates elect
ed by one party, represent about 176,000
of the free white inhabitants of the State,
and the sixty Delegates have been chosen
by about 113,000 free white inhabitants.
If there was then, no other defect in the
constitution, but that which produces such
a gross inequality as this, in the power pos
sessed by the people to vote for those who
are to levy and disburse taxes—to partici
pate in the passage of all laws, and in the
formation of the Executive and judicial de
partments of the Government, the constitu
tion of Maryland would be utterly unworthy
of the age. But the unjust apportionment
of representatives to the House ol’Delegates
is not the only objection felt by me, and
entertained by those who are my constitu
ents., to the present State constitution. I
desire to see all life estates abolished, and a
less tyrannical, and a more economical ju- j
diciary establishment created. 1 desire to
see power given to the people to elect their
own Governor, Senators, and county offi
cers, and hope the day is not far distant
when Marylanders will enjoy like privileges,
in the choice of all those who make and ad- i
minister the laws, to those that are now |
enjoyed by the people of nearly every '
State in the Union. 1 know that great pains I
are taking by many men to inflame the pub- |
lie mind and intimidate the friends of a con- i
vention. These artifices for that purpose!
have had, and shall have, no influence ou j
my determination. 1 know the present con- i
stitutipn w as formed by a convention of de- j
legates chosen by the people, li the pec- j
pie of Maryland, in the midst of a revolu- !
lion, could .calmly assemble, by their.repre- '
sentatives and form a constitution, in the
name of common sense, w hy cannot we do
so now ? We are at peace with the whole
world, apd have no cause to apprehend that 1
W.c shall not continue at peace with one an- j
other. And if so, with the advantages ol j
experience under our own constitution, and I
with opportunities to observe the action ofi
Governments all around us, such as the
people of Maryland appear to desire, why I
may we not peaceably, speedily, and har
moniously proceed to dojustice to all parts
of the State, by forming a constitution well
calculated to protect aud foster all its va
rious interests.
The population of the State appears to
be willing to make an honorable compro
mise with the counties, by giving to eaclt of
them,, without regard to tb.e numbers of their
inhabitants, the right to eject a Senator, and
tbene.can be no good reason why the repre-.
sentatives of the counties should not in re
turn give to the population a small increase
of the number of its representatives in the
House of Delegates. Allgood and perma
nent Governments are formed in compro
mise, and I have no reason to fear that the
people of Montgomery, in the midst of
whom I was born and have ever lived, will
disapprove of ’the course which 1 have
adopted, since it is calculated to afford an
opportunity to the whole people of die State
to meet in convention, and there by a spi
rit of magnanimity worthy of freemen, lay
the foundation of a government, republican
in its character and impartial in its dispen
sations of benefits and burdens to the w hole
people, for whose good and happiness, it is
to be created. The political panic-xnakers
may, .for a time, stagger and alarm the timid.
But,there will b.e seen such a.re-actiou as
will carry dismay to the hearts of those des
perate men, who, for mere party purposes,
are now jeapordizing the peace and good
order of society, by circulating the most
disgraceful and unfounded falsehoods.
To the people of Montgomery, by w hom
I was elected, I beg leave to tender now
publicly tny heartfelt gratitude for their
generous and prompt approbation, and to
invite them to unite with the republicans of
other portions of Alaryland in that spirit
which did honor to, and immortalized the
patriots of seventy-six in the good andjust
work of establishing peaceably and soberly
a form of government wot thy of the des
cendants of Chase, Carroll, and Paca.
I am, very respectfully,
Your fellow-citizen,
WASHINGTON DUVALL-
From the Augusta Constitutionalist.
There is a strange sight before the peo
ple ; and this sight is presented by the par
lies in opposition to the present federal ad
ministration, and to Air. Van Buren. And
what is it ? The combination of opposite
principles, and the union of men who, if in
power, would follow contrary and different
courses. How can that be ? It is as clear
as a noon-day sun. The nullifiers in the
South support Air. White for the presidency,
[ a man wim sanctioned the object of the
“Proclamation,” and voted forthe“Bloody
Bill.” The nullifiers in 11,le South pretend
to be the inveterate enemies of the aboli
tionists, and opposed to the reception of
petitions by Congress, for the abolition of
slavery. And yet their papers proclaimed
it as a great triumph, the re-election of Mr.
Slade to Congress, one ofthe most zealous
abolitionists of the north. Air Granger
i is the candidate ofthe XVbijgs fo|‘ the Vice
Presidency. Would not the Nullifiers ol
the south proclaim it as a triumph, should
he be elected The whigs ol the north,
with Air, Webster at their head, took a de
cided stand against the dpctyines of Air.
Calhoun, aud condemned in unmeasured
terms especially tlje doctrine of nullifica
tion. And yet, whenever a nu||ifier is eject
ed in the south itis considered by them as
a great triumph. The VV bigs, w ith Messrs.
Clay and Webster, are advocates of a pro
tective tariff'. And yet these same Wliigs
would exult should the nullifiers succeed in
electing Air. White and Air. Tyler. The
union men in the soyth rejected nullifica
tion, and yet some of them are seen acting
with the nullifiers, voting for them, and
supporting Air. Tyler for the vice presi
dency. Is not all this a strange sight ?
Apd can the people place men in power
who act so consistently ? It would be folly
to believe that a people so intelligent as the
people of the United States are, should be
so credulous as to believe the declarations
of the leaders of whigs and nullifiers, who,
1 if placed in power, would create confusion
in the measures of the federal government,
and impede the prosperity of tfie country,
Can nullification and the “ American Sys
tem,” be associated in the policy of the
government I Can Harrison, the aboli
tionist, bank man, tariff man, and internal
improvement man, be voted lor by the same
individuals who will vote for Tyler, the
nullifier ! And yet this strange and won
derful sight, may be seen in Georgia.
On the other baud, what do vve behold,
in regard to the union party. The union
men, as a party, are no nullifiers —no bank
men—no tariff men—no internal improve
ment men-—and no abolitionists. They
support lor the presidency a man who does
i not entertain any relish tor nullification, lor
the ban[t, for a protective tariff, nor lor
abolition. The union men are consistent
in their principles, iij supporting Air. Van
Buren for the presidency in preference to
the other candidates. If this gentlemen is
elected, the union men will not be disap-
I pointed in the policy he will pursite in the
1 administration ofthe government. Should i
Gen. Harrison be elected, would bis admi- i
! nistration please the nullifiers? Should'
Mr. White be elected, will he be able to ■
obtain the support of the abolitionists, w ho !
j no doubt will consider as a triumph, the I
I election of any body but Mr. Van Buren t i
j Will harmony prevail among the support- j
ers of either Air. White or Gen. Harrison, I
' should ope or the other he elected ? None !
! can be anticipated. Confusion and disor
der would ensue, which would place the
union in the most imminent peril. Are the
people of the United States prepared for
such a result of the approaching presiden
tial election,? They certainly are not: If
! they are not, they will make choice of Air.
| Van Buren as their president.
From the N. O. Bee.
\ THE ADMINISTRATION OF GEN.
JACKSON.
The administration of Gen. Jackson is
fast drawing to its termination, and one
naturally recurs to its past history. No ad
ministration has been more bitterly assailed,
no administration has encountered greater
difficulties, or has been more perseveringly
opposed, yet none w.e say emphatically has '
rendered more important services to the
contxtry or better developed science I
pf human government. The mot!
vexatious principles at home, and the
most difficult diplomatic relations.abroad I
have been surmounted .under it, and it J
is a matter of astonishment and reflects
the highest credit upon the President, that
all those questions without a solitary ex
ception have been settled definitely, and to
the honor and future prosperity of the coun
try. Our various claims upon foreign pow
ers have not been alone acknowlegd, but
have been paid; and the policy pursued
in relation to the difficulty with France, has
been of a nature to elevate us, and make
us respected abroad. Weljave practically
carried out the principle that while we ask
for nothing which is not fully right we sub
mit to nothing that is wrong. The esta
blishment of such a determination has done
more to secure us the b.essings of peace,
and to make other nations cautious in over
stepping the boundaries of equity and jus
tice in,their communications with us, than
all the diplomacy, or all the treaties we
have ever had with them.
Among tfie proudest trophies at home,
the extinguishment of the iNational Debt,
the reduction of the Tariff, the Retrench
ment of Public Expenditures, and the de
feat of the Bank of the United States are
the most prominent and whose wisdom pos
terity will most readily acknowledge. All
those measures have alone been effected by
a sagacity, an energy and an iron deter
mination which fall to the lot of but lew men.
The last act although we are aware we dii
fer from many whose wisdom and,experience
we respect, we consider the most important
and the most beneficial of all that General
Jackson has accomplished. The corrupt
and dangerous tendency of that insinuation
has been exhibited in its flagrant and out
rageous attempt to control the government
through the distresses whiqb it was compe
tent to produce among the people. It
wielded the greatest power which regulates
numan conduct, and was capable of consli-1
tilting itself the great pivot upon which all
national affairs should turn. Its pecuniary
favors were dealt out with a prodigal hand
.o members of Congress. Vast sums were
spent in printing and circulating election
eering documents, and in corrupting the
press. Abandoning its commercial charac
ter it became the political engine ami rally
ing point of hostility to the government ; it
determined at al! events to obtain a charter.
With studied and heartless cruelty, it caus
ed innumerable failures among unofl’emling
merchants who were to suffer for its sin.
Beggary and ruin were the portions of
ihoiisaiid who after patient industry calcu
lated upon the enjoyment of the fi’tiits of
their toils. But no, in a moment their pros
pects were blasted, and they were referred
to the hostile measures ofthe President as
the pretext for the persecutions they endur
eff. Many a helpless father in this city has
seen in one fatal week, his whole property
fall a wreck to this most infernal policy.
What would have been the fate qf the
country if the Bank had been countenan
ced by the President in its ambitious de
signs, instead of meeting with his decided
opposition ?
it would be futile to expect that tlie ene
mies of the President will acknowledge his
foresight, in this as well as in the other mea
sures of his administration. But when
party spirit has subsided they will be the
first to admit their propriety and necessity.
At all events, he may fearlessly appeal to
posterity : they will consider him the last of
the Romans.
WIHGGERY.
Itis said that the Secretary of the Hart
ford Convention, will publish a history of
the New Whigs, giving a particular and
authentic account ofthe party from its com
mencement in 1775, down to the present
time. It will contain the history of 1775,
vyhen they were Tories.
1778, their residence on Staten Island.
“82, their flight to Nova Scotia.
“84, their return, white-washed patriot?.
“89, monarchists in the Convention.
“94, British Treaty men.
“98, Black cockades.
1806, advocates of impressment, and oppo
nents of the embargo.
“12, Peace and submission men.
“13, Blue Lights.
“14, Hartford Conventionists.
“19, British Bankites.
“24, Federal Republicans.
“28, Adams men.
“31, Clay men.
“32, National Republicans,
“33, Nullifiers.
‘134, Bank WJiigs.
?\35, Harrison men,
“36, to be filled after the | election with
Harrison’s defeat.— Eastern Dem.
Nathaniel Macon.—At the head of
the Vgn Burep ticket for electors in North
Carolina stands the name of Nathaniel Ma
con—the Father pj Democracy. XV hat
motive can actuate the venerable patriot
in advocating tlie claims of Air. Van Buren?
None w ill accuse him of being capable of
being influenced by other than pure and
patriotic motives—his sterling honesty, his
indifference as to office, ids voluntary relin
quishment of the office of Senator an r d his
never-swerving devotion to democratic
principles, show beyond all doubt or cavil,
that he has stepped forward in his old age,
aud taken sides with the Republican party,
because that he believes that Mr. Van Bu
ren is worthy of tlie support ofßepublicans.
Air. Al.acon has served in the United States
Senate with Air. Van Buren and Judge
White; he knows them both, and under
stands their qualifications and their politi
cal principles. Betwixt the two he has se
lected Air. Van Buren. When such a man
as old Nat. Macon supports Air. Van Bu
ren, how idle is it for the mushroom politi
cians ofthe present day to charge him with
a want es attachment to Republican prin
ciples. We mention this fact, because ev
ery man now of age knows the character ol
Alacon for devotion to the Republican par
ty-—and because we know, that the opinion
of such a man must weigh w ith the Repub
licans of Tennessee.— Tennessee Dem.
From the Mobile Register.
WHIG TRICKERY.
Os all the ridiculous attempts to break
down Air. Van Buren in the south, that
which is based upon the pretence that he
is “«« abolitionist" and “a northern man,”
is the most bare-faced and outrageous. That
those who have used these unfair weapons
of warfare against,the Republican Candi
date, know that they are unfair, is abun
dantly plain from tiie readiness with whjch
they ground arms on this subject, and sur
render at discretion to Gen. Harrison, as
soon as they discover the slightest hope that
by so doing, they may possibly defeat Van
Buren* Harrison, in his Cheviot speech,
boldly takes the ground, that the .‘-surplus
revenue” should be used to buy up the
slaves ol the south, and expresses it as the
wish “dearest to his heart,” that the period
may be near at hand when it can be said
that the “sun shines not on American
slaves.” He has not only said this, but
unlike Air. V an Buren, who candidly an
swers the interrogatories even of his ene
mies, “be buckles up his opinions in his own
doublet,” and when asked by tlie citizens of
Vermont for his opinions on thg power of
Congress in regard to slavery, he dodges
the question, and refuses to answei! And
this is the candidate of the Nullifiers ol
the south! That “chivalrous” party who
were not willing to take Van Buren’s
casting voteoi} Calhoun’s Rill as a guaran
tee for his action towards the south in future,
backed as that vote was by the unequivo
cal expression of the opinion, that it be
came whoever was elected to the Presiden
cy, “to use all constitutional means to pre
vent an interference” with slavery, even in
the District of Columbia!
But unblushingly as is this utterly inde
fensible conduct of the Nullifiers, and char
acterized as it plainly is by the piost utter
destitution of any thing like the semblance
of principle—there is anothejr small party
of the south, who are co-operating with the
Nullifiers against the Republican party, and
who are not the less liable to severe uni
mad version than are the reckless Nullifiers
themselves. We refer to that small but
bitter little faction in the southern States,
who have always been found heretofore the
warmest and loude.st in support <>J noithern
men, provided those northern men happen
ed to be thoroughgoing, full blooded fed
eralists. Who was it that supported John
Quincy Adams, a northern man, with all
i his obnoxious notions about slavery, aslatc-
£s¥ P. 1,. r,.
iW. 144
' •nrrzrwjrix-vr.' tn« i ma in n Ulk
ly disclosed by liisspecch in Congress, oq
the affairs of Texas? Who was it that
strained every nerve for Henry Clay, whom
Bull'Green now denounces ns “tenfold
worse than an abolitionist?” Whr> yvas it V
that sang pecans to John Sergeaut, the. v
avowed abolitionist and Missouri restric
tionist when he was on Clay’s ticket as
Vice President? It was no other
little, embittered, exclusive Federal party, Jv
that is now shameless enough to affect to qS|
forget its principles, and bark in with the
Nullifiers in singing out “abolition,” for
the purpose of hunting down Alartin Vaq IP
Buren, as if lie were a wild beast. They I '
cannot forget that Air. Van Buren is a Re- V
publican— that in their eyes is his unpar
donable offence —To punish and destroy
him, all principle is openly abandoned, ariff
all arts, however contemptible, are seized
on and used with the most voracious advidi
ty. In due time, the people will put thiir.
veto upon the conspirators.
MISREPRSENTATION.
The New York Express says the young
men of the Union are opposed to Alarlin
Van Buren. Astonishing! Wonder if the
editor learned this w hile on his tour through
Europe ?
frent. Emporium.
Note by the Globe.— The travelled edit
or of tlie Express, now in the pmploy of
the Bank party, seems, as a Baron Alun
chausen, to be second pnly to Al. AL
Noah,
SPANISH INDEMNITY.
We are much gratified tg learn |hat a
portion of the Spanish indemnity has also
been paid, <;;id arrived it) this country, be
sides all the instalments due from France
and Naples.
Yet this is the administration which the
merchants have been urged by the bank tq
thwart and oppose !
WHAT DOES WIHGGERY MEAN
On the re-ekciion of Slade and Everett,
from Vermont, two of the leaders of aboli
tionism, and, anti-masonry in .Cmjgres.s,
the Chronicle and Patriot, cry out, ‘Huzza
tor the Whigs.” On the election ofa nul
lifier in Carolina or Alabama, the same pa
pers repeat the cry, ‘ Huzza for H:e Whigc.’
; At our approaching election for Delegates
! to the Slate Legislature, Daniel Raymond,
'is a candidate on the Whig ticket fiir
j Alegany county—the same individual who
! was a professed aud ax owed abolitionist, or
anti-slavery candidate for the same station
in this city in 1525 and 1826 ; and’ not
withstanding the hisdng he received when
on tlie slump, he stood a poll, receiving in
in the first 624 \ otes, and in the second,
i o<4 voles, of the ten thousand voters of our
city.
He maintained his odious ffoctrines in
! an address signed by himself, and'pulished
I in our city papers about the 22d
1825. Dull Green, moreover, who has re
moved to Alleghany county, and who pro
fesses to recoil from an abolitionist as he
( would from a rattlesn«ke, is understood to
be engaged in supporting the election of
Daniel Raymond. We repeat, what does
M higgery mean r— Trent. Epiporium.
A Compliment.—The Hampshire Mass
Gazette, speaking of the election by tlie
House oi Representatives, calls Harrison a
“ lesser evil!” Whata name thisforaPre
sident of the United Slates! and what an
alternative too for a State whicli boasts a
“ god-like” w ithin its borders! Sic transit
gloria Massachusetts!—Trent. Emp.
EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS,
To the Freemen cf North Carolina.
—Fellow-Citizens : The term for w hiclj
General Jackson was elected President will
expire ou the 4th of March next, and an
earlier day will call upon the people of the
United States io decide who shall be his
successor.
To whom tiie vote of this Slate shall be
given on that occasion, is a question impor
tant to our welfare, and to our consistency.
The leaders of the party opposed to tlie
present administration, who for years past,
have denounced without measure, and cot.-
cemded without reason, every leading
act ofthe National Government, are perse
vering in thir efforts to attract to Judge
White the favor and confidence of the peo
ple.
It becomes an interesting inquiry among
those w ho have supported, and still approve
of the present administration, how far the
support ol Judge V. bite is calculated tq
Carry out the measures w hich Genl. Jack
son so wisely begun, and the people have
so ilrmlv sustained. Aleasures, the fiuits
of which are already manilest in the un
exampled prosperity of tlie country; mea
sures w hie h the republicans of this State
have advocated as our safeguard against
the perils of disunion, our only sure de
fence lor populai liberty.
JUDGE WHITE,
That Judge White is supported by the
narty opposed to the present administration
(br tlie purpose of subverting its principles
and elevating into power those who have
resisted its measures and intend to alter its
policv, is so plain, that we wonder only
how any man of candor can pretend tq
doubt it.
It is denied ? Then we appeal to every
candid man in the State to look andseeif
every Auti-Jacksoii man among us—if eve
ry man w ho has been lukewarm or suspect
ed in his attachment to the administration —
if these are not loudest in their support of
Judge White? if they do not proscribe
every man, no matter w hat bis public ser
\ ices have been, and however orthodox
his politics heretofore, who does not go
with them in the cause of Judge White?
We ask you to look and see il the late elec
tion ol'a Governor in this State is not al-
